1.
Conservatism
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Conservatism is a political and social philosophy that promotes retaining traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The term, historically associated with right-wing politics, has since used to describe a wide range of views. There is no set of policies that are universally regarded as conservative, because the meaning of conservatism depends on what is considered traditional in a given place. Thus conservatives from different parts of the world—each upholding their respective traditions—may disagree on a range of issues. In contrast to the definition of conservatism, political theorists such as Corey Robin define conservatism primarily in terms of a general defense of social. In Great Britain, conservative ideas emerged in the Tory movement during the Restoration period, Toryism supported a hierarchical society with a monarch who ruled by divine right. Tories opposed the idea that sovereignty derived from the people, and rejected the authority of parliament, Robert Filmers Patriarcha, or the Natural Power of Kings, published posthumously in 1680 but written before the English Civil War of 1642–1651, became accepted as the statement of their doctrine. However, the Glorious Revolution of 1688 destroyed this principle to some degree by establishing a government in England. Faced with defeat, the Tories reformed their movement, now holding that sovereignty was vested in the three estates of Crown, Lords, and Commons rather than solely in the Crown, Toryism became marginalized during the long period of Whig ascendancy in the 18th century. Conservatives typically see Richard Hooker as the father of conservatism, along with the Marquess of Halifax, David Hume. Halifax promoted pragmatism in government, whilst Hume argued against political rationalism and utopianism, Burke served as the private secretary to the Marquis of Rockingham and as official pamphleteer to the Rockingham branch of the Whig party. Together with the Tories, they were the conservatives in the late 18th century United Kingdom, Burkes views were a mixture of liberal and conservative. He supported the American Revolution of 1765–1783 but abhorred the violence of the French Revolution and he insisted on standards of honor derived from the medieval aristocratic tradition, and saw the aristocracy as the nations natural leaders. That meant limits on the powers of the Crown, since he found the institutions of Parliament to be better informed than commissions appointed by the executive and he favored an established church, but allowed for a degree of religious toleration. Burke justified the order on the basis of tradition, tradition represented the wisdom of the species and he valued community. Burke was a leading theorist in his day, finding extreme idealism an endangerment to broader liberties, despite their influence on future conservative thought, none of these early contributors were explicitly involved in Tory politics. Hooker lived in the 16th century, long before the advent of toryism, whilst Hume was an apolitical philosopher, Burke described himself as a Whig. Shortly after Burkes death in 1797, conservatism revived as a political force as the Whigs suffered a series of internal divisions
2.
Liberal conservatism
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It is a political position which incorporates support for civil liberties and capitalism, along with some social-conservative positions. As both conservatism and liberalism have had different meanings over time and across countries, the liberal conservatism has been used in quite different ways. It usually contrasts with aristocratic conservatism, which rejects the principle of equality as something in discordance with human nature, consequently, in the United States the term liberal conservatism is not used and American modern liberalism happens to be quite different from the European brand. The opposite is true in Latin America, where economically liberal conservatism is often labelled under the rubric of neoliberalism both in culture and academic discourse. In much of central and northwestern Europe, especially in Germanic and traditionally Protestant countries, often this involves stressing free-market economics and the belief in individual responsibility together with the defense of civil rights, and support for a limited welfare state. In the modern European discourse, liberal conservatism usually encompasses centre-right political outlooks that reject, at least to some extent and this position is also associated with support for moderate forms of social safety net and environmentalism. Historically, in the 18th and 19th centuries, conservatism comprised a set of principles based on concern for established tradition, respect for authority, and religious values. This form of traditionalist or classical conservatism is often considered to be exemplified by the writings of Joseph de Maistre, contemporaneous liberalism – now recalled as classical liberalism – advocated both political freedom for individuals and a free market in the economic sphere. The maxim of liberal conservatism, according to scholar Andrew Vincent, is economics is prior to politics, nonetheless, in most countries the term liberal is used to describe those with free-market economic views. This is the case, for example, in continental Europe, Australia and Latin America
3.
Neoconservatism
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For modern conservatism in other countries, see Conservatism § Modern conservatism in different countries. Neoconservatism is a movement born in the United States during the 1960s among conservative-leaning Democrats who became disenchanted with the partys foreign policy. Many of its adherents became politically famous during the Republican presidential administrations of the 1970s, 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, neoconservatives peaked in influence during the administration of George W. Bush, when they played a major role in promoting and planning the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Prominent neoconservatives in the George W. Bush administration included Paul Wolfowitz, Elliott Abrams, Richard Perle, the term neoconservative refers to those who made the ideological journey from the anti-Stalinist Left to the camp of American conservatism. The movement had its roots in the Jewish monthly review magazine Commentary. They spoke out against the New Left and in that way helped define the movement, the neoconservative label was used by Irving Kristol in his 1979 article Confessions of a True, Self-Confessed Neoconservative. His ideas have been influential since the 1950s, when he co-founded and edited the magazine Encounter, another source was Norman Podhoretz, editor of the magazine Commentary from 1960 to 1995. By 1982 Podhoretz was terming himself a neoconservative, in a New York Times Magazine article titled The Neoconservative Anguish over Reagans Foreign Policy. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the neoconservatives considered that liberalism had failed and no longer knew what it was talking about, seymour Lipset asserts that the term neoconservative was used originally by a socialist to criticize the politics of Social Democrats, USA. Jonah Goldberg argues that the term is ideological criticism against proponents of American modern liberalism who had become more conservative. Through the 1950s and early 1960s, the future neoconservatives had endorsed the American Civil Rights Movement, racial integration, from the 1950s to the 1960s, there was general endorsement among liberals for military action to prevent a communist victory in Vietnam. Many were particularly alarmed by what they claimed were anti-semitic sentiments from Black Power advocates, a substantial number of neoconservatives were originally moderate socialists associated with the right-wing of the Socialist Party of America, and its successor, Social Democrats, USA. Max Shachtman, a former Trotskyist theorist who developed an antipathy towards the New Left, had numerous devotees among SDUSA with strong links to George Meanys AFL-CIO. Following Shachtman and Meany, this led the SP to oppose an immediate withdrawal from the Vietnam War. They also chose to cease their own party-building and concentrated on working within the Democratic Party, thus the Socialist Party ceased to be in 1972 and SDUSA emerged. SDUSA leaders associated with neoconservatism include Carl Gershman, Penn Kemble, Joshua Muravchik, Norman Podhoretzs magazine Commentary of the American Jewish Committee, originally a journal of liberalism, became a major publication for neoconservatives during the 1970s. Commentary published an article by Jeane Kirkpatrick, an early and prototypical neoconservative, many neoconservatives had been Jewish intellectuals in New York City during the 1930s. They were on the left but strongly opposed Stalinism, some were Trotskyists
4.
One-nation conservatism
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One-nation conservatism is a form of British political conservatism that views society as organic and values paternalism and pragmatism. The phrase One-nation Tory originated with Benjamin Disraeli, who served as the chief Conservative spokesman and he devised it to appeal to working-class men as a solution to worsening divisions in society through introducing factory and health Acts, as well as greater protection for workers. As a political philosophy, one-nation conservatism reflects the belief that societies exist and develop organically, there is particular emphasis on the paternalistic obligation of those who are privileged and wealthy to the poorer parts of society. The ideology featured heavily during Disraelis terms in government, during which considerable social reforms were passed, later years saw the rise of the New Right, which attributed the countrys social and economic troubles to one-nation conservatism. Other commentators have questioned the degree to which Cameron and his coalition have embodied One-Nation Conservatism, in 2016, Camerons successor, Theresa May, referred to herself as a one-nation conservative in her first speech as prime minister and outlined her focus on social justice. Disraelis conservatism proposed a society with the social classes intact. He emphasised the importance of social obligation rather than the individualism that pervaded his society, Disraeli warned that Britain would become divided into two nations, of the rich and poor, as a result of increased industrialisation and inequality. Concerned at this division, he supported measures to improve the lives of the people to social support. Disraeli justified his ideas by his belief in a society in which the different classes have natural obligations to one another. He saw society as naturally hierarchical and emphasised the obligation of those at the top to those below, Benjamin Disraeli adopted one-nation conservatism for both ethical and electoral reasons. One-nationism would both improve the conditions of the poor and portray the Liberal Party as selfish individualists, because the party portrayed itself as a national party, its members were unsure whether to make specific appeals to the working classes. A more positive approach to the class by the party developed later out of the electoral necessity to secure working-class votes. While in government, Disraeli presided over a series of reforms which supported his one-nation politics. He appointed a Royal Commission to assess the state of law between employers and employees, the result of which prompted Richard Cross to pass the Employers and this act made both sides of industry equal before the law and the breach of contract a civil offence, rather than criminal. By the end of the 19th century, the Conservatives had moved away from their ideology and were increasingly supportive of capitalism. During the interwar period, public fear of communism restored the Conservative Party to one-nationism as it defined itself as the party of national unity, as the effects of the Great Depression were felt in Britain, the party was drawn to even greater levels of state intervention. The Conservative Prime Ministers Neville Chamberlain and Stanley Baldwin pursued an interventionist style of conservatism which won them democratic support because of its electoral appeal. Throughout the post-war consensus of the 1950s and 60s, the Conservative Party was dominated by conservatives whose ideas were inspired by Disraeli
5.
Traditionalist conservatism
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Some traditionalists have embraced the labels reactionary and counterrevolutionary, defying the stigma that has attached to these terms since the Enlightenment. Traditionalism developed throughout the 18th-century Europe, in the middle of the 20th century it started to organize itself in earnest as an intellectual and political force. This more modern expression of traditionalist conservatism began among a group of U. S, belief in natural law and transcendent moral order lay the foundation for traditionalist conservative thought. Reason and Divine Revelation inform natural law and the truths of faith. It is through these universal truths of faith that man orders himself, mankind organized society on the basis of these universal truths of faith. The traditionalist holds axiomatic the belief that religion precedes civilization, most traditionalist conservatives embrace High Church Christianity. Not all traditionalists, however, are High Church Christians, Other traditionalists whose faith traditions are notable include Caleb Stegall, who is an evangelical Protestant. Many conservative mainline Protestants are also traditionalist conservatives, including some of writers for Touchstone Magazine, many traditionalists are Jewish, such as the late Will Herberg, Irving Louis Horowitz, Mordecai Roshwald, and Paul Gottfried. As the name suggests, traditionalists believe that tradition and custom guide man, each generation inherits the experience and culture of its ancestors and through convention and precedence man is able to pass it down to his descendants. To paraphrase Edmund Burke, often regarded as the father of conservatism, The individual is foolish. Traditionalist conservatives believe that society is essentially hierarchical. Hierarchy allows for the preservation of the whole community simultaneously, instead of protecting one part at the expense of the others, while most traditionalist conservatives are cosmopolitan and many live in urban centers, the countryside and the values of rural life are prized highly. The principles of agrarianism are central to an understanding of rural life. Traditionalists defend classical Western civilization, and value an education informed by the texts of the Hebraic, Greek, Roman, similarly, traditionalists are classicists who revere high culture in all of its manifestations. Unlike nationalists, who esteem the role of the State or nation over the local or regional community, Traditionalist conservatives think that loyalty to a locality or region is more central than any commitment to a larger political entity. Traditionalists also welcome the value of subsidiarity and the intimacy of ones community, nationalism, alternately, leads to jingoism and views the state as abstract from the local community and family structure rather than as an outgrowth of these local realities. Traditionalist conservatism began with the thought of Anglo-Irish Whig statesman and philosopher Edmund Burke, whose principles were rooted in moral natural law. Burke believed in prescriptive rights and that those rights were God-given and he also defended what he referred to as ordered liberty
6.
Free market
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Another view considers systems with significant market power, inequality of bargaining power, or information asymmetry to be less than free. It is a result of a need being, then the need being met, prices for goods and services are set freely by the forces of supply and demand and are allowed to reach their point of equilibrium without intervention by government policy. Others believe regulation might be part of a market, if the regulation is necessary to control significant market power, inequality of bargaining power. The latter view implies a free market is not necessarily deregulated, although some of those with the former belief speak of free markets, friedrich Hayek argued in The Pure Theory of Capital that the goal is the preservation of the unique information contained in the price itself. The definition of free market has been disputed and made complex by collectivist political philosophers, during the marginal revolution, subjective value theory was rediscovered. Various forms of socialism based on free markets have existed since the 19th century, early notable socialist proponents of free markets include Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Benjamin Tucker, and the Ricardian socialists. These economists believed that free markets and voluntary exchange could not exist within the exploitative conditions of capitalism. Advocates of free-market socialism such as Jaroslav Vanek argue that free markets are not possible under conditions of private ownership of productive property. Socialists also point out that free market capitalism leads to excessive disparities in the distribution of income, corporate monopolies run rampant in free markets, with endless agency over the consumer. Thus, free market capitalism desires government regulation of markets to prevent social instability and this implies that economic rents, i. e. profits generated from lack of perfect competition, must be reduced or eliminated as much as possible through free competition. Economic theory suggests the returns to land and other resources are economic rents that cannot be reduced in such a way because of their perfect inelastic supply. Some economic thinkers emphasize the need to share those rents as a requirement for a well functioning market. It is suggested this would eliminate the need for regular taxes that have a negative effect on trade as well as release land. Two features that improve the competition and free market mechanisms, winston Churchill supported this view by his statement Land is the mother of all monopoly. The American economist and social philosopher Henry George, the most famous proponent of this thesis, followers of his ideas are often called Georgists or Geoists and Geolibertarians. Léon Walras, one of the founders of the neoclassical economics who helped formulate the general theory, had a very similar view. He argued that competition could only be realized under conditions of state ownership of natural resources. Additionally, income taxes could be eliminated because the state would receive income to public services through owning such resources and enterprises
7.
Private property
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Private property is a legal designation for the ownership of property by non-governmental legal entities. Private property is distinguishable from public property, which is owned by an entity, and from collective property. Private property is distinguished from personal property, which refers to property for personal use. Private property is a concept defined and enforced by a countrys political system. Prior to the 18th century, English-speakers generally used the property in reference to land ownership. In England, property did not have a legal definition until the 17th century, private property as commercial property was invented with the great European trading companies of the 17th century. John Locke, in arguing against supporters of monarchy, conceptualized property as a natural right that God had not bestowed exclusively on the monarchy. Influenced by the rise of mercantilism, Locke argued that property was antecedent to. Locke distinguished between common property, by which he meant open-access property, and property in goods and producer-goods. His chief argument for property in land was improved land management, smith confined natural rights to liberty and life. Smith further argued that government could not exist without property. Economic liberals consider private property to be essential for the construction of a prosperous society and they believe private ownership of land ensures the land will be put to productive use and its value protected by the landowner. If the owners must pay property taxes, this forces the owners to maintain a productive output from the land to keep taxes current, private property also attaches a monetary value to land, which can be used to trade or as collateral. Private property thus is an important part of capitalization within the economy, socialist economists are critical of private property as socialism aims to substitute private property in the means of production for social ownership or public property. Socialists generally favor social ownership either to eliminate the distinctions between owners and workers, and as a component of the development of a post-capitalist economic system. According to Mises, this problem would make rational socialist calculation impossible, in Marxian economics and socialist politics, there is distinction between private property and personal property. Prior to the 18th century, private property usually referred to land ownership, private property in the means of production is criticized by socialists, who use the term in a different meaning. The socialist critique of private ownership is heavily influenced by the Marxian analysis of capitalist property forms as part of its critique of alienation and exploitation in capitalism
8.
Rule of law
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The rule of law is the legal principle that law should govern a nation, as opposed to being governed by arbitrary decisions of individual government officials. It primarily refers to the influence and authority of law within society, particularly as a constraint upon behaviour, including behaviour of government officials. The phrase can be traced back to 16th century Britain, John Locke defined freedom under the rule of law as follows, “Freedom is constrained by laws in both the state of nature and political society. Freedom of nature is to be no other restraint but the law of nature. Freedom of people under government is to be under no restraint apart from standing rules to live by that are common to everyone in the society and made by the lawmaking power established in it. Persons have a right or liberty to follow their own will in all things that the law has not prohibited and not be subject to the inconstant, uncertain, unknown, and arbitrary wills of others. ”The rule of law was further popularized in the 19th century by British jurist A. V. Dicey. The concept, if not the phrase, was familiar to ancient philosophers such as Aristotle, Rule of law implies that every citizen is subject to the law, including lawmakers themselves. In this sense, it stands in contrast to an autocracy, dictatorship, Government based upon the rule of law is called nomocracy. In the West, the ancient Greeks initially regarded the best form of government as rule by the best men, Plato advocated a benevolent monarchy ruled by an idealized philosopher king, who was above the law. More than Plato attempted to do, Aristotle flatly opposed letting the highest officials wield power beyond guarding and serving the laws, according to the Roman statesman Cicero, We are all servants of the laws in order that we may be free. During the Roman Republic, controversial magistrates might be put on trial when their terms of office expired, under the Roman Empire, the sovereign was personally immune, but those with grievances could sue the treasury. In contrast, the Huang-Lao school of Daoism rejected legal positivism in favor of a law that even the ruler would be subject to. There has recently been an effort to reevaluate the influence of the Bible on Western constitutional law, according to Professor Bernard M. Levinson, This legislation was so utopian in its own time that it seems never to have been implemented. The Deuteronomic social vision may have influenced opponents of the right of kings. In Islamic jurisprudence rule of law was formulated in the century, so that no official could claim to be above the law. However, this was not a reference to law. Alfred the Great, Anglo-Saxon King of the 9th century, reformed the law of his kingdom and created a law code with the biblical Mosaic law and he ruled that justice had to be equal between people, whether rich or poor, friends or enemies. This was likely inspired from Leviticus 19, You shall do no injustice in judgment and you shall not be partial to the poor, nor defer to the great
9.
Small government
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Small government is government which minimizes its own activities. It is an important topic in libertarianism and classical liberalism, in Australian politics, the Labor Party has traditionally been perceived as the party of big government, while the Liberal Party is the party of small government. Of the 34 advanced economies, Australias revenue is the ninth lowest, in particular, he favors lower taxes and less government interference in corporate and individual matters. However, since then, Rasmussen has repudiated many of the views expressed in the book, moving towards the centre-right, Hong Kong has followed small government, laissez-faire policies for decades, limiting government intervention in business. Milton Friedman described Hong Kong as a state and he credits that policy for the rapid move from poverty to prosperity in 50 years. While some argue that since Hong Kong was a British colony and Britain was not a free market and it should be noted that during its colonization of Hong Kong, Britain implemented the policy of positive non-interventionism in regards to Hong Kong, which led to its economic success. A1994 World Bank Group report stated that Hong Kongs GDP per capita grew in real terms at a rate of 6. 5% from 1965 to 1989. By 1990 Hong Kongs per capita income officially surpassed that of the ruling United Kingdom, since 1995 Hong Kong has been ranked as having the worlds most liberal capital markets by the Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street Journal. The Fraser Institute concurred in 2007, the idea of small government was heavily promoted in the United Kingdom by the Conservative government under the Premiership of Margaret Thatcher. There are differing views on the extent to which it was achieved and it allowed the stock markets and industries to compete more heavily with each other and made British goods more valued in world trade. An important part of the Thatcher governments policy was privatization, which was intended to reduce the role of the state in the economy, supporters blamed excessive government intervention for much of Britains economic woes during the late 1960s and 1970s. Opponents argue that privatization harms social programs for the poor and this argument is particularly heard in connection with the railways and the National Health Service. Small government supporters point out that, although record amounts of funding have gone into transport, in the 20th century, small government was generally associated with the Conservative Party and big government with the Labour Party. In the 21st century, both parties have embraced similar economic policies, leading both to be associated with big government, in addition to opposing government intervention in the economy, advocates of small government oppose government intervention in peoples personal lives. The Labour government during the Premiership of Tony Blair was criticized on this score and this has been dubbed as the nanny state. The United States is a constitutional republic, in adopting the United States Constitution, the states agreed to accept a strong federal government. In The Federalist Papers, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, Ronald Reagan was a small government conservative. He famously said, Government is not a solution to our problem and this has become the unofficial slogan of the Tea Party movement, and conservative commentators like Glenn Beck and Rush Limbaugh
10.
Tradition
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A tradition is a belief or behavior passed down within a group or society with symbolic meaning or special significance with origins in the past. Common examples include holidays or impractical but socially meaningful clothes, there are about 150 new traditions made each year. Traditions can persist and evolve for thousands of years—the word tradition itself derives from the Latin tradere or traderer literally meaning to transmit, to hand over, to give for safekeeping. While it is assumed that traditions have ancient history, many traditions have been invented on purpose, whether that be political or cultural. Various academic disciplines also use the word in a variety of ways, one way tradition is used more simply, often in academic work but elsewhere also, is to indicate the quality of a piece of information being discussed. For example, According to tradition, Homer was born on Chios and this tradition may never be proven or disproven. In another example, King Arthur, by tradition a true British king, has inspired many well loved stories, of course whether they are documented fact or not does not decrease their value as cultural history and literature. Aside from this use in describing the quality of information, various scholarly fields define the term differently, for example, anthropology and biology have each defined tradition it more precisely than in conventional, as described below, in order to facilitate scholarly discourse. The concept of tradition, as the notion of holding on to a time, is also found in political and philosophical discourse. For example, it is the basis of the concept of traditionalism. In artistic contexts, tradition is used to decide the correct display of an art form, for example, in the performance of traditional genres, adherence to guidelines dictating how an art form should be composed are given greater importance than the performers own preferences. A number of factors can exacerbate the loss of tradition, including industrialization, globalization, in response to this, tradition-preservation attempts have now been started in many countries around the world, focusing on aspects such as traditional languages. Tradition is usually contrasted with the goal of modernity and should be differentiated from customs, conventions, laws, norms, routines, rules and similar concepts. The English word tradition comes from the Latin traditio, the noun from the verb traderere or tradere, it was used in Roman law to refer to the concept of legal transfers. As with many other terms, there are many definitions of tradition. Tradition can also refer to beliefs or customs that are Prehistoric, with lost or arcane origins, originally, traditions were passed orally, without the need for a writing system. Tools to aid this process include poetic devices such as rhyme, the stories thus preserved are also referred to as tradition, or as part of an oral tradition. Even such traditions, however, are presumed to have originated at some point, Traditions are often presumed to be ancient, unalterable, and deeply important, though they may sometimes be much less natural than is presumed
11.
Giambattista Vico
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Giambattista Vico was an Italian political philosopher and rhetorician, historian, and jurist, recognized as a great intellectual of the Age of Enlightenment. He criticized the expansion and development of rationalism and was an apologist for Classical Antiquity, Vico is best known for his magnum opus. Although not an historicist, interest in Vico usually has been driven by historicists, such as Isaiah Berlin, moreover, Giambattista Vico also is known for the Latin aphorism Verum esse ipsum factum, which proposition is an early instance of constructivist epistemology. Evidence from his work points to the likelihood Vico was mostly self-taught. According to Costelloe, this was due to his fathers influence on him during an absence from school caused by a fall at the age of seven. Vico received his higher education at the University of Naples from which he graduated in 1694 as Doctor of Civil. After a bout of typhus in 1686, he accepted a position in Vatolla, south of Salerno. In 1699, he married a friend, Teresa Caterina Destito. Throughout his career, Vico would aspire to, but never attain, in 1734, however, he was appointed historiographer royal by Charles III, king of Naples, and was offered a salary far surpassing that of his professorship. Vico retained the chair of rhetoric until ill-health forced him to retire in 1741, the New Science is his major work and has been highly influential in the philosophy of history, and for historicists like Isaiah Berlin and Hayden White. Vico is best known for his verum factum principle, first formulated in 1710 as part of his De antiquissima Italorum sapientia, ex linguae latinae originibus eruenda. The principle states that truth is verified through creation or invention and not, as per Descartes, through observation, “The criterion, accordingly, our clear and distinct idea of the mind cannot be a criterion of the mind itself, still less of other truths. For while the mind itself, it does not make itself. ”This criterion for truth would later shape the history of civilization in Vico’s opus. Vicos version of rhetoric is often seen as the result of both his humanist and pedagogic concerns, as Royal Professor of Latin Eloquence, it was Vico’s task to prepare students for higher studies in law and jurisprudence. His lessons thus dealt with the aspects of the rhetorical canon, including arrangement. Yet as the above oration also makes clear, Vico chose to emphasize the Aristotelian connection of rhetoric with dialectic or logic, Vicos objection to modern rhetoric is that it cuts itself off from common sense, as the sense common to all men. Probability and circumstance retain their proportionate importance, and discovery – reliant upon topics or loci – supersedes axioms derived through reflective abstraction. In the tradition of classical Roman rhetoric, Vico sets out to educate the orator as the deliverer of the oratio, in the tradition of Socrates and Cicero, Vicos real orator or rhetorician will serve as midwife in the birth of the true out of the certain
12.
Edmund Burke
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Burke criticized British treatment of the American colonies, including through its taxation policies. Burke is remembered for his support for Catholic emancipation, the impeachment of Warren Hastings from the East India Company, in the nineteenth century Burke was praised by both conservatives and liberals. Subsequently, in the century, he became widely regarded as the philosophical founder of modern conservatism. Burke was born in Dublin, Ireland, Burke adhered to his fathers faith and remained a practising Anglican throughout his life, unlike his sister Juliana who was brought up as and remained a Roman Catholic. Although never denying his Irishness, Burke often described himself as an Englishman, according to the historian J. C. D. Clark, this was in an age before Celtic nationalism sought to make Irishness and Englishness incompatible. As a child he spent time away from the unhealthy air of Dublin with his mothers family in the Blackwater Valley in County Cork. He received his education at a Quaker school in Ballitore, County Kildare, some 67 kilometres from Dublin. He remained in correspondence with his schoolmate from there, Mary Leadbeater, in 1744, Burke started at Trinity College Dublin, a Protestant establishment, which up until 1793, did not permit Catholics to take degrees. The minutes of the meetings of Burkes Club remain in the collection of the Historical Society, Burke graduated from Trinity in 1748. Burkes father wanted him to read Law, and with this in mind he went to London in 1750, after eschewing the Law, he pursued a livelihood through writing. The late Lord Bolingbrokes Letters on the Study and Use of History was published in 1752 and this provoked Burke into writing his first published work, A Vindication of Natural Society, A View of the Miseries and Evils Arising to Mankind, appearing in Spring 1756. Burke imitated Bolingbrokes style and ideas in a reductio ad absurdum of his arguments for atheistic rationalism, Burke claimed that Bolingbrokes arguments against revealed religion could apply to all social and civil institutions as well. Lord Chesterfield and Bishop Warburton initially thought that the work was genuinely by Bolingbroke rather than a satire, all the reviews of the work were positive, with critics especially appreciative of Burkes quality of writing. Some reviewers failed to notice the ironic nature of the book, a minority of scholars have taken the position that, in fact, Burke did write the Vindication in earnest, later disowning it only for political reasons. It was his only purely philosophical work, and when asked by Sir Joshua Reynolds and French Laurence to expand it thirty years later and it was to be submitted for publication by Christmas 1758. G. M. Young did not value Burkes history and claimed that it was demonstrably a translation from the French. Lord Acton, on commenting on the story that Burke stopped his history because David Hume published his, Burke remained the chief editor of the publication until at least 1789 and there is no evidence that any other writer contributed to it before 1766. On 12 March 1757, Burke married Jane Mary Nugent, daughter of Dr Christopher Nugent and their son Richard was born on 9 February 1758, an elder son, Christopher, died in infancy
13.
Joseph de Maistre
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Joseph-Marie, comte de Maistre was a Savoyard philosopher, writer, lawyer, and diplomat. He defended hierarchical societies and a monarchical State in the immediately following the French Revolution. Maistre was a subject of the King of Piedmont-Sardinia, whom he served as member of the Savoy Senate, ambassador to Russia and he called for the restoration of the House of Bourbon to the throne of France and argued that the Pope should have ultimate authority in temporal matters. Maistre also claimed that it was the rationalist rejection of Christianity which was responsible for the disorder. Maistre was born in 1753 at Chambéry, in the Duchy of Savoy and his family was of French and Italian origin. His mothers family, whose surname was Desmotz, were from Rumilly, josephs younger brother, Xavier, who became an army officer, was a popular writer of fiction. Joseph was probably educated by the Jesuits, after the Revolution, he became an ardent defender of their Order, increasingly associating the spirit of the Revolution with the Jesuits traditional enemies, the Jansenists. After completing his training in the law at the University of Turin in 1774, as a landowner in France, Maistre was eligible to join that body, and there is some evidence that he contemplated that possibility. He was alarmed, however, by the decision of the States-General to combine clergy, aristocracy, and commoners into a legislative body. After the passing of the August Decrees on 4 August 1789 he decisively turned against the course of events in France. Maistre fled Chambéry when it was taken by a French revolutionary army in 1792, deciding that he could not support the French-controlled regime, he departed again, this time for Lausanne, in Switzerland. From Lausanne, Maistre went to Venice, and then to Cagliari, where the King of Piedmont-Sardinia held the court, Maistres relations with the court at Cagliari were not always easy and in 1802 he was sent to Saint Petersburg in Russia, as ambassador to Tsar Alexander I. Maistres observations on Russian life, contained in his memoirs and in his personal correspondence, were among Tolstoys sources for his novel War. He died on 26 February 1821 and is buried in the Jesuit Church of the Holy Martyrs, in Considérations sur la France, Maistre claimed that France has a divine mission as the principal instrument of good and evil on Earth. He claimed that the crimes of the Reign of Terror were the consequence of Enlightened thought. Maistre therefore argued that the legitimacy of government must be based on compelling but non-rational grounds, Maistre went on to argue that authority in politics should therefore derive from religion, and that in Europe this religious authority must ultimately lie with the Pope. In his own words, which he addressed to a group of aristocratic French émigrés, before, this was an instinct, but today it is a science. You must love the sovereign as you love order, with all the forces of intelligence, Maistres analysis of the problem of authority and its legitimacy foreshadows some of the concerns of early sociologists such as Comte and Saint-Simon
14.
Antoine de Rivarol
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Antoine de Rivarol was a Royalist French writer during the Revolutionary era. He was briefly married to the translator Louisa Henrietta de Rivarol, Rivarol was born in Bagnols, Languedoc. It appears that his father, an innkeeper, was a cultivated man, the son assumed the title of comte de Rivarol, asserting a connection with a noble Italian family, although his enemies said his name was really Riverot and that he was not of a noble family. After various vicissitudes, he went to Paris in 1777 and won academic prizes. In 1780 he married Louisa Henrietta de Rivarol, a translator of Scottish descent and she had translated some works by Samuel Johnson and Johnson had become a friend of her family. Antoine Rivarol abandoned his wife after a relationship which resulted in the birth of a son. To Rivarols embarrassment, a nurse who supported his wife was awarded a prize for virtuous behavior by the Academie Francaise. Antoine was unable to quash the prize but he was able to keep his wifes name out of the report of the award, in 1784, his Discours sur lUniversalité de la Langue Française and his translation of Dantes Inferno were favourably noted. Rivarols writing was published in the Journal Politique of Antoine Sabatier de Castres and he left France in 1792, first settling in Brussels, then moving successively to London, Hamburg, and Berlin, where he died. Rivarols rivals in France – in sharp conversational sayings – included Alexis Piron and his brother, Claude François, was also an author. His works include a novel, Isman, ou le Fatalisme, a comedy, Le Véridique, and he died as exile in Berlin and was interred in the Dorotheenstadt cemetery, but the site of his grave was soon forgotten. Lettre Critique sur le Poème des Jardins, Lettre à M. le Président de *** sur le globe Airostatique, sur les Têtes Parlantes et sur l’État Présent de l’Opinion Publique à Paris. De l’Universalité de la Langue Française, récit du Portier du Sieur Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais. Le Petit Almanach de nos Grands Hommes, première Lettre à M. Necker, sur l’Importance des Opinions Religieuses. Seconde Lettre à M. Necker sur la Morale, mémoire sur la Nature et la Valeur de l’Argent. Le Petit Almanach de nos Grandes Femmes, Journal Politique-national des États-Généraux et de la Révolution de 1789. Adresse à MM. les Impartiaux ou Les Amis de la Paix Réunis chez Monseigneur le Duc de La Rochefoucault, Petit Dictionnaire des Grands Hommes de la Révolution. Épître de Voltaire à Mlle Raucour, actrice du Théâtre-français, Le Petit Almanach de nos Grands-hommes
15.
Louis Gabriel Ambroise de Bonald
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Louis de Bonald, properly Louis Gabriel Ambroise, Vicomte de Bonald, was a French counter-revolutionary philosopher and politician. Mainly, he is remembered for developing a set of theories that exercised a powerful influence in shaping the ontological framework from which French sociology would emerge. Bonald came from an ancient noble family of Provence and he was educated at the Oratorian college at Juilly, and after serving with the Artillery, he held a post in the local administration of his native province. Elected to the States General of 1789 as a deputy for Aveyron, he opposed the new legislation on the civil status of the clergy. There he joined the army of the Prince of Condé, soon settling in Heidelberg, upon returning to France, he found himself an object of suspicion and at first lived in retirement. In 1806, he, along with Chateaubriand and Joseph Fiévée, two years later, he was appointed counsellor of the Imperial University, which he had often attacked previously. After the Bourbon Restoration he was a member of the council of public instruction, from 1815 to 1822, de Bonald served as a deputy in the French National Assembly. His speeches were extremely conservative and he advocated literary censorship, in 1825, he argued strongly in favor of the Anti-Sacrilege Act, including its prescription of the death penalty under certain conditions. In 1822, de Bonald was made Minister of State, in the following year, he was made a peer, a dignity which he had lost by refusing to take the required oath in 1803. In 1816, he was appointed to the French Academy, in 1830, he retired from public life and spent the remainder of his days on his estate at Le Monna. De Bonald had four sons, two of whom, Victor and Louis, led lives of some note, Bonald was one of the leading writers of the theocratic or traditionalist school, which included de Maistre, Lamennais, Ballanche and baron Ferdinand dEckstein. His writings are mainly on social and political philosophy, and are based ultimately on one great principle, in his own words, Lhomme pense sa parole avant de parler sa pensée, the first language contained the essence of all truth. From this he deduces the existence of God, the origin and consequent supreme authority of the Holy Scriptures. While this thought lies at the root of all his speculations, all relations may be stated as the triad of cause, means and effect, which he sees repeated throughout nature. These three terms bear specific relations to one another, the first is to the second as the second to the third, thus, in the great triad of the religious world—God, the Mediator, and Man—God is to the God-Man as the God-Man is to Man. On this basis, he constructed a system of political absolutism, monarchy considers man in his ties with society, a republic considers man independently of his relations to society. Man thinks his word before he speaks his thought, or, in other words, the deist is a man who in his short existence has not had time to become an atheist. 1796, Théorie du Pouvoir Politique et Religieux,1800, Essai Analytique sur les Lois Naturelles de l’Ordre Social
16.
Friedrich von Gentz
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Friedrich von Gentz was a Prussian and German diplomat and publicist. His father was an official, his mother distantly related to the Prussian minister Friedrich Ancillon, when in 1785 he returned to Berlin, he received the appointment of secretary to the royal Generaldirectorium, his talents soon gaining him promotion to the rank of councillor for war. His interest in public affairs was, however, first aroused by the outbreak of the French Revolution, the knowledge he displayed of the principles and practice of finance was especially remarkable. Moreover, he was from the first aware of the developments of the Revolution and of the consequences to Prussia of the weakness. In 1801 he ceased the publication of the Journal, because he disliked the regularity of journalism, a series of essays on contemporary politics. Private affairs also combined to urge Gentz to leave the Prussian service, for, mainly through his own fault, in May 1802, accordingly, he took leave of his wife and left with his friend Adam Müller for Vienna. In Berlin he had been intimate with the Austrian ambassador, Count Stadion, the immediate result was the title of imperial councillor, with a yearly salary of 4000 gulden, but it was not until 1809 that he was actively employed. He realized that the dominance of France could only be broken by the union of Austria and Prussia, acting in concert with Great Britain. The writer was known, and it was in this connection that Napoleon referred to him as a scribe named Gentz. The downfall of Prussia left Austria the sole hope of Germany, but the peace of 1810 and the fall of Stadion once more dashed his hopes, and, disillusioned and hellishly blasé, he once more retired to comparative inactivity at Prague. Disillusioned and cynical, though clear-sighted as ever, he was henceforth before all things an Austrian, more Austrian on occasion even than Metternich, e. g. For ten years, from 1812 onward, Gentz was in closest touch with all the affairs of European history, the assistant, confidant. He was secretary to the Congress of Vienna and to all the congresses and conferences that followed, up to that of Verona, and in all his vast knowledge of men and affairs made him a power. He was under no illusion as to their achievements, his memoir on the work of the congress of Vienna is at once a piece of criticism. In private life, Gentz remained to the last a man of the world and his wife he had never seen again since their parting at Berlin, and his relations with other women, mostly of the highest rank, were too numerous to record. But passion tormented him to the end, and his infatuation for Fanny Elssler, the celebrated danseuse, forms the subject of some letters to his friend Rahel. He died in Vienna on 9 June 1832, Gentz has been described as a mercenary of the pen, and assuredly no other such mercenary has ever carved out for himself a more remarkable career. To have done so would have been impossible, in spite of his brilliant gifts, had he been no more than the wretched scribe sneered at by Napoleon
17.
Nikolay Karamzin
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Nikolay Mikhailovich Karamzin was a Russian writer, poet, historian and critic. He is best remembered for his History of the Russian State, Karamzin was born in the village of Znamenskoye, in Simbirsk Governorate on 1 December 1766. His father was an officer in the Russian army, after residing for some time in St Petersburg he went to Simbirsk, where he lived in retirement until induced to revisit Moscow. There, finding himself in the midst of the society of learned men, in 1789, he resolved to travel, visiting Germany, France, Switzerland and England. On his return he published his Letters of a Russian Traveller, in the same periodical, Karamzin also published translations from French and some original stories, including Poor Liza and Natalia the Boyars Daughter. These stories introduced Russian readers to sentimentalism, and Karamzin was hailed as a Russian Sterne, from 1797 to 1799, he issued another miscellany or poetical almanac, The Aonides, in conjunction with Derzhavin and Dmitriev. In 1798 he compiled The Pantheon, a collection of pieces from the works of the most celebrated authors ancient and modern, many of his lighter productions were subsequently printed by him in a volume entitled My Trifles. His example proved beneficial for the creation of a Russian literary language, in 1802 and 1803, Karamzin edited the journal the Envoy of Europe. It was not until after the publication of work that he realized where his strength lay. In order to accomplish the task, he secluded himself for two years at Simbirsk, when Emperor Alexander learned the cause of his retirement, Karamzin was invited to Tver, where he read to the emperor the first eight volumes of his history. He did not, however, live to carry his work further than the eleventh volume and he died on 22 May 1826, in the Tauride Palace. A monument was erected to his memory at Simbirsk in 1845, Karamzin is credited for having introduced the letter Ë/ë into the Russian alphabet some time after 1795, replacing the obsolete form that had been patterned after the extant letter Ю/ю. Ironically, the use of form is generally deprecated, typically appearing merely as E/e in books other than dictionaries. Karamzin is well-regarded as a historian, until the appearance of his work, little had been done in this direction in Russia. The preceding attempt of Vasily Tatishchev was merely a rough sketch, inelegant in style, Karamzin was most industrious in accumulating materials, and the notes to his volumes are mines of interesting information. In the battle pieces, he demonstrates considerable powers of description, as a critic Karamzin was of great service to his country, in fact he may be regarded as the founder of the review and essay among the Russians. Also, Karamzin is sometimes considered a father of Russian conservatism. Upon appointing him a historian, Alexander I greatly valued Karamzins advice on political matters
18.
Karl Ludwig von Haller
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Karl Ludwig von Haller was a Swiss jurist. He was the author of Restauration der Staatswissenschaften, a book which Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel strongly criticized in Elements of the Philosophy of Right and this work, which was burnt during the Wartburg festival, opposed nationalism and the bureaucracy of extensive government. Von Haller was a grandson of the famous poet Albrecht von Haller and he did not, however, receive an extensive education, but only some private lessons and a few classes at the Gymnasium. He was compelled at the age of fifteen to enter the chancery of the Republic of Berne and he studied by himself and so filled out the gaps in his education. At the age of nineteen, he was appointed to the important office of Kommissionsschreiber, in this capacity, he obtained an insight into methods of government, practical politics, and criminal procedure. As secretary of the Swiss diet held in Baden and Frauenfeld, a journey to Paris in 1790 made him acquainted with new revolutionary ideas. These journeys acquainted him with leading personalities of the day including Napoleon, Talleyrand, when the old Swiss Confederation was threatened he was dispatched to Rastatt to allay the storm. It was too late, however, and when he returned in February,1798, even his pamphlet, Projekt einer Constitution für die schweizerische Republik Bern, was unable to stay the dissolution of the old Swiss Republic. But he soon renounced the principles expressed in this pamphlet, henceforth, von Haller was a reactionary and a divisive figure. After many wanderings, he came to Vienna, where he was secretary of the council of war. Public opinion at home resulted in his being recalled by the Bernese Government in 1806, when the old aristocratic regime was reinstated, he became a member of the sovereign Great Council, and soon after also of the privy council of the Bernese Republic. But in 1821, when his return to Catholicism became known, in this document he made known his long-felt inclination to join the Catholic Church and his growing conviction that he must bring his political opinions in harmony with his religious views. His family soon followed him, with them he left Berne for ever, there the Foreign Office invited him to assume the instruction of candidates for the diplomatic service in constitutional and international law. In 1833 he was elected to the Grand Council of Switzerland. This, considered by some his most important work, impelled Johannes von Müller to offer Haller the chair of law at the University of Göttingen. In spite of the great honour involved in this offer, he declined it, Hallers magnum opus, however, was the Restauration der Staats-Wissenschaft oder Theorie des natürlich-geselligen Zustandes, der Chimäre des künstlich-bürgerlichen entgegengesetzt. It was published in Winterthur in six volumes from 1816 to 1834, the first volume, which appeared in 1816, contains his history and his rejection of the older political theories, and also sets forth the general principles of his system of government. It was written primarily to counteract Jean-Jacques Rousseaus The Social Contract, the book in its entirety was translated into Italian, part of it into French, and an abridged version into English, Latin and Spanish
19.
Karl Wilhelm Friedrich Schlegel
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Karl Wilhelm Friedrich Schlegel, usually cited as Friedrich Schlegel, was a German poet, literary critic, philosopher, philologist and Indologist. With his older brother, August Wilhelm Schlegel, he was one of the figures of the Jena romantics. He was a promoter of the Romantic movement and inspired Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Adam Mickiewicz. Schlegel was a pioneer in Indo-European studies, comparative linguistics, in became known as Grimms law. As a young man he was an atheist, a radical, ten years later, the same Schlegel converted to Catholicism. Around 1810 he was a diplomat and journalist in the service of Clemens von Metternich, surrounded by monks, Karl Friedrich von Schlegel was born on 10 March 1772 at Hanover, and his father was the Lutheran pastor Johann Adolf Schlegel in the Marktkirche. For two years he studied law at Göttingen and Leipzig, and met with Friedrich Schiller, in 1793 he devoted himself entirely to literary work. In 1796 he moved to Jena where his brother August lived and collaborated with Novalis, Ludwig Tieck, Fichte and Caroline Schelling, Novalis and Schlegel had a famous conversation about German idealism. In 1797 he quarreled with Schiller, who did not like his polemic work, Schlegel published Die Griechen und Römer, which was followed by Geschichte der Poesie der Griechen und Römer. Then he turned to Dante, Goethe and Shakespeare, in Jena he and his brother founded the Athenaeum, contributing fragments, aphorisms and essays in which the principles of the Romantic school are most definitely stated. They are now recognized as the deepest and most significant expressions of the subjective idealism of the early romanticists. After a controversy, Friedrich decided to move to Berlin, there he lived with Friedrich Schleiermacher and met Henriette Herz, Rahel Varnhagen, and his future wife Dorothea, a daughter of Moses Mendelssohn and the mother of Philipp Veit. In 1799 he published Lucinde, an eccentric and unfinished romance, in September 1800 he met four times with Goethe. In 1801 he graduated in philosophy, in Alarcos, a tragedy in which, without much success, he combined romantic and classical elements. In June 1802 he arrived in Paris, where he had a circle including Heinrich Christoph Kolbe and he lectured on philosophy in private courses for Sulpiz Boisserée, and carried on under Alexander Hamilton and Antoine-Léonard de Chézy to study Sanskrit and the Persian language. In his magazine Europe he published about Gothic architecture and Old Masters, in April 1804 he married Dorothea Veith in the Swedish embassy in Paris. In 1806 he and his wife went to visit Aubergenville, where his brother lived with Madame de Staël, in 1808 he published an epoch-making book, Über die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier. He argued that a people originating from India have been the founders of the first European civilizations, Schlegel compared Sanskrit with Latin, Greek, Persian, and German, and found many similarities in vocabulary and grammar
20.
Novalis
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Novalis was the pseudonym and pen name of Georg Philipp Friedrich Freiherr von Hardenberg, a poet, author, mystic, and philosopher of Early German Romanticism. Hardenbergs professional work and university background, namely his study of mineralogy, the first studies showing important relations between his literary and professional works started in the 1960s. Georg Philipp Friedrich von Hardenberg was born in 1772 at Oberwiederstedt manor, in the church in Wiederstedt, he was christened Georg Philipp Friedrich. An oil painting and a christening cap commonly assigned to him are Hardenbergs only possessions now extant, the family seat was a manorial estate, not simply a stately home. Hardenberg descended from ancient, Low German nobility and his father, the estate owner and salt-mine manager Heinrich Ulrich Erasmus Freiherr von Hardenberg, was a strictly pietistic man, member of the Moravian Church. Heinrich Ulrich Erasmus second marriage was to Auguste Bernhardine von Böltzig, the Hardenbergs were a noble family but not rich. Young Georg Philipp was often short of cash, rode a small horse, at first, young Hardenberg was taught by private tutors. He attended the Lutheran grammar school in Eisleben, where he acquired skills in rhetoric and ancient literature, from his twelfth year, he was in the charge of his uncle Friedrich Wilhelm Freiherr von Hardenberg at his stately home in Lucklum. Young Hardenberg studied Law from 1790 to 1794 at Jena, Leipzig and he passed his exams with distinction. During his studies, he attended Schillers lectures on history and befriended him during Schillers illness and he also met Goethe, Herder and Jean Paul, and befriended Ludwig Tieck, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling, and the brothers Friedrich and August Wilhelm Schlegel. In October 1794, he started working as actuary for August Coelestin Just, the following January, he was appointed auditor to the salt works at Weißenfels. Nonetheless, he fell in love with Sophie, since in the young Georg Philipps view of the world nothing is commonplace because all, when rightly seen, is symbolic. On 15 March 1795, when Sophie was 13 years old, the cruelly early death of Sophie in March 1797, from tuberculosis, affected Novalis deeply and permanently. She was only 15 years old, and the two had not married yet, in 1795–1796, Novalis entered the Mining Academy of Freiberg in Saxony, a leading academy of science, to study geology under Professor Abraham Gottlob Werner, who befriended him. During Novalis studies in Freiberg, he immersed himself in a range of studies, including mining, mathematics, chemistry, biology, history and, not least. It was here that he collected materials for his famous encyclopaedia project, similar to other German authors of the Romantic age, his work in the mining industry, which was undergoing then the first steps to industrialization, was closely connected with his literary work. Young Hardenberg adopted the pen name Novalis from his 12th century ancestors who named themselves de Novali, after their settlement Grossenrode, in the period 1795–1796, Novalis concerned himself with the scientific doctrine of Johann Gottlieb Fichte, which greatly influenced his world view. He not only read Fichtes philosophies but also developed Fichtes concepts further, transforming Fichtes Nicht-Ich to a Du and this was the starting point for Novalis Liebesreligion
21.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge
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Samuel Taylor Coleridge was an English poet, literary critic and philosopher who, with his friend William Wordsworth, was a founder of the Romantic Movement in England and a member of the Lake Poets. He wrote the poems The Rime of the Ancient Mariner and Kubla Khan and his critical work, especially on William Shakespeare, was highly influential, and he helped introduce German idealist philosophy to English-speaking culture. Coleridge coined many words and phrases, including suspension of disbelief. He was an influence on Ralph Waldo Emerson and American transcendentalism. Throughout his adult life Coleridge had crippling bouts of anxiety and depression, it has been speculated that he had bipolar disorder and he was physically unhealthy, which may have stemmed from a bout of rheumatic fever and other childhood illnesses. He was treated for these conditions with laudanum, which fostered a lifelong opium addiction, Coleridge was born on 21 October 1772 in the town of Ottery St Mary in Devon, England. He had previously been Master of Hugh Squiers School in South Molton, Devon, John Coleridge had three children by his first wife. Samuel was the youngest of ten by the Reverend Mr. Coleridges second wife, Anne Bowden, probably the daughter of John Bowden, Mayor of South Molton, Devon, Coleridge suggests that he took no pleasure in boyish sports but instead read incessantly and played by himself. At that school Coleridge became friends with Charles Lamb, a schoolmate, in fancy I can almost hear him now, exclaiming Harp. Pen and ink, boy, you mean, oh aye. the cloister-pump, I suppose. Be this as it may, there was one custom of our masters and he would often permit our theme exercises. To accumulate, till each lad had four or five to be looked over, throughout his life, Coleridge idealised his father as pious and innocent, while his relationship with his mother was more problematic. His childhood was characterised by attention seeking, which has linked to his dependent personality as an adult. He was rarely allowed to return home during the term. He later wrote of his loneliness at school in the poem Frost at Midnight, With unclosed lids, from 1791 until 1794, Coleridge attended Jesus College, Cambridge. In 1792, he won the Browne Gold Medal for an ode that he wrote on the slave trade, afterwards, he was rumoured to have had a bout of severe depression. His brothers arranged for his discharge a few months later under the reason of insanity and he was readmitted to Jesus College, at Jesus College, Coleridge was introduced to political and theological ideas then considered radical, including those of the poet Robert Southey. Coleridge joined Southey in a plan, soon abandoned, to found a utopian society, called Pantisocracy
22.
Klemens von Metternich
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One of his first tasks was to engineer a détente with France that included the marriage of Napoleon to the Austrian archduchess Marie Louise. For his service to the Austrian Empire he was given the title of Prince in October 1813, under his guidance, the Metternich system of international congresses continued for another decade as Austria aligned herself with Russia and, to a lesser extent, Prussia. This marked the point of Austrias diplomatic importance, and thereafter Metternich slowly slipped into the periphery of international diplomacy. At home, Metternich held the post of Chancellor of State from 1821 until 1848, after brief exile in London, Brighton, and Brussels that lasted until 1851, he returned to the Viennese court, this time to offer only advice to Ferdinands successor, Franz Josef. Having outlived his generation of politicians, Metternich died at the age of 86 in 1859, born into the House of Metternich in 1773, the son of a diplomat, he was named after his godfather, Clement-Wenceslas, Archbishop of Trier. Metternich received an education at the universities of Strasbourg and Mainz. He was of help during the coronation of Francis II in 1792, after a brief trip to England, Metternich was named as the Austrian ambassador to the Netherlands, a short-lived post, since the country was brought under French control the next year. He married his first wife, Eleonore von Kaunitz, in 1795, despite having numerous affairs, he was devastated by her death in 1825. He would later remarry, wedding Baroness Antoinette Leykam in 1827 and, after her death in 1829 and she would predecease him by five years. Before taking office as Foreign Minister, Metternich held numerous posts, including ambassadorial roles in the Kingdom of Saxony. One of Metternichs sons, Richard von Metternich, was also a successful diplomat, a traditional conservative, Metternich was keen to maintain the balance of power, in particular by resisting Russian territorial ambitions in Central Europe and lands belonging to the Ottoman Empire. He disliked liberalism and worked to prevent the breakup of the Austrian empire, for example, by crushing nationalist revolts in Austrian north Italy, at home, he pursued a similar policy, using censorship and a wide ranging spy network to suppress unrest. Metternich has been praised and heavily criticised for the policies he pursued. His supporters point out that he presided over the Age of Metternich and his qualities as a diplomat are commended, some noting that his achievements were considerable in light of the weakness of his negotiating position. His decision to oppose Russian imperialism is seen as a good one and his detractors describe him as a boor who stuck to ill-thought-out, conservative principles out of vanity and a sense of infallibility. Other historians have argued that he had far less power than this view suggests and he was named in honour of Prince Clemens Wenceslaus of Saxony, the archbishop-elector of Trier and the past employer of his father. He was the eldest son and had one older sister, at the time of his birth the family possessed a ruined keep at Beilstein, a castle at Winneberg, an estate west of Koblenz, and another in Königswart, Bohemia, won during the 17th century. At this time Metternichs father, described as a boring babbler, Metternichs education was handled by his mother, heavily influenced by their proximity to France, for many years Metternich considered himself able to communicate better in French than German
23.
Friedrich Carl von Savigny
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Friedrich Carl von Savigny was a German jurist and historian. Savigny was born at Frankfurt, of a family recorded in the history of Lorraine, after the fashion of German students, Savigny visited several universities, notably Jena, Leipzig and Halle, and returning to Marburg, took his doctors degree in 1800. At Marburg he lectured as Privatdozent on criminal law and the Pandects, in 1803 Savigny published Das Recht des Besitzes. Anton Thibaut hailed it as a masterpiece which brought the old uncritical study of Roman law to an end and it quickly obtained a European reputation, and still remains a prominent landmark in the history of jurisprudence. In 1804 he married Kunigunde Brentano, sister of Bettina von Arnim, the same year he embarked on an extensive tour through France and south Germany in search of fresh sources of Roman law. In 1808 Savigny was appointed professor of Roman law at Landshut. He remained in position for a year and a half. In 1810 he was appointed to the chair of Roman law at the new University of Berlin and this was the busiest time of his life. He was engaged in lecturing, in the government of the university, during his time in Berlin Savigny befriended Niebuhr and Eichhorn. In 1814 Savigny wrote the pamphlet Vom Beruf unserer Zeit für Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft, in an earlier pamphlet Thibaut had argued for the creation of a unified legal code for Germany, independent of the influence of foreign legal systems. Savigny argued that such a codification of the law would have an adverse effect, according to Savigny the damage which had been caused by the neglect of former generations of jurists could not be quickly repaired, and more time was required to set the house in order. Moreover, a legal code would almost certainly be influenced by natural law, with its infinite arrogance. It was Savignys opinion that jurisprudence should be saved from the hollow abstractions of such a work as the Institutiones juris naturae et gentium of Christian Wolff. Savigny opposed this conception of jurisprudence to the study of the positive law. However, Savigny did not oppose to the introduction of new laws or of a new system of laws, in 1815 Savigny, together with Karl Friedrich Eichhorn and Johann Friedrich Ludwig Göschen, founded the Zeitschrift für geschichtliche Rechtswissenschaft, the organ of the new historical school. In this periodical Savigny made known to the world the discovery by Niebuhr at Verona of the lost text of Gaius, Savigny pronounced it to be the work of Gaius himself and not, as Niebuhr suggested, of Ulpian. The same year,1815, Savigny published the first volume of his Geschichte des römischen Rechts im Mittelalter and he had been prompted to write this work by his early instructor Weiss. Savigny intended it to be a history of Roman law from Irnerius to the present time
24.
John C. Calhoun
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John Caldwell Calhoun was an American statesman and political theorist from South Carolina, and the seventh Vice President of the United States from 1825 to 1832. He is remembered for defending slavery and for advancing the concept of minority rights in politics. He began his career as a nationalist, modernizer, and proponent of a strong national government. His beliefs and warnings heavily influenced the Souths secession from the Union in 1860–1861, Calhoun began his political career in the House of Representatives. He then served as Secretary of War under President James Monroe, Calhoun was a candidate for the presidency in the 1824 election. After failing to support, he let his name be put forth as a candidate for vice president. The Electoral College elected Calhoun for vice president by an overwhelming majority and he served under John Quincy Adams and continued under Andrew Jackson, who defeated Adams in the election of 1828. During his terms as president, he made a record of 31 tie-breaking votes in Congress. Calhoun had a relationship with Jackson primarily due to the Nullification Crisis. In 1832, with only a few remaining in his second term, he resigned as vice president. He sought the Democratic nomination for the presidency in 1844, but lost to surprise nominee James K. Polk, Calhoun served as Secretary of State under John Tyler from 1844 to 1845. As Secretary of State, he supported the annexation of Texas as a means to extend the slave power and he then returned to the Senate, where he opposed the Mexican–American War, the Wilmot Proviso, and the Compromise of 1850 before his death in 1850. Calhoun often served as a virtual party-independent who variously aligned as needed with Democrats, later in life, Calhoun became known as the cast-iron man for his rigid defense of Southern beliefs and practices. His concept of republicanism emphasized approval of slavery and minority rights, as embodied by the Southern states—he owned dozens of slaves in Fort Hill. Calhoun also asserted that slavery, rather than being an evil, was a positive good. To protect minority rights against majority rule, he called for a concurrent majority whereby the minority could sometimes block proposals that it infringed on their liberties. To this end, Calhoun supported states rights and nullification, through which states could declare null, Calhoun was one of the Great Triumvirate or the Immortal Trio of Congressional leaders, along with his Congressional colleagues Daniel Webster and Henry Clay. In 1957, a Senate Committee headed by Senator John F. Kennedy selected Calhoun as one of the five greatest United States Senators of all time
25.
Pope Pius IX
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Pope Pius IX, born Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti, reigned as Pope from 16 June 1846 to his death in 1878. He was the elected pope in the history of the Catholic Church. During his pontificate Pius IX convened the First Vatican Council, which decreed papal infallibility and he was also the last pope to rule as the Sovereign of the Papal States, which fell completely to the Italian Army in 1870 and were incorporated into the Kingdom of Italy. After this, he was referred to—chiefly by himself—as the Prisoner of the Vatican, after his death in 1878, his canonization process was opened on 11 February 1907 by Pope Pius X and it drew considerable controversy over the years. It was closed on several occasions during the pontificates of Pope Benedict XV, Pope Pius XII re-opened the cause on 7 December 1954, and Pope John Paul II proclaimed him Venerable on 6 July 1985. Together with Pope John XXIII, he was beatified on 3 September 2000 after the recognition of a miracle, Pius IX was assigned the liturgical feast day of February 7, the date of his death. Europe, including the Italian peninsula, was in the midst of political ferment when the bishop of Spoleto. He took the name Pius, after his generous patron and the prisoner of Napoleon Bonaparte. Through the 1850s and 1860s, Italian nationalists made military gains against the Papal States, however, concordats were concluded with numerous states such as Austria-Hungary, Portugal, Spain, Canada, Tuscany, Ecuador, Venezuela, Honduras, El Salvador and Haiti. Many contemporary Church historians and journalists question his approaches, in his Syllabus of Errors, still highly controversial, Pius IX condemned the heresies of secular society, especially modernism. He was a Marian pope, who in his encyclical Ubi primum described Mary as a Mediatrix of salvation, in 1854, he promulgated the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, articulating a long-held Catholic belief that Mary, the Mother of God, was conceived without original sin. In 1862, he convened 300 bishops to the Vatican for the canonization of Twenty-six Martyrs of Japan and his most important legacy is the First Vatican Council, which convened in 1869. The council is considered to have contributed to a centralization of the Church in the Vatican, Pius IX was beatified by Pope John Paul II on 3 September 2000. His Feast Day is 7 February, Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti was born on May 13,1792. He was educated at the Piarist College in Volterra and in Rome, as a theology student in his hometown Sinigaglia, in 1814 he met Pope Pius VII, who had returned from French captivity. In 1815, he entered the Papal Noble Guard but was dismissed after an epileptic seizure. He threw himself at the feet of Pius VII, who elevated him, the pope originally insisted that another priest should assist Mastai during Holy Mass, a stipulation that was later rescinded, after the seizure attacks became less frequent. Mastai was ordained priest on April 10,1819 and he initially worked as the rector of the Tata Giovanni Institute in Rome
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Diego Portales
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Diego José Pedro Portales y Palazuelos was a Chilean statesman and entrepreneur. Diego Portales was born in Santiago, the son of María Encarnación Fernández de Palazuelos y Martínez de Aldunate and José Santiago Portales y Larraín and he did his primary studies at the Colegio de Santiago, and in 1813, attended law classes at the National Institute. As the men of his family had all become successful merchants, Portales also eventually assumed the position of a merchant, taking part in his prosperous, on August 15,1819 he married his cousin, Josefa Portales y Larraín. He had two daughters with her, both of whom died within days of their birth and his wife died also very soon in 1821. He never remarried after that, but took Constanza Nordenflicht as his mistress, in July 1821, he resigned his job at the Mint and went into business. He opened a house, Portales, Cea and Co. based in Valparaiso with a branch in Lima. He bid and obtained the management of the government monopoly on tobacco, tea, in exchange for the monopoly, he offered to service the full amount of the Chilean foreign debt. So his contract with the government was voided and the Chilean government was found to owe Portales 87,000 pesos, for these reasons, Portales finally entered into the political sphere, and very soon he would become the intellectual leader of the conservative side. He helped to reorganize the party, and, in 1827, founded El Hambriento. Portales was an effective satirist, contributing several articles to The Starveling. Portales articles placed him in the limelight and paved the way for his political career, after the triumph of the conservatives in the Revolution of 1829, President José Tomás Ovalle named him Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs on April 6,1830 remaining until May 1831. Something similar happened with his nomination as minister of war and navy from April 6,1830 until May 1831, then from July 9,1831 until December 1832, though Portales was never president officially, he became a dictator and with this powerful position, he quelled anarchy. Portales set up a militia, supported an oligarchic control for landowners, miners, and merchants. As a result of his campaign for peace, order, in 1822, before his rise to power Portales wrote to a friend, Politics doesnt interest me, but as a good citizen I feel free to express my opinions and to censure the government. But monarchy is not the American ideal either, if we get out of one terrible government just to jump headlong into another, the Republican system is the one which we must adopt, but do you know how I interpret it for our countries. A strong central government whose representatives will be men of virtue and patriotism. These words are demonstrative of the skepticism in pure democracies that the recently failed French revolution impressed upon many, Portales believed that to avoid disaster it was most important to create a stable and functioning government, rather than one ruled by lofty but ultimately impractical ideals. Beyond these beliefs, Portales had no static political beliefs, instead he tried to govern on a case by case basis, legislating what he deemed right for each particular instance
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Ernst Ludwig von Gerlach
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Ernst Ludwig von Gerlach was a conservative Prussian judge, politician, and editor. He was the son of Carl Friedrich Leopold von Gerlach and the brother of Ludwig Friedrich Leopold von Gerlach, Gerlach was born in Berlin, Brandenburg. From 1813–15, he fought in the War of the Sixth Coalition, Gerlach became Judge of the High Court, or Oberlandesgerichtsrat, in the city of Naumburg in 1823. In 1829, he became Agricultural and Municipal Court Director in Halle, by 1835, Gerlach was the Vice President of the Higher Regional Court in Frankfurt. During the revolutions of 1848, Gerlach was involved in the founding of the Neue Preussische Zeitung, the paper became the main artery for the Prussian Conservative Partys ideas and opposed Otto von Bismarcks plans for German unification during the 1860s and 1870s
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Frederick William IV of Prussia
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Frederick William IV, the eldest son and successor of Frederick William III of Prussia, reigned as King of Prussia from 1840 to 1861. In politics, he was a conservative, and in 1849 rejected the title of Emperor of the Germans offered by the Frankfurt Parliament as not the Parliaments to give, in 1857, he suffered a stroke and was left incapacitated until his death. Born to Frederick William III by his wife Queen Louise, he was the favourite son. Frederick William was educated by tutors, many of whom were experienced civil servants. He also gained experience by serving in the Prussian Army during the War of Liberation against Napoleon in 1814. In 1823 he married Elisabeth Ludovika of Bavaria, since she was a Roman Catholic, the preparations for this marriage included difficult negotiations which ended with her conversion to Lutheranism. There were two wedding ceremonies—one in Munich, and another in Berlin, the couple had a very harmonious marriage, but childless. Frederick William opposed the idea of a unified German state, believing that Austria was divinely ordained to rule over Germany, Frederick William became King of Prussia on the death of his father in 1840. Through a personal union, he became the sovereign prince of the Principality of Neuchâtel. In 1842, he gave his fathers menagerie at Pfaueninsel to the new Berlin Zoo, despite being a devout Lutheran, his Romantic leanings led him to settle the Cologne church conflict by releasing the imprisoned Clemens August von Droste-Vischering, the Archbishop of Cologne. He also patronized further construction of Cologne Cathedral, Cologne having become part of Prussia in 1815, in 1844, he attended the celebrations marking the completion of the cathedral, becoming the first king of Prussia to enter a Roman Catholic building. He committed himself to German unification, formed a government, convened a national assembly. Once his position was more secure again, however, he quickly had the army reoccupy Berlin and in December dissolved the assembly, therefore, Frederick William would only accept the imperial crown after being elected by the German princes, as per the former empires ancient customs. In the kings eyes, only a reconstituted College of Electors could possess such authority, with the failed attempt by the Frankfurt Parliament to include the Habsburgs into a newly unified German Empire, the Parliament turned to Prussia. Seeing Austrian ambivalence towards Prussia taking a powerful role in German affairs. All German states, excluding those of the Habsburgs, would be unified under Hohenzollern authority, the German Confederation remained the common government of German Europe. The lower house was elected by all taxpayers, but in a system based on the amount of taxes paid. This constitution remained in effect until the dissolution of the Prussian kingdom in 1918, Frederick William IV is buried with his wife in the crypt underneath the Church of Peace in the park of Sanssouci, at Potsdam
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Leopold von Ranke
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Leopold von Ranke was a German historian and a founder of modern source-based history. According to Caroline Hoefferle, Ranke was probably the most important historian to shape historical profession as it emerged in Europe and he was able to implement the seminar teaching method in his classroom and focused on archival research and analysis of historical documents. Ranke was born in Wiehe, then part of the Electorate of Saxony and he came from a family of Lutheran pastors and lawyers. He was educated partly at home and partly in the school at Schulpforta. His early years engendered a lifelong love of Ancient Greek, Latin, in 1814, Ranke entered the University of Leipzig, where his subjects were Classics and Lutheran theology. At Leipzig, Ranke became an expert in philology and translation of the ancient authors into German and his teachers included Johann Gottfried Jakob Hermann. Between 1817 and 1825, Ranke worked as a schoolmaster teaching classics at the Friedrichs Gymnasium in Frankfurt an der Oder, in that sense, he leaned on the traditions of philology but emphasized mundane documents instead of old and exotic literature. At the university he used the system, and taught how to check the value of sources. Ranke supported Savigny and criticized the Hegelian view of history as being a one-size-fits-all approach, also during his time in Berlin, Ranke became the first historian to utilize the forty-seven volumes that comprised the diplomatic archives of Venice from the 16th century and 17th centuries. Since many archives opened up during this time he sent out his students to places to recruit information. In his classrooms he would discuss the sources that his students would find, because of this he is often seen as the pioneer of a critical historical science. Ranke came to dealing with primary sources as opposed to secondary sources during this time. This was afterwards expanded into Serbien und die Turkei im 19 Jahrhundert, in 1832 to 1836, at the behest of the Prussian government, Ranke founded and edited the Historische-Politische Zeitschrift journal. Ranke, who was a conservative, used the journal to attack the ideas of Liberalism, thus, in this way, Ranke urged his readers to stay loyal to the Prussian state and reject the ideas of the French Revolution, which Ranke claimed were meant for France only. In 1834–36 Ranke published Die römischen Päpste, ihre Kirche und ihr Staat im sechzehnten und siebzehnten Jahrhundert, british Roman Catholic historian Lord Acton defended Rankes book as the most fair-minded, balanced, and objective study ever written on the papacy of the 16th century. In 1841, his fame in its ascendancy, Ranke was appointed Historiographer Royal to the Prussian court, in 1845 he became member of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences. In Paris in July 1843, Ranke met an Irish woman, Clarissa Helena Graves and she had been educated in England and the continent. They were engaged on 1 October and married in Bowness, England, in a ceremony officiated by her brother, Robert Perceval Graves, an Anglican priest
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John Henry Newman
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Orat. was a Catholic cardinal and theologian who was an important figure in the religious history of England in the 19th century. He was known nationally by the mid-1830s, originally an evangelical Oxford University academic and priest in the Church of England, Newman then became drawn to the high-church tradition of Anglicanism. In this the movement had some success, however, in 1845 Newman, joined by some but not all of his followers, left the Church of England and his teaching post at Oxford University and was received into the Catholic Church. He was quickly ordained as a priest and continued as a religious leader. In 1879, he was created a cardinal by Pope Leo XIII in recognition of his services to the cause of the Catholic Church in England. He was instrumental in the founding of the Catholic University of Ireland, Newmans beatification was officially proclaimed by Pope Benedict XVI on 19 September 2010 during his visit to the United Kingdom. His canonisation is dependent on the documentation of miracles attributed to his intercession. He wrote the popular hymns Lead, Kindly Light and Praise to the Holiest in the Height, Newman was born in the City of London, the eldest of a family of three sons and three daughters. His father, John Newman, was a banker with Ramsbottom, Newman and his mother, Jemima, was descended from a notable family of Huguenot refugees in England, founded by the engraver, printer and stationer, Paul Fourdrinier. Francis William Newman was a younger brother and his eldest sister, Harriet Elizabeth, married Thomas Mozley, also prominent in the Oxford Movement. The family lived in Southampton Street in Bloomsbury and bought a retreat in Ham, near Richmond. At the age of seven Newman was sent to Great Ealing School conducted by George Nicholas, there George Huxley, father of Thomas Henry Huxley, taught mathematics, and the classics teacher was Walter Mayers. Newman took no part in the school games. He was a reader of the novels of Walter Scott, then in course of publication. Aged 14, he read works by Thomas Paine, David Hume. At the age of 15, during his last year at school, Newman was converted, almost at the same time the bank Ramsbottom, Newman and Co. crashed, though it paid its creditors and his father left to manage a brewery. Mayers, who had undergone a conversion in 1814, lent Newman books from the English Calvinist tradition. Mayers is described as a moderate, Clapham Sect Calvinist, and he also read The Force of Truth by Thomas Scott
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Friedrich Julius Stahl
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Friedrich Julius Stahl, German constitutional lawyer, political philosopher and politician. Born at Würzburg, of Jewish parentage, as Joël Jolson, as a result of its influence, he was at the age of seventeen converted to Christianity and baptized into the Lutheran Church at Erlangen on November 6,1819. To this faith he clung with earnest devotion and persistence until his death, here he immediately made his mark as an ecclesiastical lawyer, and was appointed a member of the first chamber of the general synod. Elected in 1850 a member of the short-lived Erfurt parliament, he opposed the idea of German federation. This position he further elucidated in his Der christliche Staat und sein Verhältniss zum Deismus und Judenthum, as Oberkirchenrath, Stahl used all his influence to weaken the Prussian Union of churches and to strengthen the influence of the Lutheran Church. Stahl advocated the formation of a constitution of the Lutherans. Stahls influence fell under the new régime, and, while remaining a member of the Prussian House of Lords, while taking a cure he unexpectedly died at Bad Brückenau. Die Philosophie des Rechts nach geschichtlicher Ansicht, heidelberg,1830,1833,1837 Die Kirchenverfassung nach Lehre und Recht der Protestanten. Berlin,1847 Die Revolution und die konstitutionelle Monarchie, berlin,1849,1852 Der Protestantismus als politisches Prinzip. Berlin,1856 Die lutherische Kirche und die Union, berlin,1859 Siebenzehn parlamentarische Reden und drei Vorträge. Berlin,1862 Die gegenwärtigen Parteien in Staat und Kirche, neunundzwanzig akademische Vorlesungen, berlin,1868 Ruben Alvarado, Authority Not Majority, The Life and Times of Friedrich Julius Stahl, WordBridge Publishing,2007. Biographie von Stahl, in Unsere Zeit, vi, a Study of the Development of German Conservative Thought 1802–1861. This article incorporates text from a now in the public domain, Chisholm, Hugh. Stahl, Friedrich Julius Stahl, Friedrich Julius Stahl, Friedrich Julius The Stahl Project Speech of Friedrich Julius Stahl against the Repeal of the Prussian Constitution
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Orestes Brownson
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Orestes Augustus Brownson was a New England intellectual and activist, preacher, labor organizer, and noted Catholic convert and writer. Brownson was a publicist, a career which spanned his affiliation with the New England Transcendentalists through his subsequent conversion to Roman Catholicism, Brownson was born on September 16,1803 to Sylvester Augustus Brownson and Relief Metcalf, who were farmers in Stockbridge, Vermont. Sylvester Brownson died when Orestes was young and Relief decided to give her son up to an adoptive family when he was six years old. The family raised him under the strict confines of Calvinist Congregationalism on a farm in Royalton. He did not receive much schooling but he enjoyed reading books. Among these were volumes by Homer and Locke and the Bible, in 1817, when he was fourteen, Orestes attended an academy briefly in New York. This was the extent of his formal education, after withdrawing from Presbyterianism in 1824 and teaching at various schools in upstate New York and Detroit, Brownson applied to be a Universalist preacher. Universalism, for Orestes, represented the only variety of Christianity he knew of. However, Universalism also did not quell his desire for religious understanding and he became the editor of a Universalist journal, Gospel Advocate and Impartial Investigator in which he wrote about his own religious doubt and criticized organized faiths and mysticism in religion. Later, rejecting Universalism, he associated with Robert Dale Owen and Fanny Wright in New York City. In 1831, he moved to Ithaca, New York, where he became the pastor of a Unitarian community, there, he began publishing the magazine the Philanthropist. In it, he could express his ideas outside of the pulpit since he thought of himself as a better journalist than preacher. After the demise of the Philanthropist in 1832, Brownson moved to Walpole and he read in English Romanticism and English and French reports on German Idealist philosophy, and was passionate about the work of Victor Cousin and Pierre Leroux. In 1836, the year of Emersons Nature, Brownson participated in the founding of the Transcendental Club, after President Martin Van Buren appointed George Bancroft as Collector of Customs at Boston in 1837, Bancroft in turn gave jobs to Brownson and to Nathaniel Hawthorne. In 1838, he founded the Boston Quarterly Review, and served as its editor, other contributors included George Bancroft, Margaret Fuller, George Ripley, and Elizabeth Peabody. Brownson originally offered use of the Boston Quarterly Review as the vehicle for the transcendentalists, they declined, Brownsons writing contributions were political, intellectual, and religious essays. Among these was a review of Thomas Carlyles Chartism, separately published as The Laboring Classes, the article is sometimes blamed for causing Van Buren, whom Brownson avidly supported, to lose the 1840 election to William Henry Harrison. In fact, Van Buren himself is said to have blamed as the cause of his defeat
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Aleksey Khomyakov
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Aleksey Stepanovich Khomyakov was a Russian theologian, philosopher, poet and amateur artist. He cofounded the Slavophile movement along with Ivan Kireyevsky, and he one of its most distinguished theoreticians. His son Nikolay Khomyakov was a speaker of the State Duma, khomyakovs whole life was centred on Moscow. He viewed this thousand-domed city as the epitome of the Russian way of life, equally successful as a landlord and conversationalist, he published very little during his lifetime. Alexander Herzens My Past and Thoughts contains a delightful characterisation of Khomyakov, for Khomyakov, socialism and capitalism were equally repugnant offspring of Western decadence. The West failed to solve human problems, as it stressed competition at the expense of co-operation. In his own words, Rome kept unity at the expense of freedom, while Protestants had freedom, khomyakovs own ideals revolved around the term sobornost, the Slavonic equivalent of catholicity found in the Nicene Creed, it can be loosely translated as togetherness or symphony. Khomyakov viewed the Russian obshchina as a example of sobornost. Khomyakov died from cholera, infected by a peasant he had attempted to treat and he was buried next to his brother-in-law, Nikolai Yazykov, and another disciple, Nikolai Gogol, in the Danilov Monastery. The Soviets arranged for their disinterment and had them reburied at the new Novodevichy Cemetery, lea B. Virághalmy, A homjakovi ekkléziológia szókincsének szemantikai elemzése. Opinione di un russo sugli stranieri, Khomiakov et le Mouvement Slavophile Paris,1939. Georgio Paša, Homjakovi doctrina de Ecclesia, excerpta ex dissertatione ad lauream in facultate Theologica Pontificiae Universitatis Gregorianae. 38 p. Peter Plank, Parapolimena zur Ekklesiologie A. S. Chomjakovs John S. Romanides, chomjakows Lehre über die Eucharistie Roma,1948. Ernst Christoph Suttner, Offenbarung, Gnade und Kirche bei A. S,200 p. Jurij Samarin, Préface aux oeuvres théologiques de A. S. Wojciechowski, Nieomylosc Kosciola Chrystusowego wedlug A. Chomiakowa i jego zwolenników,187 p. ed. Vladimir Tsurikov, A. S. Khomiakov, Poet, Philosopher, Theologian, Jordanville,2004,206 p. List of 19th-century Russian Slavophiles List of Russian philosophers English translations of three poems Nikolay Berdyaevs examination of his views
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Benjamin Disraeli
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Benjamin Disraeli, 1st Earl of Beaconsfield, KG, PC, FRS was a British politician and writer who twice served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. He played a role in the creation of the modern Conservative Party, defining its policies. Disraeli is remembered for his voice in world affairs, his political battles with the Liberal Party leader William Ewart Gladstone. He made the Conservatives the party most identified with the glory and he is the only British Prime Minister of Jewish birth. Disraeli was born in Bloomsbury, then part of Middlesex and his father left Judaism after a dispute at his synagogue, young Benjamin became an Anglican at the age of 12. After several unsuccessful attempts, Disraeli entered the House of Commons in 1837, in 1846 the Prime Minister, Sir Robert Peel split the party over his proposal to repeal the Corn Laws, which involved ending the tariff on imported grain. Disraeli clashed with Peel in the Commons, Disraeli became a major figure in the party. When Lord Derby, the party leader, thrice formed governments in the 1850s and 1860s and he also forged a bitter rivalry with Gladstone of the Liberal Party. Upon Derbys retirement in 1868, Disraeli became Prime Minister briefly before losing that years election and he returned to opposition, before leading the party to a majority in the 1874 election. He maintained a friendship with Queen Victoria, who in 1876 created him Earl of Beaconsfield. Disraelis second term was dominated by the Eastern Question—the slow decay of the Ottoman Empire, Disraeli arranged for the British to purchase a major interest in the Suez Canal Company. This diplomatic victory over Russia established Disraeli as one of Europes leading statesmen, World events thereafter moved against the Conservatives. Controversial wars in Afghanistan and South Africa undermined his public support and he angered British farmers by refusing to reinstitute the Corn Laws in response to poor harvests and cheap imported grain. With Gladstone conducting a speaking campaign, his Liberals bested Disraelis Conservatives in the 1880 election. In his final months, Disraeli led the Conservatives in opposition and he had throughout his career written novels, beginning in 1826, and he published his last completed novel, Endymion, shortly before he died at the age of 76. Disraeli was born on 21 December 1804 at 6 Kings Road, Bedford Row, Bloomsbury, London, the child and eldest son of Isaac DIsraeli, a literary critic and historian. The family was of Sephardic Jewish Italian mercantile background, All Disraelis grandparents and great grandparents were born in Italy, Isaacs father, Benjamin, moved to England from Venice in 1748. Disraelis siblings were Sarah, Naphtali, Ralph, and James and he was close to his sister, and on affectionate but more distant terms with his surviving brothers
