Carlos Saúl Menem Akil is an Argentine politician, President of Argentina from July 8, 1989 to December 10, 1999. He has been a Senator for La Rioja Province since December 10, 2005. Born in Anillaco, Menem became a Peronist during a visit to Buenos Aires, he led the party in his home province of La Rioja, was elected governor in 1973. He was deposed and detained during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état, was elected governor again in 1983, he defeated the Buenos Aires governor Antonio Cafiero in the primary elections for the 1989 presidential elections, which he won. Hyperinflation forced outgoing president Raúl Alfonsín to resign early, shortening the presidential transition. Menem supported the Washington Consensus, tackled inflation with the Convertibility plan in 1991; the plan was complemented by a series of privatizations, was a success. Argentina re-established diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, suspended since the 1982 Falklands War, developed special relations with the United States.
The country suffered two terrorist attacks. The Peronist victory in the 1993 midterm elections allowed him to force Alfonsín to sign the Pact of Olivos for the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution; this amendment allowed Menem to run for re-election in 1995. A new economic crisis began, the opposing parties formed a political coalition that won the 1997 midterm elections and the 1999 presidential election. Menem ran for the presidency again in 2003, but faced with a defeat in a ballotage against Néstor Kirchner, he chose to pull out of the ballotage handing the presidency to Kirchner, he was elected senator for La Rioja in 2005. At 88, he is the oldest living former Argentine president. Carlos Saúl Menem was born in 1930 in Anillaco, a small town in the mountainous north of La Rioja Province, Argentina, his parents, Saúl Menem and Mohibe Akil, were Syrian nationals from Yabroud who had emigrated to Argentina. He attended elementary and high school in La Rioja, joined a basketball team during his university studies.
He visited Buenos Aires in 1951 with the team, met the president Juan Perón and his wife Eva Perón. This influenced Menem to become a Peronist, he studied law at the National University of Córdoba, graduating in 1955. After President Juan Peron's overthrow in 1955, Menem was incarcerated, he joined the successor to the Peronist Party, the Justicialist Party. He was elected president of its La Rioja Province chapter in 1973. In that capacity, he was included in the flight to Spain that brought Perón back to Argentina after his long exile. According to the Peronist politician Juan Manuel Abal Medina, Menem played no special part in the event. Menem was elected governor in 1973, he was deposed during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état that deposed the president Isabel Martínez de Perón. He was accused of corruption, having links with the guerrillas of the Dirty War, he was detained on March 25, kept for a week at a local regiment, moved to a temporary prison at the ship "33 Orientales" in Buenos Aires. He was detained alongside former ministers Antonio Cafiero, Jorge Taiana, Miguel Unamuno, José Deheza, Pedro Arrighi, the unionists Jorge Triaca, Diego Ibáñez, Lorenzo Miguel, the diplomat Jorge Vázquez, the journalist Osvaldo Papaleo, the former president Raúl Lastiri.
He shared a cell with Juan Perón's personal physician. During this time he helped the chaplain Lorenzo Lavalle, despite being a Muslim. In July he was sent to a permanent prison, his wife Zulema rejected his conversion to Christianity. His mother died during the time he was a prisoner, dictator Jorge Rafael Videla denied his request to attend her funeral, he was released on July 29, 1978, on the condition that he live in a city outside his home province without leaving it. He settled in Mar del Plata. Menem met Admiral Eduardo Massera, who intended to run for president, had public meetings with personalities such as Carlos Monzón, Susana Giménez, Alberto Olmedo; as a result, he was forced to reside in Tandil. He had to report daily to Chief of Police Hugo Zamora; this forced residence was lifted in February 1980. He returned to Buenos Aires, to La Rioja, he resumed his political activities, despite the prohibition, was detained again. His new forced residence was in Formosa Province, he was one of the last politicians to be released from prison by the National Reorganization Process.
Military rule ended in 1983, the radical Raúl Alfonsín was elected president. Menem ran for governor again, was elected by a clear margin; the province benefited from tax regulations established by the military, which allowed increased industrial growth. His party got control of the provincial legislature, he was re-elected in 1987 with 63% of the vote; the PJ was divided in two factions, the conservatives that still supported the political doctrines of Juan and Isabel Perón, those who proposed a renovation of the party. The internal disputes ceased in 1987. Menem, with his prominent victory in his district, was one of the leading figures of the party, disputed its leadership. Antonio Cafiero, elected governor of Buenos Aires Province, led the renewal of the PJ, was considered their most candidate for the presidency. Menem, on the other hand, was seen as a populist leader. Using a big tent approach, he got support from several unrelated political figures; as a result, he defeated Cafiero in the primary elections.
He sought alliances with Bunge and Born, union leaders, former members of Montoneros, the AAA, people from the church, "Carapintadas", etc. He promise
Argentine Revolution was the name given by its leaders to a military coup d'état which overthrew the government of Argentina in June 1966 and began a period of military dictatorship by a junta from until 1973. The June 1966 coup established General Juan Carlos Onganía as de facto president, supported by several leaders of the General Confederation of Labour, including the general secretary Augusto Vandor; this was followed by a series of military-appointed presidents and the implementation of neo-liberal economic policies, supported by multinational companies, employers' federations, part of the more-or-less corrupt workers' movement, the press. While preceding military coups were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to Communism, which would give the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading political and economic role. Political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state", in reference to the Revolución Argentina, the 1964–1985 Brazilian military regime and Augusto Pinochet's regime.
Onganía implemented corporatist policies, experimenting in particular in Córdoba under the governance of Carlos Caballero. The new Minister of Economy, Adalbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a wage freeze and a 40% devaluation, which weakened the economy – in particular the agricultural sector – and favored foreign capital. Vasena suspended collective labour conventions, reformed the "hydrocarbons law" which had established a partial monopoly of the Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales state firm, passed a law facilitating the eviction of tenants over their non-payment of domestic rent; the right to strike was suspended and several other laws passed reversing previous progressive labor legislation. The workers' movement divided itself between Vandoristas, who supported a "Peronism without Perón" line and advocated negotiation with the junta, alongside "Participationists" headed by José Alonso, Peronists, who formed the General Confederation of Labour of the Argentines in 1968 and were opposed to any kind of participation with the military junta.
Perón himself, from his exile in Francoist Spain, maintained a cautious and ambiguous line of opposition to the regime, rejecting both endorsement and open confrontation. Onganía ended university autonomy, achieved by the University Reform of 1918, he was responsible for the July 1966 La Noche de los Bastones Largos, where university autonomy was violated, in which he ordered police to invade the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires. They arrested students and professors; the university repression led to the exile of 301 university professors, among whom were Manuel Sadosky, Tulio Halperín Donghi, Sergio Bagú and Risieri Frondizi. Onganía ordered repression on all forms of "immoralism", proscribing miniskirts, long hair for young men, all avant-garde artistic movements; this moral campaign alienated the middle classes. Towards the end of May 1968, General Julio Alsogaray dissented from Onganía, rumors spread about a possible coup d'état, with Algosaray leading the opposition to Onganía.
At the end of the month Onganía dismissed the leaders of the Armed Forces: Alejandro Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, Jorge Martínez Zuviría replaced Adolfo Alvarez. On 19 September 1968, two important events affected Revolutionary Peronism. John William Cooke, former personal delegate of Perón, an ideologist of the Peronist Left and friend of Fidel Castro, died from natural causes. On the same day a group of 13 men and one woman who aimed at establishing a foco in Tucumán Province, in order to head the resistance against the junta, was captured. In 1969, the CGT de los Argentinos headed protest movements, in particular the Cordobazo, as well as other movements in Tucumán, Santa Fe and Rosario. While Perón managed a reconciliation with Augusto Vandor, he followed, in particular through the voice of his delegate Jorge Paladino, a cautious line of opposition to the military junta, criticizing with moderation the neoliberal policies of the junta but waiting for discontent inside the government.
Thus, Onganía had an interview with 46 CGT delegates, among them Vandor, who agreed on "participationism" with the military junta, thus uniting themselves with the Nueva Corriente de Opinión headed by José Alonso and Rogelio Coria. In December 1969, more than 20 priests, members of the Movement of Priests for the Third World, marched on the Casa Rosada to present to Onganía a petition pleading him to abandon the eradication plan of villas miserias; the same year, the MSTM issued a declaration supporting Socialist revolutionary movements, which led the Catholic hierarchy, by the voice of Juan Carlos Aramburu, coadjutor archbishop of Buenos Aires, to proscribe priests from making political or social declarations. Various armed actions, headed by the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación, composed by former members of the Revolutionary Communist Party, occurred in April 1969, leading to several arrests among FAL members; these were the first left-wing urban guerrilla actions in Argentina. Beside these isolated actions, the Cordobazo uprising of 1969, called forth by the CGT de los Argenti
José María Guido
José María Guido was the 33rd President of Argentina. His term lasted from 30 March 1962 to 12 October 1963. Guido was elected to the Argentine Senate for Río Negro Province in 1958, representing the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, he was elected Provisional President of the Senate and became first in line to the Presidency following the resignation of Vice-President Alejandro Gómez. Following the provincial victory of the newly re-legalised Peronists, the military deposed President Arturo Frondizi but reluctantly allowed Guido to assume the Presidency, with the support of the Supreme Court of Argentina. Guido thus became the only civilian to take power in Argentina by military coup. Guido suppressed the Peronist cause again, his presidency was marked by violent confrontations between rival military factions, culminating in the 1963 Argentine Navy Revolt, which Guido's government suppressed. Elections were allowed to take place in 1963 which brought Arturo Umberto Illia to power
1983 Argentine general election
The Argentine general election of 1983 was held on 30 October and marked the return of constitutional rule following the self-styled National Reorganization Process dictatorship installed in 1976. Voters chose the president, governors and their respective national and town legislators. In 1976 the military announced a coup d'état against President Isabel Perón with problems of financial instability, endemic corruption, international isolation and violence that typified her last year in office. Many citizens believed the National Reorganization Process, the junta's government, would improve the general state of Argentina; as that regime's third dictator, General Leopoldo Galtieri, awoke in the early hours of June 18, 1982 to find a letter requesting he resign, however, he had no doubt that the Process had run its course. Against the wishes of Galtieri's commanders, the Joint Chiefs chose Army General Reynaldo Bignone not so much the new President as the usher towards a democratic transition, which President Bignone announced would take place in March 1984.
Inheriting an economy struggling under crushing interest rates imposed by the Central Bank Circular 1050, Bignone's new president of the institution, Domingo Cavallo, rescinded the policy in July, a move towards economic liberalization complemented by Bignone's restoring a limited right of assembly and free speech. Argentina's wide array of political parties, jointly pressing for elections through a "Multiparty" convened by centrist UCR leader Ricardo Balbín in 1981, geared for the imminent return to democracy. Six years of intermittent wage freezes, policies adverse to industry and restrictive measures like the Circular 1050 had left GDP per capita at its lowest level since 1968 and real wages lower by around 40%. Given these conditions, the return of some freedoms led to a wave of strikes, including two general strikes led by Saúl Ubaldini of the CGT labor federation. Fanning antagonism on the part of hard-liners in the regime, this led Admiral Jorge Anaya to announce his candidacy for President in August, becoming the first to do so.
Amid growing calls for quicker elections, police brutally repressed a December 16, 1982 demonstration in Buenos Aires' central Plaza de Mayo, resulting in the death of one protester and Bignone's hopes for an indefinite postponement of elections. Devoting themselves to damage control, the regime began preparing for the transition by shredding evidence of their murder of 15–30,000 dissidents. Hoping to quiet demands that their whereabouts be known, in February 1983 Buenos Aires Police Chief Ramón Camps publicly recognized the crime and asserted that the "disappeared" were, in fact, dead. Provoking popular indignation, Camps' interview forced President Bignone to cease denying the tragedy and, on April 28, declare a blanket amnesty for those involved. Among the first prominent political figures to condemn the amnesty was the leader of the UCR's progressive wing, Raúl Alfonsín, who secured his party's nomination during their convention in July. Alfonsín chose as his running mate Víctor Martínez, a more conservative UCR figure from Córdoba Province.
Their traditional opponents, the Justicialist Party, struggled to find candidates for not only the top of the ticket, but for a number of the more important local races, as well. Following conferences that dragged on for two months after the UCR nominated Alfonsín, the Justicialists' left wing proved little match for the CGT's influence within the party, they nominated ideological opposites Ítalo Lúder, who had served as acting President during Mrs. Perón's September 1975 sick leave, for President and former Chaco Province Governor Deolindo Bittel as his running mate. Constrained by time, Alfonsín focused his strategy on accusing the Justicialists, who had refused to condemn Bignone's military amnesty, of enjoying the dictator's tacit support. Alfonsín enjoyed the valuable support of a number of Argentine intellectuals and artists, including playwright Carlos Gorostiza, who devised the UCR candidate's slogan, Alfonsín. Lúder, aware of intraparty tensions, limited his campaign ads and rhetoric to an evocation of the founder of the Justicialist Party, the late Juan Perón.
Polls gave neither man an edge for the contest, scheduled for October 30. A few days for the elections, the Justicialist candidate for Governor of Buenos Aires Province, Herminio Iglesias, threw a "victory rally" in which a coffin draped in the UCR colors was burned before the television cameras; the bonfire ignited the electorate's bitter memories of Isabel Perón's tenure and helped result in a solid victory for the UCR. The Peronists were given 12 of 22 governorships; the UCR secured only 7 governors, though the nation's largest province, Buenos Aires, would be governed by the UCR's Alejandro Armendáriz. The elections themselves, which allowed Alfonsín to persuade Bignone to advance the inaugural to December 10, 1983, became, in playwright Carlos Gorostiza's words, "more than a democratic way out, a way into life." Radical Civic Union: Former Deputy Raúl Alfonsín of Buenos Aires Justicialist Party: Former Senator Ítalo Lúd
Church–state relations in Argentina
The first conflicts between the Roman Catholic Church and the Argentine government can be traced to the ideas of the May Revolution of 1810. The Tribunal of the Inquisition was suppressed in the territories of the United Provinces of the River Plate on 1813-03-23, on 4 June the General Assembly declared the state "independent from any ecclesiastical authorities existing outside its territory"; the framers of the 1853 Constitution, who were in many cases influenced by Freemasonry, found a middle way between an Catholic country and a secular society, by allowing religious freedom while keeping economic support for the Church, employing the patronage system, by which the President selected triplets of bishop candidates that the Pope could approve. This system was abolished in 1966, during the dictatorial rule of Juan Carlos Onganía, replaced by a Concordat which gave the Vatican the attribution of appointing and removing bishops, leaving the President only with the right to object the appointments.
In the 1994 constitutional reform the Concordat was awarded the rank of international treaty and thus given priority over national laws, although Congress is still allowed to reformulate it. The same reform eliminated the constitutional requirement for the President to be a Roman Catholic; the protocol of the Argentine government has always been influenced by the Catholic Church. Bishops have a place along ministers and other officials in patriotic ceremonies. On the celebration of the May Revolution, the president along with his or her spouse and ministers is expected to attend the Te Deum celebrated by the Archbishop of Buenos Aires. During the first twenty years after the May Revolution, the new state did not establish official diplomatic relations with the Vatican; the Papacy did not wish to create a conflict with the Spanish Crown by showing support for the South American revolution. During the government of Martín Rodríguez, there was a project to transfer the clergy to state control and abolish tithing in favour of state financial backing for the Church.
Juan Manuel de Rosas destroyed the possibility of re-establishing relations when, in 1837, he dictated that no civil or ecclesiastic authority in Buenos Aires Province must acknowledge or obey pontifical documents dated after 1810-05-25 without an authorization granted by the foreign relations department. After Rosas's fall, Justo José de Urquiza proposed the Holy See to create a diocese of the littoral provinces, to avoid the intervention of the bishopric of Buenos Aires, but the Vatican did not accept the Concordat proposed in 1857; the first major conflict between the Argentine State and the Church arose in 1884, when President Julio Argentino Roca supported Law 1420, dictating compulsory universal secular education, the law of civil marriage. The opposition of the Church led to the expulsion of the Nuncio, the removal of dissident bishops, a breakup of diplomatic relations with the Vatican, which were re-established during Roca's second term; the civil marriage law was approved in 1889 under the presidency of Miguel Juárez Celman.
The Archbishop of Buenos Aires, Federico Aneiros, sent a document to the priests instructing them to explain church attendants that civil marriage was concubinage. The Vatican sent instructions to resist the law. In October 1934 the International Eucharistic Congress was held in Buenos Aires; the Papal Legate was the then-Secretary of Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli. After the Congress, Argentina was granted a cardinal and three new archbishops, which showed the local and Vatican concern about the advancement of National Socialism. With this sensitive topic in hand, the Church pressured the government on the issue of re-establishing the possibility of religious teaching in public schools; the conservative Agustín Pedro Justo administration lent ears to these requests. The government of Juan Perón was one of changing relationships between the State. At first, the new Peronist movement was linked to the Armed Forces; the Army and the Church considered themselves barriers against the ideologies of Socialism and Communism.
The Church supported a doctrine of "social justice" that shared with Peronism the idea of a State that mediates in class conflicts and evens out social inequalities. However, some factions of the Church objected Perón's "statism", that is, the intervention of the national government in private society, sometimes invading the sphere of influence of the Church, as in the case of welfare plans and public education, the latter being the most contentious issue. By a law dictated in 1943 during the previous dictatorial government, public schools were forced to provide religious education classes. In 1946, the Argentine Senate approved a legal re-affirmation of all the decrees passed by the military junta; this law was debated in the less docile Chamber of Deputies, was passed thanks to the vote of the Peronists, who submitted to the will of the Executive Branch. The arguments presented were nationalistic and anti-liberal, identifying Argentine nationality with the deep Catholicism of the motherland and emphasizing religion as a means to create a personal conscience and an ordered society.
The religious education law, limited the powers of the Church: teachers, curricular contents and textbooks were designated by the State, after consultations with the Church if need be. Besides this, the rest of the school subjects were independent of religious influence, therefor
A flag carrier is a transportation company, such as an airline or shipping company, being locally registered in a given sovereign state, enjoys preferential rights or privileges accorded by the government for international operations. The term refers to any carrier, or was owned by a government long after their privatization when preferential rights or privileges continue. Flag carriers may be known as such due to maritime law requiring all aircraft or ships to display the state flag of the country of their registry. A flag carrier may be known as a national airline or a national carrier, although this can have different legal meanings in some countries; the term "flag carrier" is a legacy of the time when countries established state-owned airline companies. Governments took the lead due to the high capital costs of establishing and running airlines. However, not all such airlines were government-owned. Most of these were considered to be flag carriers as they were the "main national airline" and a sign of their country's presence abroad.
The regulated aviation industry meant aviation rights are negotiated between governments, denying airlines the right to an open market. These Bilateral Air Transport Agreements similar to the Bermuda I and Bermuda II agreements specify rights awardable only to locally registered airlines, forcing some governments to jump-start airlines to avoid being disadvantaged in the face of foreign competition; some countries establish flag carriers such as Israel's El Al or Lebanon's Middle East Airlines for nationalist reasons, or to aid the country's economy in the area of tourism. In many cases, governments would directly assist in the growth of their flag carriers through subsidies and other fiscal incentives; the establishment of competitors in the form of other locally registered airlines may be prohibited, or regulated to avoid direct competition. Where run airlines may be allowed to be established, the flag carriers may still be accorded priority in the apportionment of aviation rights to local or international markets.
In the last two decades, many of these airlines have since been corporatized as a public company or a state-owned enterprise, or privatized. The aviation industry has been deregulated and liberalized, permitting greater freedoms of the air in the United States and in the European Union with the signing of the Open Skies agreement. One of the features of such agreements is the right of a country to designate multiple airlines to serve international routes with the result that there is no single "flag carrier"; the chart below lists airlines considered to be a "flag carrier", based on current or former state ownership, or other verifiable designation as a national airline. International Air Transport Association US Maritime Administration