Charles de Gaulle
Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle was a French army officer and statesman who led the French Resistance against Nazi Germany in World War II and chaired the Provisional Government of the French Republic from 1944 to 1946 in order to establish democracy in France. In 1958, he came out of retirement when appointed President of the Council of Ministers by President René Coty, he was asked to rewrite the Constitution of France and founded the Fifth Republic after approval by referendum. He was elected President of France that year, a position he was reelected to in 1965 and held until his resignation in 1969, he was the dominant figure of France during the Cold War era, his memory continues to influence French politics. Born in Lille, he graduated from Saint-Cyr in 1912, he was a decorated officer of the First World War, wounded several times, taken prisoner at Verdun. During the interwar period, he advocated mobile armoured divisions. During the German invasion of May 1940, he led an armoured division which counterattacked the invaders.
Refusing to accept his government's armistice with Germany, De Gaulle exhorted the French population to resist occupation and to continue the fight in his Appeal of 18 June. He led a government in the Free French Forces against the Axis. Despite frosty relations with the United Kingdom and the United States, he emerged as the undisputed leader of the French Resistance, he became head of the Provisional Government of the French Republic in June 1944, the interim government of France following its Liberation. As early as 1944, De Gaulle introduced a dirigiste economic policy, which included substantial state-directed control over a capitalist economy, followed by 30 years of unprecedented growth, known as the Trente Glorieuses. Frustrated by the return of petty partisanship in the new Fourth Republic, he resigned in early 1946 but continued to be politically active as founder of the Rassemblement du Peuple Français, he retired in the early 1950s and wrote a book about his experience in the war titled War Memoirs, which became a staple of modern French literature.
When the Algerian War was ripping apart the unstable Fourth Republic, the National Assembly brought him back to power during the May 1958 crisis. He founded the Fifth Republic with a strong presidency, he was elected to continue in that role, he managed to keep France together while taking steps to end the war, much to the anger of the Pieds-Noirs and the military. He granted independence to progressively to other French colonies. In the context of the Cold War, De Gaulle initiated his "politics of grandeur" asserting that France as a major power should not rely on other countries, such as the United States, for its national security and prosperity. To this end, he pursued a policy of "national independence" which led him to withdraw from NATO's military integrated command and to launch an independent nuclear development program that made France the fourth nuclear power, he restored cordial Franco-German relations to create a European counterweight between the Anglo-American and Soviet spheres of influence through the signing of the Élysée Treaty on 22 January 1963.
However, he opposed any development of a supranational Europe, favouring a Europe of sovereign nations. De Gaulle criticised the United States intervention in Vietnam and the "exorbitant privilege" of the United States dollar. In his years, his support for the slogan "Vive le Québec libre" and his two vetoes of Britain's entry into the European Economic Community generated considerable controversy. Although reelected President in 1965, he appeared to lose power amid widespread protests by students and workers in May 1968, but survived the crisis and won an election with an increased majority in the National Assembly. De Gaulle resigned in 1969 after losing a referendum, he died a year at his residence in Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, leaving his presidential memoirs unfinished. Many French political parties and figures claim a Gaullist legacy. De Gaulle was born in the industrial region of Lille in the Nord department, the third of five children, he was raised in a devoutly traditional family. His father, Henri de Gaulle, was a professor of history and literature at a Jesuit college who founded his own school.
Henri de Gaulle came from a long line of parliamentary gentry from Burgundy. The name is thought to be Flemish in origin, may well have derived from van der Waulle. De Gaulle's mother, descended from a family of wealthy entrepreneurs from Lille, she had French, Scottish and German ancestry. As part of the French nobility, the de Gaulle family had lost most of its land in the French Revolution, which it opposed. De Gaulle's father encouraged historical and philosophical debate between his children at mealtimes, through his encouragement, de Gaulle grew familiar with French history from an early age. Struck by his mother's tale of how she cried as a child when she heard of the French capitulation to the Germans at Sedan in 1870, he developed a keen interest in military strategy, he was influenced by his uncle named Charles de Gaulle, a historian and passionate Celticist who wrote books and pamphlets advocating the union of the Welsh, Scots and Bretons into one people. His grandfather Julien-Philippe was a histo
The Nuremberg trials were a series of military tribunals held by the Allied forces under international law and the laws of war after World War II. The trials were most notable for the prosecution of prominent members of the political, military and economic leadership of Nazi Germany, who planned, carried out, or otherwise participated in the Holocaust and other war crimes; the trials were held in the city of Nuremberg and their decisions marked a turning point between classical and contemporary international law. The first and best known of these trials was that of the major war criminals before the International Military Tribunal, it was described as "the greatest trial in history" by Sir Norman Birkett, one of the British judges who presided over them. Held between 20 November 1945 and 1 October 1946, the Tribunal was given the task of trying 24 of the most important political and military leaders of the Third Reich – though the proceeding against Martin Bormann was tried in absentia, while another defendant, Robert Ley, committed suicide within a week of the trial's commencement.
Adolf Hitler, Wilhelm Burgdorf, Hans Krebs and Joseph Goebbels had all committed suicide in the spring of 1945 to avoid capture. Heinrich Himmler was captured before he could succeed. Krebs and Burgdorf committed suicide two days after Hitler in the same place. Reinhard Heydrich had been assassinated by Czech partisans in 1942. Josef Terboven killed himself with dynamite in Norway in 1945. Adolf Eichmann fled to Argentina to avoid Allied capture, but was apprehended by Israel's intelligence service and hanged in 1962. Hermann Göring was sentenced to death, but committed suicide by consuming cyanide the night before his execution in defiance of his captors. Miklós Horthy appeared as a witness at the Ministries trial held in Nuremberg in 1948; this article deals with the first trial, conducted by the IMT. Further trials of lesser war criminals were conducted under Control Council Law No. 10 at the U. S. Nuremberg Military Tribunal, which included the Doctors' trial and the Judges' Trial; the categorization of the crimes and the constitution of the court represented a juridical advance that would be used afterwards by the United Nations for the development of a specific international jurisprudence in matters of war crime, crimes against humanity, war of aggression, as well as for the creation of the International Criminal Court.
The Nuremberg indictment mentions genocide for the first time in international law A precedent for trying those accused of war crimes had been set at the end of World War I in the Leipzig War Crimes Trials held in May to July 1921 before the Reichsgericht in Leipzig, although these had been on a limited scale and regarded as ineffectual. At the beginning of 1940, the Polish government-in-exile asked the British and French governments to condemn the German invasion of their country; the British declined to do so. Bland because of Anglo-French reservations, it proclaimed the trio's "desire to make a formal and public protest to the conscience of the world against the action of the German government whom they must hold responsible for these crimes which cannot remain unpunished."Three-and-a-half years the stated intention to punish the Germans was much more trenchant. On 1 November 1943, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States published their "Declaration on German Atrocities in Occupied Europe", which gave a "full warning" that, when the Nazis were defeated, the Allies would "pursue them to the uttermost ends of the earth... in order that justice may be done....
The above declaration is without prejudice to the case of the major war criminals whose offences have no particular geographical location and who will be punished by a joint decision of the Government of the Allies." This intention by the Allies to dispense justice was reiterated at the Yalta Conference and at Potsdam in 1945. British War Cabinet documents, released on 2 January 2006, showed that as early as December 1944 the Cabinet had discussed their policy for the punishment of the leading Nazis if captured; the British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, had advocated a policy of summary execution in some circumstances, with the use of an Act of Attainder to circumvent legal obstacles, being dissuaded from this only by talks with US and Soviet leaders in the war. In late 1943, during the Tripartite Dinner Meeting at the Tehran Conference, the Soviet leader, Joseph Stalin, proposed executing 50,000–100,000 German staff officers. US President Franklin D. Roosevelt joked that 49,000 would do.
Churchill, believing them to be serious, denounced the idea of "the cold blooded execution of soldiers who fought for their country" and that he would rather be "taken out in the courtyard and shot" himself than partake in any such action. However, he stated that war criminals must pay for their crimes and that, in accordance with the Moscow Document which he himself had written, they should be tried at the places where the crimes were committed. Churchill was vigorously opposed to executions "for political purposes." According to the minutes of a meeting between Roosevelt and Stalin at Yalta, on 4 February 1945, at the Livadia Palace, President Roosevelt "said
Pierre Firmin Pucheu was a French industrialist and member of the Vichy government. He became after his marriage the son-in-law of the Belgian architect Paul Saintenoy; the son of a tailor from southwest France, Pucheu was born in Beaumont-sur-Oise and won a scholarship to the École Normale Supérieure in Paris, where he was a contemporary of both Robert Brasillach and Jean-Paul Sartre. Intending to follow the path of a writer himself, he became enamoured of capitalism in Paris and determined instead to enter the business world, he was drawn to the steel industry and came to head up one of the largest monopolies, the Cartel d'Acier. Showing little real interest in politics, his interest was sparked by the 6 February 1934 crisis and he became associated first with the Croix-de-Feu and with Jacques Doriot's Parti Populaire Français before splitting from the latter group in 1938 over Doriot's financial links with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. In particular Pucheu was opposed to the Munich Agreement.
This was in part motivated by Pucheu's business interests, which included close links to Škoda Auto, a company threatened by German expansion. Pucheu's support for the PPF had been motivated by what he saw as the growth of communism and the desire for a rightist party to oppose that whilst his departure from the group saw the PPF decline due a significant drop in funding. After the occupation his political profile rose as he was pushed by industrialist allies in charge of Le Temps who ensured that he was given the position of Minister of Industrial Production in 1941, before being promoted to Minister of the Interior that same year. In the latter role he became noted for his heavy-handed approach, notably selecting 89 hostages for execution in October 1941 in reprisal for the killing of German officers, he formed the Police aux Questions Juives in 1941 and took personal charge of the organisation. He was responsible for setting up the SPAC anti-communist police force, the anti-Masonic Service for Secret Societies and the Amicales de France, which served as the propaganda arm of Vichy.
According to Joseph Barthélemy, who had a violent hatred of Communists and Jews, was a confirmed Nazi. However, Pucheu wanted to model France's economy on Nazi Germany's rather than being convinced of the merits of occupation, as such the Germans called for him to be replaced in April 1942; as part of a loose intellectual movement known as the jeunes cyclists, Pucheu came to terms with Germany as the leader of Europe but hoped that economic renewal would ensure France would be one of the leading secondary powers in this new order. In government Pucheu has been characterised, along with the likes of Jean Bichelonne, Jacques Barnaud and François Lehideux, as a technocrat who helped to ensure that the Vichy regime was able to take on the administrative functions of a government, they were said to belong to a group called the Synarchy. Like Bichelonne he was devotee of Saint-Simonianism, the belief in industrialisation as the motor of progress in society, a belief, not shared by the rural traditionalist Philippe Pétain.
Deprived of his position, Pucheu moved, just after the allied landings in North Africa, to Spain, at the invitation of General Giraud, he went to Casablanca, Morocco in May 1943. He was arrested shortly thereafter and charged with treason and making illegal arrests, was transferred to Algiers in October 1943. Pucheu was tried and convicted and sentenced to death. Despite a request for clemency by General Giraud, General de Gaulle refused to intervene and on March 20, 1944, Pucheu was executed by firing squad, it is said that de Gaulle had ensured that the captured Pucheu faced the death penalty in order to undermine any further collaboration in France. He was the first of the leading collaborationist figures to be executed directly under de Gaulle's jurisdiction. Newspaper clippings about Pierre Pucheu in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
Collaboration with the Axis Powers
Within nations occupied by the Axis Powers in World War II, some citizens and organizations, prompted by nationalism, ethnic hatred, anti-communism, opportunism, self-defense, or a combination, knowingly collaborated with the Axis Powers. Some of these collaborators committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, or atrocities of the Holocaust. Collaboration has been defined as cooperation between elements of the population of a defeated state and representatives of a victorious power. Stanley Hoffmann subdivided collaboration into voluntary. According to Hoffmann, collaborationism can be subdivided into "servile" and "ideological". In contrast, Bertram Gordon uses the terms "collaborator" and "collaborationist" in reference to non-ideological and ideological collaborations; the term "collaborator" has been applied to persons, organizations, or countries that were not under occupation by the Axis Powers but that ideologically, financially, or militarily, before or during World War II, supported Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, or World War II-era Imperial Japan.
After the Italian invasion of Albania, the Royal Albanian Army and gendarmerie were amalgamated into the Italian armed forces in the newly created Italian protectorate of Albania. A fascist Albanian Militia was formed and in the Yugoslav part of Kosovo they established Vulnetari a volunteer militia of Albanians from Kosovo. Ethnic Albanian elements of the Italian armed forces participated in the Italian invasion of Greece, German-led Axis invasion of Yugoslavia. After the capitulation of Italy, the Germans stepped in and established more collaborationist units such as police volunteer regiments and a national militia. In annexed Kosovo, the Germans established the Kosovo Regiment out of Balli Kombëtar forces. In April 1943, Reichsfuhrer-SS Heinrich Himmler created the 21st Waffen Mountain Division of the SS Skanderbeg manned by Albanians and Kosovar Albanians. By June 1944, its military value against the Albanian and Yugoslav Partisans was considered poor, after the German occupation of Albania and the creation of the Albanian client state, by November 1944 it had been disbanded.
The remaining cadre, now called Kampfgruppe Skanderbeg, was transferred to the Prinz Eugen Division where they participated in actions against Josip Broz Tito's partisans in December 1944. The emblem of the division was a black Albanian eagle. At least four, five, Australian prisoners of war in Axis custody volunteered for the British Free Corps, a Waffen-SS unit. Three of the four men whose identity is known were members of the Second Australian Imperial Force's 2/32nd Battalion, the other was a merchant seaman. Following the war the three soldiers claimed that they had joined the BFC as part of attempts to escape from German custody, the merchant seaman stated that he had been given a choice of either signing up for the Corps or being imprisoned in a concentration camp after a relationship with a German woman was revealed. One of the soldiers and the seaman were convicted of aiding the enemy and imprisoned after the war, the other two soldiers were not punished. Belgium was invaded by Nazi Germany in May 1940 and remained under German occupation until the end of 1944.
Political collaboration took separate forms across the Belgian language divide. In Dutch-speaking Flanders, the Vlaams Nationaal Verbond, an authoritarian party and part of the pre-war Flemish Movement, became a major part of the German occupation strategy and VNV politicians were promoted to positions in the Belgian civil administration. VNV's comparatively moderate stance meant that it was eclipsed in the war by the more radical and pro-German DeVlag movement. In French-speaking Wallonia, Léon Degrelle's Rexist Party, a pre-war authoritarian and Catholic Fascist political party, became the VNV's Walloon equivalent, although Rex's Belgian nationalist stance put it at odds with the Flemish nationalism of VNV and the German Flamenpolitik. Rex became radical after 1941 and declared itself part of the Waffen SS. After the German invasion of the Soviet Union, Rex helped support the creation of a military unit to fight alongside German troops on the Eastern Front, the Walloon Legion, a similar Flemish Legion was created in Flanders.
Both began as formations in the German regular army but would become part of the Waffen SS. Although the pre-war Belgian government went into exile in 1940, the Belgian civil service was left in place for much of the occupation; the Committee of Secretaries-General, an administrative panel of civil servants, was created to coordinate the state's activities and, although it was intended to be a purely techocratic institution, has been accused of helping implement German occupation policies. The Belgian police have been accused of collaborating during the occupation in The Holocaust in Belgium; the Japanese invasion was assisted by Burmese nationalists known as Burma Independence Army, who hoped for independence. They were transformed into Burma National Army as the armed forces of State of Burma. Minority groups were armed by Japanese, such as the Arakan Defense Army and the Chin Defense Army; the Japanese set up several puppet regimes in occupied Chinese territories. The first of, Manchukuo in 1932, followed by the East Hebei Autonomous Council in 1935.
Similar to Manchukuo in its supposed ethnic identity, Mengjiang was set up in late 1936. Wang Kemin'
Robert Brasillach was a French author and journalist. Brasillach is best known as the editor of Je suis partout, a nationalist newspaper which came to advocate various fascist movements and supported Jacques Doriot. After the liberation of France in 1944 he was executed following a trial and Charles de Gaulle's express refusal to grant him a pardon. Brasillach was executed for advocating collaborationism and incitement to murder; the execution remains a subject of some controversy, because Brasillach was executed for "intellectual crimes", rather than military or political actions. Born in Perpignan, he studied at the École normale supérieure, at the time a school of the University of Paris, became a novelist and literary critic for the Action française of Charles Maurras. After the 6 February 1934 crisis in the Place de la Concorde, Brasillach supported fascism, his politics are shared by several of the protagonists in his literary works, notably the two male main characters in The Seven Colours.
Brasillach wrote both non-fiction. While his fiction dealt with love and politics in his era, his non-fiction dealt with a great variety of themes, ranging from drama, great literary figures and contemporary world events, his work in the realm of cinema history was influential. Brasillach was fascinated by the cinema and in 1935 co-wrote a detailed critical history of that medium, Histoire du cinéma, with his brother-in-law, Maurice Bardèche; this work remained the "most prominent aesthetic history of film for at least a decade", a work that exerted considerable influence, via its impact on Georges Sadoul until the 1970s. Unlike several other authors and critics of the time, Brasillach did not see cinema through an overtly political lens, although the 1943 re-edition of his work did contain certain anti-Semitic comments not included in the original. Despite being fervent nationalists and believing that each nation and people had a unique cinema, the authors instead focussed on international trends rather than local particularities.
Brasillach frequented Henri Langlois' Cercle du cinéma. His personal tastes are detailed in numerous articles of the period; these tastes ranged from Russian cinema to classics such as Charlie Chaplin, Georg Wilhelm Pabst, René Clair and Jean Renoir and to certain Hollywood films, such as those of John Ford, Frank Borzage and King Vidor. Brasillach was drawn to originality and explored foreign cinema, became the first major critic in France to address Japanese cinema, namely Yasujirō Ozu, Kenji Mizoguchi and Heinosuke Gosho. While in prison, he worked on a third edition of his work on cinema and started to adapt a work on Falstaff which he hoped to film with Raimu, he became an editor of Je suis partout, a fascist paper founded by dissidents from the Action Française and led by Pierre Gaxotte. Brasillach was attracted to the fascistic Rexist movement in Belgium, wrote an article and a book about the leader of the movement, Leon Degrelle. Brasillach admired what he perceived to be Degrelle's youth and charisma and Degrelle's insistence on being neither left nor right, supporting striking workers, encouraging love of God, the King and family and desiring to see the establishment of an anti-Communist and anti-capitalist, Christian-influenced corporate state.
Degrelle went on to collaborate with the German occupation of Belgium and served in the Waffen-SS. Brasillach was greatly impressed by José Antonio Primo de Rivera and his Falangist movement. By contrast, he described Mein Kampf as a "masterpiece of cretinism" in which Hitler appeared to be "a sort of enraged teacher."A soldier in 1940, Brasillach was captured by the Germans and held prisoner for several months after the fall of France. At his trial the prosecution alleged that his release was due to pro-German articles written while in captivity, he was returned to his editorial duties at Je suis partout. He wrote in favor of the Vichy regime but embraced a more wholehearted germanophile policy of collaboration and Nazi policies and criticized the Vichy state, he joined a group of French authors and artists in a trip to meet with German counterparts in Weimar and in November 1942 he supported the German militarisation of the unoccupied zone under the Vichy government because it "reunited France".
He visited the site of the Katyn massacre, toured the Eastern Front, visited French volunteers and wrote, on his return to France, that he had gone from embracing a collaboration due to reason and rationality to being a collaborator for reasons of the heart He called for the death of left-wing politicians and in the summer of 1944 signed the call for the summary execution of all members of the French Resistance. He considered himself a "moderate" anti-Semite and was replaced as editor of Je suis partout in 1943 by the more extreme Pierre-Antoine Cousteau, he was a member of the Groupe Collaboration, an initiative that encouraged close cultural ties between France and Germany. He went on to work for various journals, including le Petit Parisien. After the liberation of Paris Brasillach hid in an attic, joking in his diary: "Jews have been living in cupboards for four years, why not imitate them?" He gave himself up on September 14. He continued his literary endeavours while incarcerated. Brasillach was tried in Paris on 19 January 1945.
National Council of the Resistance
The National Council of the Resistance, in French Conseil National de la Résistance, was the body that directed and coordinated the different movements of the French Resistance - the press, trade unions, members of political parties hostile to the Vichy regime, starting from mid-1943. Various resistance movements had arisen in France since the start of the German occupation in June 1940. With the possible exception of the Francs-Tireurs et Partisans and other groups loyal to the Communist Party of France, the maquis groups were unorganised and unrelated to one another; this lack of coordination made them less effective in their actions against the Nazi occupiers. Charles de Gaulle, exiled in London and recognized by the UK as leader of a French government in exile, began seeking the formation of a committee to unify the resistance movements. On January 1, 1942, he delegated this task to Jean Moulin. Moulin achieved the feat on May 27, 1943 with the first meeting of the Conseil National de la Résistance in the apartment of René Corbin on the second floor of 48, Rue du Four, in Paris.
Aside from Moulin and his two assistants, Pierre Meunier and Robert Chambeiron, participants in the first meeting included representatives of the eight main French resistance movements, members of six of France's major political parties and the two large pre-war trade unions all attended the Rue du Four meeting. Representatives of the eight major resistance movements: Pierre Villon Roger Coquoin Jacques Lecompte-Boinet Charles Laurent Pascal Copeau Jacques-Henri Simon Claude Bourdet Eugène Claudius-Petit Under Jean Moulin's earlier influence, Franc-Tireur and Libération-Sud had agreed to regroup themselves in January 1943 to create the Mouvements Unis de la Résistance, with their joint military arms forming the Armée secrète. Representatives of the two trade unions: Louis Saillant Gaston Tessier Representatives of the six main political parties of the French Third Republic: André Mercier André Le Troquer Marc Rucart Georges Bidault Joseph Laniel Jacques Debu-Bridel However, shortly after the CNR's creation, its president Jean Moulin was arrested at Caluire by the SS.
Over the next three days, Moulin was tortured by Klaus Barbie himself, would die during his transfer to Germany. He divulged no information to his torturers and his silence was to have allowed the CNR to pursue its activities. After Moulin's capture and death, the Conseil National de la Résistance decided for security reasons to end its plenary sessions and created an executive office of five members, with each member representing his own group and two others; the new office was under the direction of Alexandre Parodi, delegate-general, Georges Bidault, the new president. On September 9, 1944, Louis Saillant succeeded Bidault as head of the CNR. On March 15, 1944, the CNR adopted, after months of negotiations, the Programme of the Conseil National de la Résistance; the document was influenced by communist groups like the Front National in part II, "Measures to be taken after the liberation of the territory", which envisioned the establishment of a social democracy with a planned economy in France after liberation.
Some of the proposed measures were applied, at least to a certain extent, after liberation, including the nationalisation of energy, insurance companies and banks, the creation of social security programs and the independence of trade unions. They are many of the so-called acquis sociaux of the second half of the 20th century in France; the text of this article was translated from this version of the French-language Wikipedia article "Conseil National de la Résistance". List of members of the Conseil National de la Résistance from the archival web site of former French Prime Minister Alain Juppé, Description of the Conseil National de la Résistance from the Musée de la Résistance Nationale, Programme du Conseil National de la Résistance from Wikisource, France Républicaine - Conseil National de la Résistance, Article in the magazine l'Humanité, Le Programme du Conseil National de la Résistance
Minister of the Interior (France)
The Minister of the Interior is an important position in the Government of France. The office is equivalent to the Interior Minister of other countries, like the Home Secretary of the United Kingdom, or similar to a combination of the Attorney General and Secretary of Homeland Security in the United States; the Minister of the Interior is responsible for the following: The general interior security of the country, with respect to criminal acts or natural catastrophes including the major law-enforcement forces the French National Police the French Gendarmerie for its police operations General directorate for civil defence and crisis management the directorate of Firefighters the granting of identity documents and driving licenses through the network of préfectures relations between the central government and local governments logistics and organization of political elections, at the national and prefectoral levels regulation of immigration and preventing illegal immigration integration of legal immigrants all départemental préfets and sub-prefects are subordinate to the Minister of the InteriorThe Minister of the Interior takes on the role of the former Ministre des cultes and is formally consulted in the process of appointment of Catholic diocesan bishops.
The Minister of Worship used to be a fully-fledged minister, but this position no longer exists since 1912. While the Ministry of the Interior supervises police forces, it does not supervise criminal enquiries; those enquiries are conducted under the supervision of the judiciary. The Ministry's headquarters are located on the place Beauvau. "Place Beauvau" is used as a metonym for the ministry. The current Minister of the Interior is Christophe Castaner. List of Interior Ministers of France Official website