Prokopios Pavlopoulos, GColIH shortened to Prokopis, is the current President of Greece, in office since 2015. A lawyer, university professor and politician, he was Minister for the Interior from 2004 to 2009. On 18 February 2015, Pavlopoulos was elected by the Hellenic Parliament as President of Greece, with 233 votes in favour. Prokopis Pavlopoulos was born in Kalamata to high school principal and classics teacher Vasilios Pavlopoulos and grew up in the same city. After finishing school in his home town, he entered the Law School of the University of Athens in 1968. In 1975, on a government scholarship, he received his DEA from the Paris Panthéon-Assas University, followed by his PhD in 1977 on Public Law, he returned to Greece to serve his military service in the Hellenic Army. He was elected Lecturer at the University of Athens in 1980, he was promoted to Reader in 1981. In 1983 he became Assistant Professor and he was promoted to Associate Professor in 1986. In 1989, he was elected Professor of Administrative Law.
In 1986, Pavlopoulos was an adjunct faculty member at the Panthéon-Assas University. Pavlopoulos was secretary to the first President of the metapolitefsi, Michail Stasinopoulos, in 1974. From November 1989 to April 1990, he served as alternate Minister for the Presidency and government spokesman in the ecumenical government headed by Xenophon Zolotas, he served as head of the legal office to President Konstantinos Karamanlis from 1990 to 1995, political advisor to Miltiadis Evert chairman of New Democracy, from September 1995. He was elected as a State MP for the New Democracy party in the 1996 parliamentary election, in the 2000 parliamentary election he was elected as an MP for the Athens A constituency, he was appointed as New Democracy's Press and Information Spokesman by Evert on 20 April 1996. Pavlopoulos was successively re-elected for Athens A in the 2000, 2004, 2007, 2009 and 2012 elections. Following the March 2004 legislative election, won by New Democracy, Pavlopoulos became Minister for the Interior, Public Administration and Decentralisation in the new government of the Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis on 10 March 2004.
In the government appointed following New Democracy's victory in the September 2007 parliamentary election, the Interior Ministry was merged with the Ministry of Public Order, Pavlopoulous became Minister of the Interior and Public Order. He is a member of the Central Committee of New Democracy, on 29 July 2004 he was designated as a member of the party's Political Council as one of seven MP candidates. On 17 February, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras nominated Pavlopoulos as the ruling SYRIZA–ANEL coalition's candidate for the post of President of Greece in the presidential election that had begun in December 2014. On 18 February 2015, backed by SYRIZA, ANEL and his own New Democracy party, Pavlopoulos was elected by the Greek Parliament as the new President of Greece with 233 votes in favour, he succeeded Karolos Papoulias after the end of the latter's term on 13 March 2015. Pavlopoulos is married to Vlassia Pavlopoulou-Peltsemi and together they have two daughters and Zoe, one son, Vasilis.
David Davis, son of the Katherine, Crown Princess of Yugoslavia, are Godchildren of President Prokopis Pavlopoulos. Grand Master and Grand Cross of the Order of the Redeemer - 13 March 2015 Grand Master of the Order of Honour Grand Master of the Order of the Phoenix Grand Master of the Order of BeneficencePavlopoulos was awarded the following foreign order: Grand Cross of the Order of the Legion of Honour - 22 October 2015 Knight Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic - 23 November 2015 Grand Collar of the Order of Prince Henry - 27 January 2017 Knight of the Order of the White Eagle - 18 November 2017 Media related to Prokopis Pavlopoulos at Wikimedia Commons Terms of office of Prokopis Pavlopoulos at the Hellenic Parliament
Turkish National Movement
The Turkish National Movement encompasses the political and military activities of the Turkish revolutionaries that resulted in the creation and shaping of the modern Republic of Turkey, as a consequence of the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the subsequent occupation of Constantinople and partitioning of the Ottoman Empire by the Allies under the terms of the Armistice of Mudros. The Ottomans saw the movement as part of an international conspiracy against them; the Turkish revolutionaries rebelled against this partitioning and against the Treaty of Sèvres, signed in 1920 by the Ottoman government, which partitioned portions of Anatolia itself. This establishment of an alliance of Turkish revolutionaries during the partitioning resulted in the Turkish War of Independence, the abolition of the Ottoman sultanate on 1 November 1922 and the declaration of the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923; the movement declared that the only source of governance for the Turkish people would be the democratic Grand National Assembly of Turkey.
The movement was created in 1919 through a series of agreements and conferences throughout Anatolia and Thrace. The process was aimed to unite independent movements around the country to build a common voice and is attributed to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, as he was the primary spokesperson, public figure, military leader of the movement; the Amasya Agreement was important in many respects. It was the first call to the national movement against the occupying powers, it consisted of talks based on provinces, not race. In this declaration we saw the roots of what constitutes the "Turk" as a political term, there was no distinction or reference to race or religion; the message read as follows: The unity of the motherland and national independence are in danger. The Istanbul government is unable to carry out its responsibilities, it is only through the nation's determination that national independence will be won. It is necessary to establish a national committee, free from all external influences and control, that will review the national situation and make known to the world the peoples desires for justice.
It has been decided to hold a National Congress in Sivas, the most secure place in Anatolia. Three representatives from each province should be sent to the Sivas Congress. To be prepared for every eventuality, this subject should be kept a national secret. There will be a congress for the Eastern Provinces on July 10; the delegation from the Erzurum Congress will depart to join to the general meeting in Sivas. This agreement was signed by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Rauf Orbay, Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Refet Bele and Kâzım Karabekir in Erzurum. On American Mandate: On 1 August 1919, the King-Crane Commission tried to contact a large groups of interested parties in Constantinople, to obtain their positions with a view toward reporting them to the Paris Peace Conference. Kazım Karabekir learned that a memorandum was adopted by an amalgamation of political groups in Constantinople and the Erzurum Congress, in session since 23 July sent a memorandum to American President Woodrow Wilson on the same day, it was also meant to remind all other parties of Wilson's 14 Points and the fact that the Nationalists were aware of them.
Among the objectives of the Nationalists was, it appears, to signal the resolve of the Nationalists to the interested parties, display their intent not to tolerate indiscriminate political pressure. What began as a suggestion to the Nationalists to accept the American Mandate at the time of the Erzurum Congress, became a major campaign afterwards. By the time Sivas Congress was convened, no less than three channels were working on the Nationalist leadership to persuade them at least to "consider" the American Mandate, if not outright adopt a resolution in favor of it at the Sivas Congress; the Sivas Congress was the first time the fourteen leaders of the movement united under a single roof. These people formed a plan between 29 October, they agreed that the parliament should meet in Constantinople if it were obvious that this parliament could not function under the occupation. It was a great chance to build the legitimacy, they decided on formalizing a "Representative Committee" that would handle the distribution and implementation, which could be turned into a new government if allies decided to disband the whole Ottoman Governing structure.
Mustafa Kemal established two concepts into this program: integrity. Mustafa Kemal was setting the stage for conditions which would legitimize this organization and illegitimate the Ottoman parliament; these conditions were mentioned in the Wilsonian rules. Mustafa Kemal opened the National Congress at Sivas, with delegates from the entire nation taking part; the Erzurum resolutions were transformed into a national appeal, the name of the organization changed to the Society to Defend the Rights and Interests of the Provinces of Anatolia and Rumeli. The Erzurum resolutions were reaffirmed with minor additions, these included new clauses such as article 3 which states that the formation of an independent Greece on the Aydın, Balıkesir fronts was unacceptable; the Sivas Congress reinforced the stance taken at the Erzurum Congress. All these were performed. Plans were made to organize a new government and parliament in Ankara, the sultan asked to accept its authority. A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets.
Included among them were Halide Edip, her husband, Adnan Adıvar, İsmet İnönü, Kemal’s most important allies in the Ministry of W
Second Hellenic Republic
The Second Hellenic Republic is a modern historiographical term used to refer to the Greek state during a period of republican governance between 1924 and 1935. To its contemporaries it was known as the Hellenic Republic or more as Greece, it occupied the coterminous territory of modern Greece and bordered Albania, Bulgaria and the Italian Aegean Islands. The term Second Republic is used to differentiate it from the Third republics; the fall of the monarchy was proclaimed by the country's parliament on 25 March 1924. A small country with a population of 6.2 million in 1928, it covered a total area of 130,199 km2. Over its eleven-year history, the Second Republic saw some of the most important historical events in modern Greek history emerge; the Second Hellenic Republic was abolished on 10 October 1935, its abolition was confirmed by referendum on 3 November of the same year, accepted as having been mired with electoral fraud. The fall of the Republic paved the way for Greece to become a totalitarian single-party state, when Ioannis Metaxas established the 4th of August Regime in 1936, lasting until the Axis occupation of Greece in 1941.
When the Republic was proclaimed on 25 March 1924, the official name adopted for the country was Hellenic State. However, the name was changed to Hellenic Republic on 24 May 1924 by vote of the Parliament. Accordingly, the title of the country's head of state was changed from Governor to President of the Republic; the collapse of the Hellenic Army in Asia Minor was followed by the collapse of the government. Public outrage at the Asia Minor disaster, as Greece's defeat in the war became known, was reflected in the military coup which followed it; the coup, orchestrated by army officers, took the name The Revolution. Although The Revolution itself did not abolish the monarchy, one of its first acts was to shut down all the royalist newspapers as well as use the Armed Forces to prosecute known royalists; the decision whether or not to abolish the monarchy is one which divided Greek society, as some Liberal Party supporters, including the Party's founder, Eleftherios Venizelos, spoke out in favour of retaining the monarchy as a safety net against instability.
After the defeat of Greece by the Turkish National Movement of 1922, the defeated army revolted against the royal government. Under Venizelist officers like Nikolaos Plastiras and Stylianos Gonatas, King Constantine I was again forced to abdicate, died in exile in 1923, his eldest son and successor, King George II, was soon after asked by the parliament to leave Greece so the nation could decide what form of government it should adopt. In a 1924 plebiscite, Greeks voted to create a republic; these events marked the culmination of a process that had begun in 1915 between King Constantine and his political nemesis, Eleftherios Venizelos. The Republic was proclaimed on 25 March 1924 by the Parliament. Following the proclamation of the change in form of government from constitutional monarchy to republic, a referendum was held proclaimed for 13 April 1924. Voters were asked whether they "approve of the decision of the National Assembly that Greece be reorganised into a Republic on the parliamentary model".
Voting was to be secret, although the requirement that "yes" votes be cast with white ballots and "no" votes with yellow ones defeated the purpose of secrecy. The results of the referendum were a clear victory for the Republican campaign: 69.9% in favour of a republic and 30.1% in favour of the monarchy. Newspapers from a wide range of the political spectrum noted a lack of violence, implying a lack of electoral intimidation in favour of one side or another; the newspaper Forward wrote that the vote was "historic for the order which prevailed during the voting time", Skrip commented that people refrained from "any action which could be seen as a provocation" and that "the military measures made this easier", while the Communist Party's Rizospastis commented on the "relative calm" that prevailed in the electoral district of Athens. Makedonia added that so many people disregarded the yellow "no" ballots, that the floors inside the electoral centers and the streets around were littered with them.
Meanwhile, the decree of 1924 "on the safeguard of the republican regime" introduced the jail sentence for a minimum of six months for advocating in public the return of the monarchy, disputing the results of the referendum or publishing slander against the founders of the republic. In an interview following the referendum, then-Prime Minister Alexandros Papanastasiou defended government plans to pass such a decree, saying that the government must be allowed to move forward with its reforms without any sort of hindrance for a limited amount of time; the fragile nature of the young Greek republic became evident from the first year of its
Foreign relations of Greece
As one of the oldest Euro-Atlantic member states in the region of Southeast Europe, Greece enjoys a prominent geopolitical role as a middle power, due to its political and geographical proximity to Europe, the Middle East, Africa. Its main allies are the United States, Italy, the other NATO countries, the European Union. Greece maintains strong diplomatic relations with Cyprus, Armenia, Egypt and Israel, while at the same time focuses at improving further the good relations with the Arab World and China; as member of both the EU and the Union for the Mediterranean, Greece is a key player in the eastern Mediterranean region and has encouraged the collaboration between neighbors, as well as promoting the Energy Triangle, for gas exports to Europe. Greece has the largest economy in the Balkans, where it is an important regional investor. Prominent issues in Hellenic foreign policy include the claims in the Aegean Sea and Eastern Mediterranean by Turkey and the Turkish occupation of Cyprus. Greece has diplomatic relations with all the countries in the world, as shown in the map below.
Representation through: embassy – Greek embassy in another country general consulate – liaison office – no representation – Greece Greece continues to reject the use of the term Macedonia or "Republic of Macedonia" to refer to its northern neighbour. The Greek government opposes the use of the name without any qualification such as'Republic of Northern Macedonia' to the post-1991 constitutional name of its northern neighbour, citing historical and territorial concerns resulting from the ambiguity between the terms Republic of Macedonia, the Greek region of Macedonia and the ancient kingdom of Macedon, which falls within Greek Macedonia. Greece objects to the use of the terms "Macedonian" to denote ethnic Macedonians and the Macedonian language, as these terms have a different meaning in Greece; the dispute has escalated to the highest level of international mediation, involving numerous attempts to achieve a resolution, notably by the United Nations. The provisional reference the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is still used in relations involving states which do not recognise the constitutional name, Republic of Macedonia.
All the United Nations member-states have agreed to accept any final agreement resulting from negotiations between the two countries. The ongoing dispute has not prevented the two countries from enjoying close trade links and investment levels, but it has generated a great deal of political and academic debate on both sides. On 13 September 1995 the two countries signed the Interim Accord, whereby Greece recognized the Republic of Macedonia under its provisional reference; as of August 2011 negotiations aimed at resolving the dispute are ongoing. Under Greek pressure, the European Union and NATO agreed that in order for the Republic of Macedonia to receive an invitation to join these institutions the name dispute must be resolved first; this resulted in a case at the International Court of Justice against Greece for violation of the Interim Accord. The Court deemed Greece was wrong to block its neighbour's bid to join NATO. No penalties were imposed but it is now politically more difficult for Greece to object to its neighbour's any future application to either NATO or the EU.
On 12 June 2018 the Prespes agreement was signed between the two countries which changed the constitutional name of "Macedonia" to Republic of North Macedonia. Opposition arose in both countries but in the end the agreement was mutually ratified; as the island of Cyprus was heading towards independence from the United Kingdom the Greek and Turkish communities became embroiled in bitter inter-communal fighting sponsored by the two "motherlands". EOKA-B and the Turkish Resistance Organization were responsible for many atrocities which resulted in cementing tensions and led to total isolation of the communities with Turkish Cypriots withdrawn into enclaves. In 1974 the US-backed Greek junta – in power since 1967 – in a move to draw attention away from internal turmoil and unsatisfied with Makarios' policy in Cyprus, on 15 July attempted a coup to replace him with Nikos Sampson and declare union with Greece. Seven days Turkey launched an invasion of Cyprus to reinstate the constitution but which resulted in blooded conflict, partition of the island and mass ethnic cleansing.
The overwhelming Turkish land and air superiority against island's weak defenses led to the bringing of 37% of the land under Turkish control. 170,000 Greek Cypriots were evicted from their homes in the north with 50,000 Turks following the opposite path concluding the de facto division of Cyprus. In 1983 Turkish Cypriots proclaimed independence unilaterally with only Turkey recognizing them; as of today the north is under an embargo as a measure against the illegal partition of the island. Since both countries along with the two communities of the island are engages into a vicious cycle of negotiations which led to little. In 2004 the Annan Plan for Cyprus was put to vote but whilst it was accepted by the north, it was rejected by the Greek-Cypriots as it meant in their eyes, endorsing a confederal state with a weak central government and considerable local autonomy; the Republic of Cyprus is a constitutional democracy which has reached great levels of prosperity, with a booming economy and good infrastructures, part of the United Nations, European Union and several others organizations by whom it is recognized as the sole legitimate government of the whole island.
Greece calls for the removal of Turkish troops from Cyprus
11 September 1922 Revolution
The 11 September 1922 Revolution was an uprising by the Greek army and navy against the government in Athens. The revolution took place on 11 September 1922; the Greek Army had just been defeated in the Asia Minor Campaign and had been evacuated from Anatolia to the Greek islands in the eastern Aegean. Discontent among the middle-ranking officers and men for the campaign's conduct by the royal government boiled over into armed revolt led by pro-Venizelist and anti-royalist officers; the mutiny spread and seized power in Athens, forcing King Constantine I to abdicate and leave the country, with a military government ruling the country until early 1924, shortly before the Greek monarchy was abolished and the Second Hellenic Republic established. The military defeat and the total destruction of the Greek forces in Anatolia had alarmed the people and caused them to ask for the punishment of those responsible for the defeat; the government of Petros Protopapadakis resigned and on 28 August, the new government headed by Nikolaos Triantafyllakos.
On 11 September the revolution was declared, with the formation of a Revolutionary Committee headed by Colonels Nikolaos Plastiras as representative of the army in Chios, Colonel Stylianos Gonatas as representative of the army in Lesvos and Commander Dimitrios Fokas as representative of the Navy. The next day, the troops headed to Athens. Before they arrived there, a military aeroplane delivered a manifesto, asking the resignation of King Constantine I, the dissolution of the Parliament, the formation a new politically independent government that would have the support of the alliances of the Entente and the immediate reinforcement of the battlefront in Eastern Thrace. On 13 September, the ships with the Greek army arrived in Lavrio and the next day, King Constantine resigned and left the country to go to Italy, his son, George II, was declared king. On 15 September, the troops of revolution entered the city of Athens and blocked the efforts Theodoros Pangalos was making to take advantage of the situation and take control of the government.
Soon a new government was formed, with Sotirios Krokidas as chairman. Trial of the Six Nikos Alivizatos, Oi politikoi thesmoi se krisi, Themelio, 1983, p. 44