1854 Argentine presidential election
The Argentine presidential election of 1854 was held on 20 February to choose the first president of the Argentine Confederation for the period 1854-1860. Justo José de Urquiza was elected president by a wide margin, it was the first presidential election after the unification of the country in 1852, after Justo José de Urquiza defeated Juan Manuel de Rosas at the Battle of Caseros on 3 February 1852. The State of Buenos Aires seceded on 11 September 1852 and did not participate in elections until 1862. Congreso General Constituyente de la Confederación Argentina - Sesión de 1852-54. Buenos Aires: Imprenta del Orden. 1871. Pp. 405–409. Barreto Constantín, Ana María. Vida de un Caudillo. Buenos Aires: Editorial Dunken. P. 48. ISBN 978-9870276968. Lorenzo, Celso Ramón. Manual de Historia Constitucional Argentina, Volumen 2. Rosario: Editorial Juris. P. 228. ISBN 950-817-064-6. "Historia Electoral Argentina, p. 58". Www.mininterior.gov.ar. Ministry of the Interior. December 2008. Retrieved 13 June 2017
President of Argentina
The President of Argentina known as the President of the Argentine Republic, is both head of state and head of government of Argentina. Under the national Constitution, the President is the chief executive of the federal government and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. Through Argentine history, the office of the Head of State has undergone many changes, both in its title as in its features and powers. Current President Mauricio Macri was sworn into office on December 10, 2015; the Constitution of Argentina, along with several constitutional amendments, establishes the requirements and responsibilities of the president and term of office and the method of election. The origins of Argentina as a nation can be traced to 1776, when it was separated by the Spanish King from the existing Viceroyalty of Peru, creating the new Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata; the Head of State continued to be the King. These Viceroys were natives of the country. By the May Revolution of May 25, 1810, the first Argentine autonomous government, known as the Primera Junta, was formed in Buenos Aires.
It was known as the Junta Grande when representatives from the provinces joined. These early attempts at self-government were succeeded by two Triumvirates and, although the first juntas had presidents, the King of Spain was still regarded as Head of State, the executive power was still not in the hands of a single person; this power was vested in one man when the position of Supreme Director was created by the 1813 National Assembly. The Supreme Directors became Heads of State after Independence was declared on 9 July 1816, but there was not yet a presidential system. In 1816, Congress composed a Constitution; this established an executive figure, named Supreme Director, vested with presidential powers. This constitution gave the Supreme Director the power of appointing Governors of the provinces. Due to political circumstances, this constitution never came into force, the central power was dissolved, leaving the country as a federation of provinces. A new constitution was drafted in 1826; this constitution was the first to create a President, although this office retained the powers described in the 1816 constitution.
This constitution did come into force, resulting in the election of the first President, Bernardino Rivadavia. Because of the Cisplatine War, Rivadavia resigned after a short time, the office was dissolved shortly after. A civil war between unitarios and federalists ensued in the following decades. In this time, there was no central authority, the closest to, the Chairman of Foreign Relations the Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires; the last to bear this title was Juan Manuel de Rosas, who in the last years of his governorship was elected Supreme Chief of the Confederation, gaining effective rule of the rest of the country. In 1852, Rosas was deposed, a constitutional convention was summoned; this constitution, still in force, established a national federal government, with the office of the President. The term was fixed with no possibility of reelection; the first elected President under the constitution was Justo José de Urquiza, but Buenos Aires seceded from the Argentine Confederation as the State of Buenos Aires.
Bartolomé Mitre was the first president of the unified country, when Buenos Aires rejoined the Confederation. Thus, Rivadavia and Mitre are considered the first presidents of Argentina by different historians: Rivadavia for being the first one to use the title, Urquiza for being the first one to rule under the 1853 constitution, Mitre for being the first president of Argentina under its current national limits. In 1930, 1943, 1955, 1962, 1966, 1976, military coups deposed elected Presidents. In 1966 and 1976, the federal government was undertaken by a military junta, where power was shared by the chiefs of the armed forces. In 1962, the President of the Senate ruled, but in the other cases, a military chief assumed the title of President, it is debatable whether these military presidents can properly be called Presidents, as there are issues with the legitimacy of their governments. The position of the current Argentine government is that military Presidents Jorge Rafael Videla and Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri were explicitly not legitimate presidents.
They and their immediate successors were denied the right to a presidential pension after the conclusion of their terms. The status of earlier military presidents, remains more uncertain; the President of the Nation has the following powers: Is the supreme head of the Nation, head of government and is politically responsible for the general administration of the country. Issues the instructions and regulations necessary for the execution of the laws of the nation, without altering their spirit with regulatory exceptions. Participates in the making of laws under the Constitution, has them published; the Executive Power shall in no case under penalty, void, issue legislative provisions. Only when exceptional circumstances make it impossible to follow the ordinary procedures foreseen by this Constitution for the enactment of laws, not try to rules governing criminal matters, electoral or political party regime, may issue decrees on grounds of necessity and urgency, which will be decided by a general agreement of ministers who shall countersign them together with the head of cabinet of ministers.
The head of and within ten days submit the decision to the consideration of the Joint Standing Committee, whose compos
Buenos Aires Province
Buenos Aires is the largest and most populous Argentinian province. It takes the name from the city of Buenos Aires, which used to be part of the province and the provincial capital until it was federalized in 1880. Since in spite of bearing the same name, the province does not include the national capital city proper, though it does include all other localities of the Greater Buenos Aires metropolitan area surrounding it; the current capital of the province is the city of La Plata, founded in 1882. The province is the only within the whole Argentina to be divided into partidos and furtherly into localidades, borders the provinces of Entre Ríos to the northeast. Uruguay is just near the Atlantic Ocean to the east; the entire province is part of the Pampas geographical region. The province has a population of 39 % of Argentina's total population. Nearly 10 million people live in Greater Buenos Aires; the area of the province, 307,571 km2, makes it the largest in Argentina with around 11% of the country's total area.
The inhabitants of the province before the 16th century advent of Spanish colonisation were aboriginal peoples such as the Charrúas and the Querandíes. Their culture was lost over the next 350 years, they were subjected to Eurasian plagues from. The survivors joined other tribes or have been absorbed by Argentina's European ethnic majority. Pedro de Mendoza founded Santa María del Buen Ayre in 1536. Though the first contact with the aboriginals was peaceful, it soon became hostile; the city was evacuated in 1541. Juan de Garay re-founded the settlement in 1580 as Santísima Trinidad y Puerto Santa María de los Buenos Aires. Amidst ongoing conflict with the aboriginals, the cattle farms extended from Buenos Aires, whose port was always the centre of the economy of the territory. Following the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata at the end of the 18th century, the export of meat and their derivatives through the port of Buenos Aires was the basis of the economic development of the region.
Jesuits unsuccessfully tried to peacefully assimilate the aboriginals into the European culture brought by the Spanish conquistadores. A certain balance was found at the end of the 18th century, when the Salado River became the limit between both civilizations, despite frequent malones; the end to this situation came in 1879 with the Conquest of the Desert in which the aboriginals were completely exterminated. After the independence from Spain in 1816, the city and province of Buenos Aires became the focus of an intermittent Argentine Civil War with other provinces. A Federal Pact secured by Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas in 1831 led to the establishment of the Argentine Confederation and to his gaining the sum of public power, which provided a tenuous unity. Ongoing disputes regarding the influence of Buenos Aires, between Federalists and Unitarians, over the Port of Buenos Aires fueled periodic hostilities; the province was declared independent on September 1852, as the State of Buenos Aires.
Concessions gained in the 1859 Pact of San José de Flores and a victory at the Battle of Pavón led to its reincorporation into the Argentine Republic on December 17, 1861. Intermittent conflicts with the nation did not cease until 1880, when the city of Buenos Aires was formally federalized and, administratively separated from the province. La Plata was founded in 1882 by Governor Dardo Rocha for the purpose of becoming the provincial capital; the equivalent of a billion dollars of British investment and pro-development and immigration policies pursued at the national level subsequently spurred dramatic economic growth. Driven by European immigration and improved health, the province's population, like Argentina's, nearly doubled to one million by 1895 and doubled again by 1914. Rail lines connected nearly every town and hamlet in the province by 1914; this era of accelerated development was cut short by the Wall Street Crash of 1929, which caused a sharp drop in commodity prices and led to a halt in the flow of investment funds between nations.
The new Concordance and Perón governments funded ambitious lending and public works programs, visible in Buenos Aires Province through the panoply of levees, power plants, water works, paved roads, municipal buildings, schools and massive regional hospitals. The province's population, after 1930, began to grow disproportionately in the suburban areas of Buenos Aires; these suburbs had grown to include 4 million out of the province's total 7 million people in 1960. Much of the area these new suburbs were developed on consisted of wetlands and were prone to flooding. To address this, Governor Oscar Alende initiated the province's most important flood-control project to date, the Roggero Reservoir. Completed a decade in 1971, the reservoir and associated electric and water-treatment facilities encouraged still more, more orderly, development of the Greater Buenos Aires region, which today includes around 10 million people, it did not address worsening pollution resulting from the area's industrial growth, which had made itself evident since aroun
1946 Argentine general election
The Argentine general election of 1946, the last for which only men were enfranchised, was held on 24 February. Voters chose both the President and their legislators and with a turnout of 83.4%, it produced the following results: aAbstentions. Conservative rule, maintained through electoral fraud despite a moderate record, was brought to an end in a June 1943 coup d'état. Barking "orders of the day" every morning on the radio, the new regime enjoyed little approval; the devastating 1944 San Juan earthquake presented an opportunity to regain lost goodwill and the regime moved involving the private sector through nationwide fund-raising, entrusted to the Labor Minister, Juan Perón. Perón enlisted celebrities for the effort, among, a radio matinee star of middling talent, Eva Duarte, who introduced herself to the Labor Minister by remarking that "nothing's missing, except a touch of Atkinson's"; the effort's success and the rise of his ally, Edelmiro Farrell, within the junta, led to Perón's appointment as vice-president, which he leveraged in support of Argentina's struggling labor unions the CGT.
Perón's sudden clout led to growing rivalry among his junta colleagues, who had him arrested on October 9, a surprise move outdone by CGT leaders like retail workers' leader Ángel Borlenghi, the slaughterhouses' Cipriano Reyes and Eva Duarte, herself. Organizing a mass demonstration for his release on the Plaza de Mayo, their October 17, 1945, mobilization marked a turning point in Argentine history: the creation of the Peronist movement. Capitulating to the political winds, the junta bestowed presidential powers on Perón, who initiated his program of mass nationalizations of institutions such as the universities and Central Bank. Calling elections for February 1946, Perón's opposition hastily arranged an alliance, the Democratic Union. Many in the centrist Radical Civic Union were steadfastly opposed to this ad hoc union with conservatives and the left, an intrinsic burden compounded by a white paper scathingly critical of Perón released by the U. S. Ambassador, Spruille Braden; the report, accusing Perón of fascist ties, allowed him to marginalize the Democratic Union.
He reframed the argument as one between "Perón or Braden", making this his rallying cry and winning the 1946 elections handily. Labor Party: Former Vice-President Juan Perón from Buenos Aires Province Democratic Union: Former Congressman José Tamborini from the city of Buenos Aires Todo Argentina
1886 Argentine presidential election
The Argentine presidential election of 1886 was held on 11 April to choose the president of Argentina. Miguel Juárez Celman was elected president. Confident of his authority following six years of peace and prosperity, President Roca was by known for his shrewdness as "the fox." Enjoying the support of the agricultural elites - as well as of the London financial powerhouse, Barings Bank - Roca daringly fielded his son-in-law, Córdoba Province Governor Miguel Juárez Celman, as the PAN candidate for president. A number of distinguished candidates appeared, including Buenos Aires Governor Dardo Rocha and Foreign Minister Bernardo de Irigoyen. Roca tolerated no opposition against his dauphin, selected nearly unanimously on 11 April 1886. Cámara de Senadores - Sesiones de 1886. Buenos Aires: Cámara de Diputados. 1932. Pp. 267–270. Duhalde, Eduardo Luis. Acción Parlamentaria de John William Cooke. Buenos Aires: Colihue. P. 232. ISBN 978-950-563-460-6. Lorenzo, Celso Ramón. Manual de Historia Constitucional Argentina, Volumen 3.
Rosario: Editorial Juris. P. 12. ISBN 950-817-111-1. Rosa, José María. Historia Argentina, Tomo VIII: El Régimen. Buenos Aires: Editorial Oriente S. A. p. 119. "Historia Electoral Argentina, p. 58". Www.mininterior.gov.ar. Ministry of the Interior. December 2008. Retrieved 13 June 2017
1995 Argentine general election
The Argentine general election of 1995 was held on 14 May. Voters chose both the President and their legislators and with a turnout of 82.1%. The Justicialist Party had been founded in 1945 by Juan Perón on the promise of greater self-reliance, increased state ownership in the economy and a shift in national policy to benefit "the other half" of Argentine society. Taking office on Perón's ticket in 1989 amid the worst crisis in a hundred years, President Carlos Menem had begun the systematic sell-off of Argentina's array of State enterprises, which had produced nearly half the nation's goods and services. Following 18 months of mixed results, in February 1991 Menem reached out to his Foreign Minister, Domingo Cavallo, whose experience as an economist included a brief but positive stint as the nation's Central Bank president in 1982, his introduction of a fixed exchange rate via his Convertibility Plan led to sharp drops in interest rates and inflation, though the sudden recovery and Cavallo's fixed exchange rate led to a fivefold jump in imports.
A wave of layoffs after 1992 created a tense labor climate worsened by the flamboyant Menem, who diluted basic labor laws, leading to less overtime pay and increasing unemployment and underemployment. Private-sector lay-offs, dismissed as a natural consequence of recovering productivity, added to mounting state enterprise and government layoffs, leading to a rise in unemployment from 7% in 1992 to 12% by 1994. In this policy irony lay the Justicialists' greatest weakness ahead of the 1995 election; the election itself created yet another unexpected turn. Barred from immediate reelection by the 1853 Argentine Constitution, President Menem reached out to his predecessor and head of the embattled centrist Radical Civic Union, Raúl Alfonsín. Meeting at the presidential residence in Olivos in November 1993 to negotiate an extensive amendment of the Constitution, the two leaders came to an agreement of mutual benefit: Alfonsín obtained the direct election of the mayor of Buenos Aires and an expansion in the Argentine Senate from 48 to 72 members, which would assure the runner-up the third seat.
Both men faced dissension in their parties' ranks after the 1994 reform of the Argentine Constitution was unveiled in August. Alfonsín's candidate in the UCR primaries, Río Negro Province Governor Horacio Massaccesi, defeated Federico Storani and Rodolfo Terragno for the nomination over their opposition to the Olivos Pact. Menem, in turn, had lost a number of Congressmen from his party after Carlos Álvarez led a center-left splinter group in revolt over Menem's privatizations and unchecked corruption, his Frente Grande had become influential after merging with fellow ex-Peronist José Octavio Bordón in 1994, ahead of the May 14, 1995 election date. Bordón, a popular Mendoza Province Senator was a centrist who lent the leftist Álvarez, whose strength was in Buenos Aires, appeal in Argentina's hinterland, they combined forces to create the FREPASO. The new constitutional rules governing elections provided opportunities for parties stuck in 2nd or 3rd place in the polls, as the Frepaso and UCR were, respectively.
Bypassing the previous electoral college system, a victory by direct proportional voting could be achieved by either through a run-off election. The Justicialists enjoyed a clear advantage, given polls and their control of both chambers of Congress. Local prosperity, the guarantor of Menem's presumptive victory, was shaken by the Mexican peso crisis in December. Dependent on foreign investment to maintain its central bank reserves, its sudden scarcity led to a wave of capital flight out of Buenos Aires' growing banks and to an unforeseen recession. Concurrent revelations of gross corruption surrounding the purchase of IBM computers for the antiquated National Bank of Argentina, further added to the opposition's hopes that a runoff might still be needed in May. Between them, the Frepaso enjoyed the advantage. Sporting charismatic leadership, they hoped to displace the UCR from its role as the Peronists' chief opposition; the UCR had been badly tarnished by President Raúl Alfonsín's chaotic 1983-89 term, though its candidate, Río Negro Province Governor Horacio Massaccesi, had earned international renown in 1991 for storming a local National Bank branch in search of needed funds being retained by the federal government for what seemed to be political reasons.
The UCR, still had its name recognition and organized, if frayed political machinery, controlled by Alfonsín and popular Córdoba Province Governor Eduardo Angeloz. As election day drew near, analysts debated not only the possibility of a runoff, but which of the two opposition parties would face Menem in such a case. Corruption and the sudden recession were not enough to keep the unflappable Menem from a first-round victory; the big tent Justicialist Party, allied in many districts to local parties, formed an electoral front which obtained half of the total vote. The Frepaso garnered nearly 30%, though their hopes for a runoff were stymied, this was considered a good result for a party assembled only the previous year. Frepaso, came ahead in the presidential race only in two di
March 1973 Argentine general election
The first Argentine general election of 1973 was held on 11 March. Voters chose both the President and their legislators and with a turnout of 85.5%, it produced the following results: Note: The FREJULI ticket was declared the winner, bypassing the Electoral College. The 1966 coup d'état against the moderate President Arturo Illia was carried out as a reaction to Illia's decision to honor local and legislative elections in which Peronists banned from political activity following the violent overthrow of President Juan Perón in 1955, did well in. Five years however, President Alejandro Lanusse found himself heading an unpopular junta, saddled by increasing political violence and an economic wind-down from the prosperous 1960s. Seizing the initiative, he gathered leaders from across the nation's political and intellectual spectrum for a July 1971 asado, a time-honored Argentine custom as much about camaraderie as about steak; the result was Lanusse's "Great National Agreement," a road map to the return to democratic rule, including Peronists.
The agreement, bore little resemblance to what had been discussed and, proposed virtual veto power for the armed forces over most future domestic and foreign policy. This patently unacceptable condition led most political figures to dismiss the much-touted event as the "Great National Asado," instead. A year President Lanusse made the much-anticipated announcement: elections would be held, nationally, on March 11, 1973. Retaliating for Perón's unequivocal rejection of the 1971 accords, Lanusse limited the field of candidates to those residing in Argentina as of August 25, 1972 - a clear denial of the aging Perón the right to run on his own party's ticket. Perón did return to Argentina, however, on November 17, during a month-long stay, he secured the endorsement of prominent figures such as former President Arturo Frondizi of the Integration and Development Movement, Jorge Abelardo Ramos of the Popular Leftist Front, Popular Conservative Alberto Fonrouge, Christian Democrat Carlos Imbaud, other provincial parties.
These diverse parties signed on to an umbrella ticket, led by the Justicialist Party and Perón's personal representative in Argentina, Héctor Cámpora. In recognition for their support and to provide a counter-weight to the left-leaning Cámpora, Perón had the Justicialist Liberation Front nominate for Vice President Popular Conservative leader Vicente Solano Lima, a newspaper publisher respected across most of Argentina's vastly diverse political spectrum. Given little time to campaign by the calculating Lanusse, the nation's myriad parties jockeyed for alliances and rushed to name candidates; the main opposition, the centrist Radical Civic Union, put forth their 1958 nominee, former Congressman Ricardo Balbín. Hoping to carry the mantle of those supporting Lanusse, Social Policy Minister Francisco Manrique ran on the Federalist ticket and Américo Ghioldi, who had led a split in the Socialist Party in 1958, ran on his Democratic Socialist slate - refusing to endorse the Popular Revolutionary Alliance headed by former Governor Oscar Alende.
The March 11 polls went smoothly and the FREJULI, which needed 50% of the total to avoid a runoff as per Lanusse's agreement, garnered 49.6%. The irony of the result, which came despite a 28% margin over the runners-up, led the seasoned Balbín to petition President Lanusse for a waiver of the rule, something he granted, making the FREJULI alliance the winners of the March 11, 1973 election and paving the way for the definitive return of Juan Perón, whom Lanusse, many years would admit to being his "life's obsession." Todo Argentina Justicialist Liberation Front: Former Deputy Héctor Cámpora of Buenos Aires Province Radical Civic Union: Former Deputy Ricardo Balbín of Buenos Aires Province Popular Federalist Alliance: Former Minister of Social Policy Francisco Manrique of Mendoza Province Popular Revolutionary Alliance: Former Gobernor Oscar Alende of Buenos Aires Province