1964 Greek legislative election
Parliamentary elections were held in Greece on 16 February 1964. They resulted in a clear victory for his Center Union party. Papandreou subsequently formed the 37th government since the end of World War II; the government led by Panagiotis Kanellopoulos of the National Radical Union resigned on 25 September 1963, after which Papandreou formed an interim government on 28 September. As no party had a majority in the Parliament, Papandreou's government initiated preparations for elections on 3 November. Although the Center Union emerged as the largest party, allowing Papandreou to form a new government, it soon resigned. King Paul accepted Papandreou's resignation on 31 December 1963 and Ioannis Paraskevopoulos formed an interim government to serve until the 1964 elections; the EKE had been weakened prior to the elections when Constantine Karamanlis abandoned politics and exiled himself in Paris. The new EKE leader, Panagiotis Kanellopoulos, formed an alliance with the Progressive Party of Spyros Markezinis.
Shortly after the elections, Papandreou formed his first solid government, which would last till 1965. However, in 1965 the apostasia crisis, a confrontation between Papandreou and King Constantine II, caused the government to fall, it was replaced by a series of weak governments, comprising centrist defectors and supported by the National Radical Union and Constantine. This led to a military dictatorship starting in 1967, which exploited the endless political unrest
New Democracy (Greece)
The New Democracy referred to as ND by its initials, is a liberal-conservative political party in Greece. In modern Greek politics, New Democracy has been the main centre-right political party and one of the two major parties along with its historic rival, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement. Having spent two and a half years in government under the presidency of Antonis Samaras, New Democracy lost its majority in the Hellenic Parliament and became the major opposition party after the January 2015 legislative election; the party was founded in 1974 by Konstantinos Karamanlis and in the same year it formed the first cabinet of the Third Hellenic Republic. New Democracy is a member of the European People's Party, the Centrist Democrat International and the International Democrat Union. New Democracy was founded on 4 October 1974 by Konstantinos Karamanlis, in the beginning of the metapolitefsi era following the fall of the Greek military junta. Karamanlis, who had served as Prime Minister of Greece from 1955 to 1963, was sworn in as the first Prime Minister of the Third Hellenic Republic in a national unity government on 24 July 1974, until the first free elections of the new era.
He intended New Democracy to be a more modern and progressive political party than the right-wing parties that ruled Greece before the 1967 Greek coup d'état, including his own National Radical Union. The party's ideology was defined as "radical liberalism", a term defined as "the prevalence of free market rules with the decisive intervention of the state in favour of social justice." The party was formed out of dissident members the pre-Junta Centre Union and National Radical Union, both of former Monarchists and Venizelists. In the 1974 legislative election, New Democracy obtained a massive parliamentary majority of 220 seats with a record 54.37% of the vote, a result attributed to the personal appeal of Karamanlis to the electorate. Karamanlis was elected as Prime Minister and soon decided to hold a referendum on 8 December 1974 for the issue of the form of government; the next major issue for the New Democracy cabinet was the creation of the Constitution of Greece, which entered into force in 1975 and established Greece as a parliamentary republic.
On 12 June 1975, Greece applied to join the European Communities, of which it was an associate member since 1961, while it had been readmitted to the Council of Europe on 28 November 1974. In the 1977 election, New Democracy won again a large parliamentary majority of 171 seats, albeit with a reduced percentage of popular vote. Under Karamanlis, Greece redefined its relations with NATO and tried to resolve the Cyprus dispute following the Turkish invasion of the island. In 1979, the first conference of the party was held in Chalkidiki, where its ideological principles defined under the term "radical liberalism" were unanimously approved, as well as its statute and the operating regulations of its organizations, it was the first conference of any Greek political party whose delegates were elected by the members. Karamanlis' vision concerning the accession of Greece into the European Communities, despite the resolute opposition of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement and the Communist Party of Greece, led to the signing of the Treaty of Accession on 28 May 1979 in Athens.
Karamanlis was criticised by opposing parties for not holding a referendum though Greece's accession into the European Communities had been in the forefront of New Democracy's political platform, under which the party had been elected to power. Meanwhile, Karamanlis relinquished the premiership in 1980 and was elected as President of Greece by the parliament, serving until 1985. Georgios Rallis was elected as the new leader of New Democracy and succeeded Karamanlis in premiership. Under the leadership of Georgios Rallis, New Democracy was defeated in the 1981 legislative elections by Andreas Papandreou's PASOK which ran on a left-wing populist platform, was placed in opposition for a first time with 35.87% share of the vote and 115 seats. In the same day, on 18 October 1981, New Democracy was defeated in the first Greek election to the European Parliament. In the following December, the party's parliamentary group elected Evangelos Averoff, former Minister for National Defence, as president of New Democracy, but he resigned in 1984 due to health problems.
On 1 September 1984, Konstantinos Mitsotakis succeeded him in the party's presidency and he managed to increase its percentage in the 1985 elections to 40.85%, although it was defeated again and remained in opposition. Mitsotakis led New Democracy to a clear win in the June 1989 legislative elections registering 44.28% of the vote but, due to the modification of the electoral law by the outbound PASOK government, New Democracy obtained only 145 seats which were not enough to form a government on its own. The aftermath was the formation of a coalition government under Tzannis Tzannetakis, consisted of New Democracy and Coalition of the Left and Progress, with the latter including at the time the Communist Party of Greece. In the subsequent elections of November 1989, New Democracy took one more comfortable win, increasing its share to 46.19% of the vote and 148 seats but, under the same electoral law, they were still short of forming a government and this led to a national unity government along with PASOK and Synaspismos, under Xenophon Zolotas.
In the 1990 election Mitsotakis' New Democracy defeated once again Papandre
Georgios Papandreou was a Greek politician, the founder of the Papandreou political dynasty. He served three terms as prime minister of Greece, he was deputy prime minister from 1950–1952, in the governments of Nikolaos Plastiras and Sofoklis Venizelos and served numerous times as a cabinet minister, starting in 1923, in a political career that spanned more than five decades. He was born in the Achaea region of the northern Peloponnese, he was the son of an Orthodox archpriest. He studied law in political science in Berlin, his political philosophy was influenced by German social democracy. As a result, he was adamantly opposed to the monarchy and supported generous social policies, but he was extremely anti-communist; as a young man, he became involved in politics as a supporter of the Liberal leader Eleftherios Venizelos, who made him governor of Chios after the Balkan War of 1912. One of his brothers, was killed in the Battle of Kilkis-Lachanas, he married twice. His first wife was Sofia Mineyko, a Polish national, daughter of Zygmunt Mineyko and paternal granddaughter of Stanislaw Mineyko.
Their son Andreas Papandreou was born in Chios in 1919. His second wife was the actress their son was named George Papandreou. During the political crisis surrounding Greece's entry into World War I, Papandreou was one of Venizelos's closest supporters against the pro-German King Constantine I; when Venizelos was forced to flee Athens, Papandreou accompanied him to Crete, went to Lesbos, where he mobilised anti-monarchist supporters in the islands and rallied support for Venizelos's insurgent pro-Allied government in Thessaloniki. In 1921 he narrowly escaped assassination from royalist extremists. In the 1920 general election, Papandreou unsuccessfully ran as an independent liberal in the Lesvos constituency. From January to October 1923, he served as interior minister in the cabinet of Stylianos Gonatas. In the December 1923 elections, he was elected as a Venizelist Liberal Party member of parliament for Lesvos, served as finance minister for just 11 days in June 1925, education minister in 1930–1932 and transport minister in 1933.
As minister of education he reformed the Greek school system and built many schools for the children of refugees of the Greco-Turkish War. In 1935, he set up the Democratic Socialist Party of Greece. A lifelong opponent of the Greek monarchy, he was exiled in 1936 by the Greek royalist dictator Ioannis Metaxas. Following the Axis occupation of Greece in World War II, he joined the predominantly Venizelist government-in-exile based in Egypt. With British support, King George II appointed him as PM and under his premiership took place the Lebanon conference and the Caserta agreement, in an attempt to stop the crisis in Greece and the conflicts between EAM and non-EAM forces, a prelude of the civil war. After the evacuation of Greece from the Axis powers, he entered Athens as Prime Minister of the Greek government-in-exile with some units of the Greek army and the allied British. During the same month, he became prime minister in the Greek government of National Unity, which had succeed the Greek government-in-exile.
He tried to normalize the polarized situation between the EAM and non-EAM forces, collaborating with the General Ronald Scobie, under treaty responsible for all the Allied forces. Although he resigned in 1945, after the Dekemvriana events, he continued to hold high office. From 1946–1952 he served as labor minister, supplies minister, education minister, finance minister and public order minister. In 1950–1952, he was deputy prime minister; the 1952–1961 period was a difficult one for Papandreou. The liberal political forces in Greece were gravely weakened by internal disputes and suffered electoral defeat from the conservatives. Papandreou continuously accused Sofoklis Venizelos for these maladies, considering his leadership dour and uninspiring. In 1961, Papandreou revived Greek liberalism by founding the Center Union Party, a confederation of old liberal Venizelists and dissatisfied conservatives. After the elections of "violence and fraud" of 1961, Papandreou declared a "Relentless Struggle" against the right-wing ERE.
His party won the elections of November 1963 and those of 1964, the second with a landslide majority. His progressive policies as premier aroused much opposition in conservative circles, as did the prominent role played by his son Andreas Papandreou, whose policies were seen as being left of center. Andreas disagreed with his father on many important issues, developed a network of political organizations, the Democratic Leagues to lobby for more progressive policies, he managed to take control of the Center Union's youth organization, EDIN. Papandreou had opposed the Zürich and London Agreement which led to the foundation of the Republic of Cyprus. Following clashes between the Greek and Turkish communities, his government sent a Greek army division to the island. King Constantine II opposed Papandreou's government, there were frequent ultra-rightist plots in the Army, which destabilised the government; the King engineered a split in the Centre Union and in July 1965, in a crisis known as the apostasia or Iouliana, he dismissed the government following a dispute over control of the Ministry of Defence.
After the April 1967 military coup by the Colonels' junta led by George Papadopoulos, Papandreou was arrested. Papandreou died under house arrest in November 1968, his funeral beca
Prime Minister of Greece
The Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic, colloquially referred to as the Prime Minister of Greece, is the head of government of the Hellenic Republic and the leader of the Greek cabinet. The incumbent prime minister is Alexis Tsipras, who took office on 21 September 2015; the prime minister's official seat is the Maximos Mansion in the centre of Athens. The office is described as Prime Minister or President of the Government; this is the reason why the prime minister is addressed as "Mr. President"; the prime minister is appointed by the President of Greece. According to Article 37 of the Greek Constitution, the President shall appoint the leader of the political party with the absolute majority of seats in the parliament as prime minister. If no party has the absolute majority, the president shall give the leader of the party with a relative majority an exploratory mandate in order to ascertain the possibility of forming a government enjoying the confidence of parliament. If this possibility cannot be ascertained, the President shall give the exploratory mandate to the leader of the second largest party in Parliament, if this proves to be unsuccessful, to the leader of the third largest party in parliament.
Each exploratory mandate shall be in force for three days. If all exploratory mandates prove to be unsuccessful, the President summons all party leaders, if the impossibility to form a cabinet enjoying the confidence of the parliament is confirmed, he shall attempt to form a cabinet composed of all parties in parliament for the purpose of holding parliamentary elections. If this fails, he shall entrust the president of the Supreme Administrative Court or of the Supreme Civil and Criminal Court or of the Court of Auditors to form a cabinet as accepted as possible to carry out elections after he dissolves Parliament. Therefore, the election of members of a certain party to parliament is the equivalent to a vote for that party's leader for prime minister. Before taking office, the Prime Minister is sworn-in at a religious ceremony inside the Presidential Mansion. Prime Ministers are sworn in by the Archbishop of Athens, the head of the Church of Greece; the Archbishop begins with a few prayers and the Kyrie Eleison, the Prime Minister-Elect places his hand on the Bible placed in between two lit candles, all on a table between him and the Archbishop.
Following after the Archbishop, the Prime Minister-Elect recites the oath: The Archbishop recites a few more blessings, the participants make the sign of the cross three times. The Archbishop congratulates the new Prime Minister, who shakes hands with the President before the pertinent documents are signed. In 2015 Alexis Tsipras, a self-proclaimed atheist, became the first Prime Minister to opt for a secular affirmation instead of the traditional religious oath, he was sworn in by President Karolos Papoulias instead of the Archbishop of Athens, and, in place of the above oath, recited the affirmation: He shook hands with the President, who congratulated him, before proceeding to sign the official documents as normal. When Tsipras assumed the premiership again, on 21 September 2015, President Prokopis Pavlopoulos decided that the affirmation had to be more formal, as it follows: The Maximos Mansion has been the official seat of the Prime Minister of Greece since 1982, it is located near Syntagma Square.
Although the building contains the offices of the Head of the Greek Government, it is not used as the residence of the Prime Minister. During the Greek War of Independence, different regions of Greece that were free of Ottoman control began establishing democratic systems for self-government, such as the Peloponnesian Senate. Meanwhile, a series of overarching National Assemblies, such as the First National Assembly at Epidaurus, met from time-to-time to provide overall coordination; the First Assembly elected a 5-member executive council, headed by Alexandros Mavrokordatos. The Executive continued to govern Greece until 1828, when Ioannis Kapodistrias assumed the governance of the state as "Governor of Greece"—simultaneously head of state and of the government. Kapodistrias was assassinated in 1831 and his government, presided over by his brother Augustinos, collapsed the following year, it was replaced by a series of collective governmental councils, which lasted until 1833, when Greece became a monarchy.
In 1832, Greece's nascent experiment with democracy was ended and a monarchy was established with the underage Bavarian Prince Otto as king. The government was led by a regency council made up of Bavarians; the president of this council, Count Josef Ludwig von Armansperg was the de facto head of government under Otto. Otto dismissed his Bavarian advisers and wielded power as an absolute monarch as head of state and his own head of government. King Otto's reign as an absolute monarch came to an end when agitators for a constitution rose up in the 3 September Revolution in 1843. Otto was forced to grant a constitution and Andreas Metaxas took power. However, two factors maintained significant power for the crown: the Greek party structure was weak and client-based and the monarch was free to select any member of parliament to form a government. In 1862, Otto was deposed and the Greek
Konstantinos G. Karamanlis anglicised to Constantine Karamanlis or just Caramanlis, was a four-time Prime Minister and twice President of the Third Hellenic Republic, a towering figure of Greek politics whose political career spanned much of the latter half of the 20th century. Karamanlis was born in the village of Proti, part of the Ottoman Empire, he became a Greek citizen in 1913, after Macedonia was annexed by Greece and Serbia, in the aftermath of the Second Balkan War. His father was Georgios Karamanlis, a teacher who fought during the Greek Struggle for Macedonia, in 1904–1908. After spending his childhood in Macedonia, he went to Athens to attain his degree in law, he practised law in Serres, entered politics with the conservative People's Party and was elected Member of Parliament for the first time in the 1936 election at the age of 28. Health problems made him not participate in the Greco-Italian War. After World War II, Karamanlis rose through the ranks of Greek politics, his rise was supported by fellow party-member and close friend Lambros Eftaxias, who served as Minister for Agriculture under the premiership of Konstantinos Tsaldaris.
Karamanlis's first cabinet position was Minister for Labour in 1947 under the same administration. In 1951, along with most prominent members of the People's Party, Karamanlis joined the Greek Rally of Alexandros Papagos; when this party won power in 1951, Karamanlis became Minister of Public Works in the Papagos administration. He won the admiration of the US Embassy for the efficiency with which he built road infrastructure and administered American aid programs; when Papagos died after a brief illness, King Paul of Greece appointed the 48-year-old Karamanlis as Prime Minister. The King's appointment took the Greek political world by surprise, as it bypassed Stephanos Stephanopoulos and Panagiotis Kanellopoulos, two senior Greek Rally politicians who were considered as the heavyweights most to succeed Papagos. After becoming Prime Minister, Karamanlis reorganized the Greek Rally as the National Radical Union. One of the first bills he promoted as Prime Minister implemented the extension of full voting rights to women, which stood dormant although nominally approved in 1952.
Karamanlis won three successive elections. In 1959 he announced a five-year plan for the Greek economy, emphasizing improvement of agricultural and industrial production, heavy investment on infrastructure and the promotion of tourism, setting the bases for the so-called Greek economic miracle. On the international front, Karamanlis abandoned the government's previous strategic goal for enosis in favour of independence for Cyprus. In 1958, his government engaged in negotiations with the United Kingdom and Turkey, which culminated in the Zurich Agreement as a basis for a deal on the independence of Cyprus. In 1959 the plan was ratified in London by the Cypriot leader Makarios III. Max Merten was Kriegsverwaltungsrat of the Nazi German occupation forces in Thessaloniki, he was convicted in Greece and sentenced to a 25-year term as a war criminal in 1959. On 3 November of that year, Merten benefited from an amnesty for war criminals, was set free and extradited to the Federal Republic of Germany, after political and economic pressure from West Germany.
Merten's arrest enraged Queen Frederica, a woman with German ties, who wondered whether "this is the way mister district attorney understands the development of German and Greek relations". In Germany, Merten was acquitted from all charges due to "lack of evidence." On 28 September 1960 German newspapers Hamburger Echo and Der Spiegel published excerpts of Merten's deposition to the German authorities where Merten claimed that Karamanlis, the Minister for the Interior Takos Makris and his wife Doxoula along with Deputy Minister of Defense George Themelis were informers during the Nazi occupation of Greece. Merten alleged that Karamanlis and Makris were rewarded for their services with a business in Thessaloniki which belonged to a Greek Jew sent to the Auschwitz concentration camp, he alleged that he had pressured Karamanlis and Makris to grant amnesty and release him from prison. Karamanlis rejected the claims as unsubstantiated and absurd, accused Merten of attempting to extort money from him prior to making the statements.
The West German government decried the accusations as calumniatory and libelous. Karamanlis accused the opposition party of instigating a smear campaign against him. Although Karamanlis never pressed charges against Merten, charges were pressed in Greece against Der Spiegel by Takos and Doxoula Makris and Themelis, the magazine was found guilty of slander in 1963. Merten did not appear to testify during the Greek court proceedings; the Merten Affair remained at the centre of political discussions until early 1961. Merten's accusations against Karamanlis were never corroborated in a court of law. Historian Giannis Katris, an ardent critic of Karamanlis, has argued that Karamanlis should have resigned the premiership and pressed charges against Merten as a private individual in German courts, in order to clear his name. Nonetheless, Katris rejects the accusations as "unsubstantiated" and "obviously fallacious". Karamanlis as early as 1958 pursued an aggressive policy toward Greek membership in the EEC.
He considered Greece's entry into the EEC a personal dream because he saw it as the fulfillment of what he called "Greece's European Destiny". He person
First National Assembly at Epidaurus
The First National Assembly of Epidaurus was the first meeting of the Greek National Assembly, a national representative political gathering of the Greek revolutionaries. The assembly opened in December 1821 at Piada, it was attended by representatives from regions involved in the revolution against Ottoman rule. The majority of the representatives were local notables and clergymen from the Peloponnese, Central Greece and the islands. In addition, a number of Phanariotes and academics attended. However, a number of prominent revolutionaries, including Alexander Ypsilantis and the most prominent military leaders were absent. Of the 59 representatives at the assembly, 20 were landowners, 13 were ship-owners, 12 were intellectuals, 4 were military leaders, 3 were archpriests, 3 were merchants, with and 4 others; the assembly passed a number of important documents, including: The Provisional Regime of Greece, sometimes translated as Temporary Constitution of Greece, which included a Declaration of Independence.
The Assembly elected a five-member executive on 15 January 1822, presided over by Alexandros Mavrocordatos. The executive in turn appointed the first government; the first legislature had 33 members. Another characteristic of the First National Assembly is the absence of any reference in the Constitution to the Filiki Eteria, although Dimitrios Ypsilantis, brother of Alexandros Ypsilantis and official representative of the Filiki Eteria, was appointed president of the legislature, a body controlled by the local notables
Konstantinos D. Tsatsos was a revered Greek diplomat, professor of law and politician, he served as the second President of the Third Hellenic Republic from 1975 to 1980. He was born in Athens in 1899. After graduating from the Law School of the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens in 1918 he joined the diplomatic corps. After completing his doctoral studies in Heidelberg, Weimar Republic Germany, he returned to Greece where he became a professor of law in 1933. In 1940, he was arrested and exiled for opposing the 4th of August Regime under Prime Minister of Greece Ioannis Metaxas. During the Axis occupation of Greece during World War II, Tsatsos participated in the Greek Resistance and he fled to the Middle East, where the exiled Greek government was seated. After the end of World War II, in 1945 he returned to Greece and entered politics and became minister for the first time, serving as Interior Minister in the first cabinet of Vice Admiral Petros Voulgaris. In 1946, when he decided to participate more in the politics of Greece, he resigned from his post National and Kapodistrian University of Athens and he became a member of the Liberal Party.
After the formation of the National Radical Union by Constantine Karamanlis, in 1955 he became a member of the party and one of the closest colleagues of Karamanlis, ideologically, he was a centrist-liberal and not a conservative. He served as a member of parliament and in various ministerial positions until the Greek military junta of 1967-1974. Under the first premiership of Karamanlis he served for many years as Minister of Public Administration. After the Metapolitefsi in 1974, he was elected again as member of the Hellenic Parliament and became Minister for Culture. In 1975, he was elected President of the Republic by the parliament, he retired after serving his five-year term. He died in 1987 in Athens, he is buried in the First Cemetery. He was survived by his wife, Ioanna née Seferiádou, the sister of the Nobel laureate poet George Seferis who died in 2000. Konstantinos Tsatsos served as professor of the philosophy of law from 1933 since 1946, when he entered politics. Since 1962 he was a member of the Academy of Athens.
His vast writing work includes textbooks of legal theory, surveys on philosophy and history, as well as literary works, poems and translations of ancient Greek and Roman classics. In 1974, he presided over the parliamentary commission that submitted the first draft of the new constitution. Der Begriff des positiven Rechts, Heidelberg: Weiss'sche Universitäts-Buchhandlung, 1928 The Problem of the Interpretation of Law, Athens: Sakkoulas, 1978 The problem of the Sources of Law, Athens: Papadogiannis, 1941 Introduction to Legal Science, Athens: Papazisis, 1945 Studies on the Philosophy of Law, Athens: Ikarosa, 1960 "Society and the Law", in Archive of Philosophy and Positive Sciences "Le Droit et la société", in Droit, Moeurs, IIe Annuaire de l'Institut International de Philosophie du Droit et de Sociologie Juridique, Paris, 1936 "Contract as Legal Rule", in volume for K. Triantafillopoulos, Athens, 1959 "Qu'est-ce-que la philosophie du droit?", in: Archives de Philosophie du Droit 7 The Social Philosophy of Ancient Greeks, Athens: Estia, 1962 Cicero, Athens: Estia, 1968 Demosthenes, Athens: Estia, 1975 The Greek Course, Athens: Estia, 1967 Anathemas and meditations, 4 Volumes, Athens: Estia, 1983-1991 The Modern World, Athens: Editions of the Friends, 1992 Palamas, Athens: Estia, 1966 A Dialogue about poetry - A dialogue with Giorgos Seferis, Athens: Estia, 1975 Official Biography