Zamboanga City crisis
The Zamboanga City crisis or Zamboanga Siege was an armed conflict in Zamboanga City, Philippines between the forces of the Philippine government and a faction of the Moro National Liberation Front known by other factions as the Rogue MNLF Elements under the Sulu State Revolutionary Command led by Ustadz Habier Malik and Khaid Ajibon, whose group continues to recognize Nur Misuari as MNLF Chairman. The crisis erupted on September 9, 2013 when this MNLF faction attempted to raise the flag of the self-proclaimed Bangsamoro Republik at Zamboanga City Hall, which had earlier declared its independence on August 12, 2013 in Talipao, Sulu; this armed incursion, variously described a "crisis", a "standoff", a "siege", a "humanitarian crisis", was met by the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police, which sought to free the hostages and expel the MNLF from the city. The standoff degenerated into urban warfare, brought parts of the city into a standstill for days; the clashes caused the displacement of more than 100,000 people, the occupation of several barangays by the MNLF, the deaths of several civilians, the closure of the Zamboanga International Airport, a reduction of economic activity in the city.
On September 28, the government declared an end of military operations in Zamboanga City. Commander Malik the leader of the MNLF forces, remains at large, several skirmishes are still being reported. Affirming the statements of MNLF Director for Advocacy John Petalcorin that Nur Misuari and the MNLF has no participation in the Zamboanga Siege, the CNN Philippines interviewed Nur Misuari and reported that "Nur Misuari denies charges linking him to the 2013 Zamboanga Siege". Nur Misuari, the leader of the rebel group Moro National Liberation Front signed a peace treaty in 1996 that allowed the creation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao and Misuari became its first governor; however in 2001, he was ousted as MNLF chair by his colleagues in the MNLF leadership and replaced as ARMM governor. Misuari's reaction was rebellion against the Philippine government. However, Misuari "has been angered by a planned peace deal with the MILF, believing it would sideline the MNLF and the 1996 peace deal".
Misuari proclaimed the independence of the Bangsamoro Republik on August 12, 2013 at Talipao, although it was ignored by the government. Misuari "disappeared from public view"; the Armed Forces of the Philippines received intelligence reports that the MNLF would launch mass operations in Zamboanga City, three days before the incident. AFP spokesman Col. Ramon Zagala said that according to intelligence reports the MNLF troops were deployed to the coastal barangays of Rio Hondo, Sta. Barbara and Sta. Catalina. According to initial reports, the MNLF group who entered the barangays were unarmed and it was the night before the incident that the MNLF were armed in Rio Hondo. Zagala claimed that the MNLF group involved in the incident is a breakaway faction of the militant group. In an interview, an MNLF official claimed that the fighters actions was a "pre-emptive response" to a supposed "large" troop movement" of the Army, stating that the group feared that military movement was the prelude to the arrest a high-profile leader of MNLF in the area, such as Nur Misuari.
A commander named Ustadz Habier Malik, who "is a key senior aide of Moro National Liberation Front founder Nur Misuari," is leading the siege on Zamboanga City. The initial confrontation occurred around 11:00 p.m. on the evening of Sunday, September 8, 2013. A navy patrol boat intercepted a large motorboat and eight other smaller vessels carrying armed men near the coastal barangay of Rio Hondo; this led to an exchange of fire resulting in several casualties including the death of one of the navy personnel and two civilians. On September 9, 2013, at around 4:30 a.m. the MNLF entered the city and killed four people, contrary to the first report of having six people killed. Four barangays were occupied by the MNLF: Rio Hondo, Sta. Barbara, Sta. Catalina, parts of Talon-Talon; the group held 20 civilians hostages in Barangay Sta. Catalina, around noontime more than 200 civilians were reported as being held hostage by the MNLF; the civilian hostages were being used as human shields by the MNLF. The city government of Zamboanga declared a "no classes and no work" following the attacks at Barangay Sta.
Catalina. A curfew was imposed throughout the city that day shutting down the city. Zamboanga City Mayor Isabelle "Beng" Climaco-Salazar visited the people who fled to different evacuation centers that morning. Zamboanga International Airport was shut down as all flights operating to and from the city were cancelled. On the second day, the Philippine government deployed a larger force in the city. A naval blockade was set, more troops and units were deployed, including four units of elite troops from the Naval Special Operations Group. At dawn, city police prevented 30 members of the MNLF from joining the main force. By morning, the MNLF fired rocket-propelled mortars at military positions; the clash between MNLF and the government forces spread throughout the barangay as residents fled their homes while some people could not leave the area due to fear of being caught in crossfire. During the afternoon, a fire erupted in Barangay Santa Barbara that razed five houses as firefights between the MNLF and the Armed Forces of the Philippines ensued.
Four firetrucks responded, but were delayed, as they needed to have a clearance from the military before entering the area due to the presence of MNLF snipers. Zamboanga City Mayor Climaco contacted Nur Misuari through tel
A feud, referred to in more extreme cases as a blood feud, faida, clan war, gang war, or private war, is a long-running argument or fight between social groups of people families or clans. Feuds begin because one party perceives itself to have been attacked, insulted or wronged by another. Intense feelings of resentment trigger the initial retribution, which causes the other party to feel aggrieved and vengeful; the dispute is subsequently fuelled by a long-running cycle of retaliatory violence. This continual cycle of provocation and retaliation makes it difficult to end the feud peacefully. Feuds involve the original parties' family members or associates, can last for generations, may result in extreme acts of violence, they can be interpreted as an extreme outgrowth of social relations based in family honor. Until the early modern period, feuds were considered legitimate legal instruments and were regulated to some degree. For example, Serb culture calls this krvna osveta, meaning "blood revenge", which had unspoken but valued rules.
In tribal societies, the blood feud, coupled with the practice of blood wealth, functioned as an effective form of social control for limiting and ending conflicts between individuals and groups who are related by kinship, as described by anthropologist Max Gluckman in his article "The Peace in the Feud" in 1955. A blood feud is a feud with a cycle of retaliatory violence, with the relatives of someone, killed or otherwise wronged or dishonored seeking vengeance by killing or otherwise physically punishing the culprits or their relatives. In the English-speaking world, the Italian word vendetta is used to mean a blood feud, but in reality it means "vengeance" or "revenge", originating from the Latin vindicta, while the word faida would be more appropriate for a blood feud. In the English-speaking world, "vendetta" is sometimes extended to mean any other long-standing feud, not involving bloodshed. Sometimes, it is not mutual, but rather refers to a prolonged series of hostile acts waged by one person against another without reciprocation.
Blood feuds were common in societies with a weak rule of law, where family and kinship ties are the main source of authority. An entire family is considered responsible for the actions of any of its members. Sometimes two separate branches of the same family have come to blows, or worse, over some dispute; the practice has disappeared with more centralized societies where law enforcement and criminal law take responsibility for punishing lawbreakers. In Homeric ancient Greece, the practice of personal vengeance against wrongdoers was considered natural and customary: "Embedded in the Greek morality of retaliation is the right of vengeance... Feud is a war. In the ancient Hebraic context, it was considered the duty of the individual and family to avenge evil on behalf of God; the executor of the law of blood-revenge who put the initial killer to death was given a special designation: go'el haddam, the blood-avenger or blood-redeemer. Six Cities of Refuge were established to provide protection and due process for any unintentional manslayers.
The avenger was forbidden from harming the unintentional killer if the killer took refuge in one of these cities. As the Oxford Companion to the Bible states: "Since life was viewed as sacred, no amount of blood money could be given as recompense for the loss of the life of an innocent person. According to historian Marc Bloch: The Middle Ages, from beginning to end, the feudal era, lived under the sign of private vengeance; the onus, of course, lay above all on the wronged individual. The solitary individual, could do but little. Moreover, it was most a death that had to be avenged. In this case the family group went into action and the faide came into being, to use the old Germanic word which spread little by little through the whole of Europe —'the vengeance of the kinsmen which we call faida', as a German canonist expressed it. No moral obligation seemed more sacred than this... The whole kindred, placed as a rule under the command of a chieftain, took up arms to punish the murder of one of its members or a wrong that he had suffered.
Rita of Cascia, a popular 15th-century Italian saint, was canonized by the Catholic Church due to her great effort to end a feud in which her family was involved and which claimed the life of her husband. The blood feud has certain similarities to the ritualized warfare found in many pre-industrial tribes. Thus, for instance, more than a third of Ya̧nomamö males, on average, died from warfare; the accounts of missionaries to the area have recounted constant infighting in the tribes for women or prestige, evidence of continuous warfare for the enslavement of neighboring tribes such as the Macu before the arrival of European settlers and government. In Japan's feudal past, the samurai class upheld the honor of their family and their lord by katakiuchi, or revenge killings; these killings could involve the relatives of an offender. While some vendettas were punished by the government, such as that of the Forty-seven Ronin, others were given official permission with specific targets. At the Holy Roman Empire's Reichstag at Worms in 1495 AD, the right of waging feuds was abolished.
The Imperial Reform proclaimed an "eternal public peace
2017 Bohol clashes
The 2017 Bohol clashes were armed conflicts that took place in April and May 2017 between Philippine security forces and Moro ISIL-affiliated militants led by members of the Abu Sayyaf in Inabanga, Philippines. Three Philippine Army soldiers, a policeman, four terrorists and two civilians were killed during the initial firefight. Subsequent firefights between the remaining militants and security forces resulted in the deaths of all the Abu Sayyaf insurgents. A ranking officer of the Philippine National Police linked to Abu Sayyaf attempted to rescue some of the insurgents but was arrested; the clashes marked the first recorded operation of the Abu Sayyaf group in the Visayas region of the Philippines, far from their strongholds in the Sulu Archipelago. Five days before the initial incident, the Armed Forces of the Philippines had detected the departure of a group of Abu Sayyaf from Indanan, Sulu bound for the Central Visayas. On 9 April 2017, the US Embassy in Manila issued a travel warning based on "credible" reports of kidnapping threats.
A day before the first firefight, the AFP received reports of the presence of eleven armed men in three pump boats entering the Inabanga River in Bohol. A firefight between a joint Philippine Army and police force and the Abu Sayyaf began at 5:00 in the morning of 11 April 2017 in Barangay Napo in the town of Inabanga. A Philippine Air Force plane conducted airstrikes against the Abu Sayyaf, while a Philippine Navy gunboat was deployed to block possible escape routes by sea. Three Philippine Army troopers, a policeman, two civilians and four Abu Sayyaf members were killed in the clash. Reports indicated that three extremist groups that have pledged allegiance to ISIL participated in the Bohol attack: a hard-line Abu Sayyaf faction known as the Marakat Ansar Battalion, the Maute group and Ansar Khalifa Philippines. A day after the firefight, the body of Abu Sayyaf sub-leader Maumar Askali known as Abu Rami, was recovered from the scene of the clash. Askali was implicated in the beheading of two Canadian hostages, John Ridsdel and Robert Hall in 2016, German tourist Jürgen Kantner in February 2017.
On 13 April, two days after the clash, another Abu Sayyaf fatality was recovered by security forces after being buried by his companions in Barangay Lonoy Cainsican in Inabanga. Two civilians killed in the firefight were tagged as Abu Sayyaf casualties. Government troops recovered M16 and M4 rifles, bomb-making paraphernalia from the scene of the clash; the Armed Forces of the Philippines and civil authorities declared Bohol "cleared" a day after the firefight. On 22 April 2017, four more Abu Sayyaf militants were killed during firefights in Bohol, including sub-leader and guide Joselito Melloria known as Abu Alih. Two weeks the AFP announced the arrest of Abu Saad, one of the three remaining Abu Sayyaf members who had evaded capture. A day Abu Saad was reported killed after attempting to escape while in police custody; the last two militants were located after they took a local resident hostage and were killed in a firefight against security forces on 15 May 2017. On the evening of 22 April 2017, Police Supt.
Maria Christina Nobleza, the deputy regional chief of the crime laboratory in the Davao Region, her alleged lover, Reenor Lou Dungon, were arrested in a military checkpoint in Barangay Bacani, Bohol. The two, authorities stated, were planning to rescue the remaining Abu Sayyaf members who were being hunted down by government troops. Dungon is said to be the brother-in-law of slain Abu Sayyaf leader Abu Solaiman. Marawi crisis
Mindanao or still known as Southern Philippines, is the second largest island in the Philippines. Mindanao and the smaller islands surrounding it make up the island group of the same name. Located in the southern region of the archipelago, as of the 2010 census, the main island was inhabited by 20,281,545 people, while the entire Mindanao island group had an estimated total of 25,537,691 residents. According to the 2015 Philippine Population Census, Davao City is the most populous city on the island, with a population of 1,632,991 residents, followed by Zamboanga City, Cagayan de Oro City, General Santos City, Iligan City, Butuan City and Cotabato City. About 70% of residents identify as Christian, 20% identify as Muslim. Mindanao is divided into six regions: the Zamboanga Peninsula, Northern Mindanao, the Caraga region, the Davao region, SOCCSKSARGEN, the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Native ethnic groups in Mindanao include the Lumads and the Moros (namely the Maguindanaos, the Maranaos, the Tausugs, the Yakans, the Iranuns, the Sama concentrated within the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.
Joining them are the indigenous Butuanons and the Surigaonons of the Caraga region as well as the Zamboangueños of the eponymous peninsula, along with descendants of settlers from the Visayas and Luzon, among them the Cebuanos and the Hiligaynons. Mindanao is considered the major breadbasket of the Philippines, with eight of the top 10 agri-commodities exported from the Philippines coming from the island group itself. Mindanao is known for its moniker being The Philippines' Land of Promise. Archaeological findings on the island point to evidence of human activity dating back to about ten thousand years ago. At around 1500 BC Austronesian people spread throughout the Philippines; the Subanon are believed to have established themselves on Mindanao Island during the Neolithic Era, or New Stone Age, the period in the development of human technology beginning around 10,000 BC according to the ASPRO chronology. The evidence of old stone tools in Zamboanga del Norte may indicate a late Neolithic presence.
Ceramic burial jars, both unglazed and glazed, as well as Chinese celadons, have been found in caves, together with shell bracelets and gold ornaments. Many of the ceramic objects are from the Ming periods. Evidently, there was a long history of trade between the Subanon and the Chinese long before the latter's contact with Islam. In the classic epoch of Philippine history, the people of Mindanao were exposed to Hindu and Buddhist influence and beliefs from Indonesia and Malaysia. Indianized abugida scripts such as Kawi and Baybayin was introduced via Sulawesi and Java, the cultural icons of the sarong, the pudong turban and batik and ikat weaving and dyeing methods were introduced. Artifacts found from this era include the Golden kinnara, Golden Tara, the Ganesh pendant; these cultural traits passed from Mindanao into the Visayas and Luzon, but were subsequently lost or modified after the Spanish arrival in the 16th century. The Hindu-Buddhist cultural revolution was strongest in the coastal areas of the island, but were incorporated into local animist beliefs and customs tribes that resided more inland.
The Rajahnate of Butuan, a Hindu kingdom mentioned in Chinese records as a tributary state in the 10th century AD, was concentrated along the northeastern coast of the island around Butuan. The Darangen epic of the Maranao people harkens back to this era as the most complete local version of the Ramayana; the Maguindanao at this time had strong Hindu beliefs, evidenced by the Ladya Lawana epic saga that survives to the modern day, albeit Islamized from the 17th century on wards. The spread of Islam in the Philippines began in the 14th century by Muslim merchants from the western part of the Malay Archipelago; the first Mosque in the Philippines was built in the mid-14th century in the town of Simunul. Around the 16th century, Muslim sultanates: Sulu and Maguindanao were established from Hindu-Buddhist Rajahnates; as Islam gained a foothold over most of Mindanao, the natives residing within the Sultanates were either converted into Islam or obligated to pay tribute to their new Muslim rulers.
The largest of the Muslim settlements was the Sultanate named after the Maguindanaoans. Maps made during the 17th and 18th centuries suggest that the name Mindanao was used by the natives to refer to the island, by Islam was well established in Mindanao and had influenced groups on other islands to the north. On 2 February 1543, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos was the first Spaniard to reach Mindanao, he called the island "Caesarea Caroli" after Charles V of the Holy Roman Empire. Shortly after Spain's colonization of Cebu, they moved on to colonize Butuan and the surrounding Caraga region in northeast Mindanao and discovered significant Muslim presence on the island. Over time a number of tribes in Mindanao converted to Roman Catholicism and built settlements and forts throughout the coastal regions of the island; these settlements endured despite incurring attacks fr
2019 Jolo Cathedral bombings
On the morning of January 27, 2019, two bombs exploded at the Roman Catholic Cathedral of Our Lady of Mount Carmel in Jolo, Sulu, in the Philippines. Twenty people were killed and 102 others injured; the bombings took place a week after the autonomy plebiscite held on January 21 for the creation of Bangsamoro Autonomous Region. It is believed that the attacks were carried out by the Abu Sayyaf, the Islamic State claimed responsibility. Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte responded by issuing an "all-out war" directive against the Abu Sayyaf; the bombings were condemned by neighboring and distant countries and foreign organizations all issuing condemnations and condolences to the victims of the cathedral attack. The bombings took place a week after the first part of an autonomous plebiscite held on January 21 for the creation of Bangsamoro Autonomous Region; this region will include all including the capital city of Jolo. Jolo is known to be a stronghold of the Abu Sayyaf group, an affiliate of the Islamic State terror organization, comprising activists from various clans or family-based factions operating under different commanders in the Sulu Archipelago: the group lacks a central command.
Sulu was the only province to vote against the Plebiscite, by a margin of 163,526 to 137,630. Despite the results, Sulu Province would still be included in the BAR due to the high majority from other areas; the proposed Bangsamoro government plans to conduct crackdowns on firearms and local private armies and decommission their weapons once the new autonomous region is established. The Philippine National Police believes the attacks were carried out by ASG members in revenge for the deaths of their relatives during the Armed Forces of the Philippines military operations against their group, with the police further said that the Sulu region has been receiving threats coming from this group. Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo said poverty was a contributing factor to the bombings as part of the long-time violence in the Mindanao region; the Abu Sayaf Group, or ASG, are known active kidnappers targeting foreigners in the waters of Sulu and Celebes Sea are said by a former Jemaah Islamiyah militant named Abdullah Sandakan based in the eastern Malaysian state of Sabah in Borneo island as "using ransom money that had earlier been paid to the ASG for the release of an Indonesian hostage in their recent kidnapping as a fund for the bombings plot".
Citing an unnamed Mindanao-based source, it was alleged a "huge sum" was paid by the Malaysian owner of the captive's fishing boat to secure the safe release of two Indonesian fishing boat workers, held hostage by the ASG abducted off Gaya Island off Semporna. Abdullah further alleged part of the ransom money was used by the ASG to pay villagers to shelter the bombing perpetrators; the Armed Forces of the Philippines’ Western Mindanao Command released closed-circuit television footage of the bombing with the following timeline: Timeline of the bombings: 8:26 – People are shown going about Sunday errands. 8:28 – First improvised explosive device exploded inside the cathedral. 8:30 – From a different angle, people are seen walking towards the cathedral and running away as a second explosion rips through the Cathedral's parking area as troops from the 35th Infantry Battalion responded. WestMinCom stated that the second IED was placed inside the utility box of a motorcycle parked outside the cathedral.
Wounded individuals were brought to the Integrated Provincial Health Office and Sulu Sanitarium for medical treatment. According to the Department of the Interior and Local Government, the perpetrators used a strategy similar to the 2002 Bali bombings to inflict additional casualties among first responders; the explosive devices were estimated to weigh not less than two kilograms. Based on a post-explosion investigation as confirmed by DILG, the explosive devices used were ammonium nitrate pipe bombs; the Islamic State took responsibility for the bombings, which they said were committed by "two knights of martyrdom" against a "crusader temple". Philippine military and peace advocates blamed the ASG's Ajang-Ajang faction, citing evidence from military intelligence operatives stating that they had intercepted ASG plans to bomb other parts of downtown Jolo months before. Kamah, a brother of slain ASG leader has been tagged as the prime suspect in the bombings. A sub-leader of the ASG named Hatib Hajan Sawadjaan has been named another prime suspect in connection with the bombings plot since their faction has connections to IS.
On February 1, Philippine Interior Secretary Eduardo Año stated that two Indonesian suicide bombers were involved in the attacks, were aided by local Abu Sayyaf who acted as guides. The bombers were mistaken for Malaysians; the second bomber was alleged to be Huda's wife, arrived in the province a few days prior to the bombings. The woman is believed to have been the first bomber inside the cathedral, while her husband carried out the second blast at the entrance. PNP chief Oscar Albayalde further said that the Indonesian bombers sailed south-west to Jolo from Lampinigan Island of Basilan Province on January 24 and stayed there for a few days despite it could not be ascertained whether the two went to the island straight from Indonesia or had been around Mindanao island far longer. On February 4, the main suspect Kamah together with his four accomplices surrendered to the authorities following heavy military
In general, a civilian is "a person, not a member of the military or of a police or firefighting force". The definition distinguishes from persons whose duties involves risking their lives to protect the public at large from hazardous situations such as terrorism, conflagrations, or wars, it does not include "criminals" in the category, as authorities and the media wants to distinguish between those who are law-abiding and those who are not. Under the law of war, the term "civilian" is a person, not a combatant and is not a member of the military, it is different from a non-combatant, as some non-combatants are not civilians. Under international law, civilians in the territories of a party to an armed conflict are entitled to certain privileges under the customary laws of war and international treaties such as the Fourth Geneva Convention; the privileges that they enjoy under international law depends on whether the conflict is an internal one or an international one. The word "civilian" goes back to the late 14th century and is from Old French civilien, "of the civil law".
Civilian is believed to have been used to refer to non-combatants as early as 1829. The term "non-combatant" now refers to people in general who are not taking part of hostilities, rather than just civilians; the International Committee of the Red Cross 1958 Commentary on 1949 Geneva Convention IV Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War states: "Every person in enemy hands must have some status under international law: he is either a prisoner of war and, as such, covered by the Third Convention, a civilian covered by the Fourth Convention, or again, a member of the medical personnel of the armed forces, covered by the First Convention. There is no intermediate status. We feel that this is a satisfactory solution – not only satisfying to the mind and above all, satisfactory from the humanitarian point of view." The ICRC has expressed the opinion that "If civilians directly engage in hostilities, they are considered'unlawful' or'unprivileged' combatants or belligerents. They may be prosecuted under the domestic law of the detaining state for such action."Article 50 of the 1977 Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions provides: 1.
A civilian is any person who does not belong to one of the categories of persons referred to in Article 4A, of the Third Convention and in Article 43 of this Protocol. In case of doubt whether a person is a civilian, that person shall be considered to be a civilian. 2. The civilian population comprises all persons. 3. The presence within the civilian population of individuals who do not come within the definition of civilians does not deprive the population of its civilian character; the definition is negative and defines civilians as persons who do not belong to definite categories. The categories of persons mentioned in Article 4A, of the Third Convention and in Article 43 of the Protocol I are combatants. Therefore, the Commentary to the Protocol pointed that, any one, not a member of the armed forces and does not take of hostilities is a civilian. Civilians cannot take part in armed conflict. Civilians are given protection under the Geneva Conventions and Protocols thereto. Article 51 describes the protection that must be given to the civilian population and individual civilians.
Chapter III of Protocol I regulates the targeting of civilian objects. Article 8 of the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court includes this in its list of war crimes: "Intentionally directing attacks against the civilian population as such or against individual civilians not taking part in hostilities". Not all states have ratified 1977 Protocol I or the 1998 Rome Statute, but it is an accepted principle of international humanitarian law that the direct targeting of civilians is a breach of the customary laws of war and is binding on all belligerents; the actual position of the civilian in modern war remains problematic. It is complicated by a number of phenomena, including: the fact that many modern wars are civil wars, in which the application of the laws of war is difficult, in which the distinction between combatants and civilians is hard to maintain. Starting in the 1980s, it was claimed that 90 percent of the victims of modern wars were civilians; the claim was repeated on Wikipedia's Did You Know on 14 December 2010.
These claims, though believed, are not supported by detailed examination of the evidence that relating to wars that are central to the claims. In the opening years of the twenty-first century, despite the many problems associated with it, the legal category of the civilian has been the subject of considerable attention in public discourse, in the media and at the United Nations, in justification of certain uses of armed force to protect endangered populations, it has "lost none
An insurgency is a rebellion against authority when those taking part in the rebellion are not recognized as belligerents. An insurgency can be fought via counter-insurgency warfare, may be opposed by measures to protect the population, by political and economic actions of various kinds and propaganda aimed at undermining the insurgents' claims against the incumbent regime; as a concept, insurgency's nature is ambiguous. Not all rebellions are insurgencies. There have been many cases of non-violent rebellions, using civil resistance, as in the People Power Revolution in the Philippines in the 1980s that ousted President Marcos and the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. Where a revolt takes the form of armed rebellion, it may not be viewed as an insurgency if a state of belligerency exists between one or more sovereign states and rebel forces. For example, during the American Civil War, the Confederate States of America was not recognized as a sovereign state, but it was recognized as a belligerent power, thus Confederate warships were given the same rights as United States warships in foreign ports.
When insurgency is used to describe a movement's unlawfulness by virtue of not being authorized by or in accordance with the law of the land, its use is neutral. However, when it is used by a state or another authority under threat, "insurgency" also carries an implication that the rebels' cause is illegitimate, whereas those rising up will see the authority of the state as being illegitimate. Criticisms of held ideas and actions about insurgency started to occur in works of the 1960s. Sometimes there may be one or more simultaneous insurgencies occurring in a country; the Iraq insurgency is one example of a recognized government versus multiple groups of insurgents. Other historic insurgencies, such as the Russian Civil War, have been multipolar rather than a straightforward model made up of two sides. During the Angolan Civil War there were two main sides: MPLA and UNITA. At the same time, there was another separatist movement for the independence of the Cabinda region headed up by FLEC. Multipolarity extends the definition of insurgency to situations where there is no recognized authority, as in the Somali Civil War the period from 1998 to 2006, where it broke into quasi-autonomous smaller states, fighting among one another in changing alliances.
If there is a rebellion against the authority and those taking part in the rebellion are not recognized as belligerents, the rebellion is an insurgency. However, not all rebellions are insurgencies, as a state of belligerency may exist between one or more sovereign states and rebel forces. For example, during the American Civil War, the Confederate States of America was not recognized as a sovereign state, but it was recognized as a belligerent power and so Confederate warships were given the same rights as US warships in foreign ports; when insurgency is used to describe a movement's unlawfulness by virtue of not being authorized by or in accordance with the law of the land, its use is neutral. However, when it is used by a state or another authority under threat, "insurgency" also carries an implication that the rebels' cause is illegitimate, those rising up will see the authority itself as being illegitimate; the use of the term insurgency recognizes the political motivation of those who participate in an insurgency, but the term brigandry implies no political motivation.
If an uprising has little support, such a resistance may be described as brigandry and those who participate as brigands. The distinction on whether an uprising is an insurgency or a belligerency has not been as codified as many other areas covered by the internationally accepted laws of war for two reasons; the first is that international law traditionally does not encroach on matters that are the internal affairs of a sovereign state, but recent developments such as the responsibility to protect, are starting to undermine the traditional approach. The second is that at the Hague Conference of 1899, there was disagreement between the Great Powers who considered francs-tireurs to be unlawful combatants subject to execution on capture, smaller states, which maintained that they should be considered lawful combatants; the dispute resulted in a compromise wording being included in the Hague Conventions known as the Martens Clause from the diplomat who drafted the clause. The Third Geneva Convention, as well as the other Geneva Conventions, is oriented to conflict involving nation-states and only loosely addresses irregular forces: Members of other militias and members of other volunteer corps, including those of organized resistance movements, belonging to a Party to the conflict and operating in or outside their own territory if this territory is occupied, provided that such militias or volunteer corps, including such organized resistance movements....
The United States Department of Defense defines it as this: "An organized movement aimed at the overthrow of a constituted government through use of subversion and armed conflict." The United States counterinsurgency Field Manual,This definition does not consider the morality of the conflict, or the different viewpoints of the government and the insurgents. It is focused more on the operational aspects of the types of actions taken by the insurgents and the counter-insurgents; the Department of Defense's definition focuses on the type of violence employed towards specified ends (political, religious or ideologi