Juan Carlos Romero (politician)
Juan Carlos Romero is an Argentine Justicialist Party politician and senator, was governor of Salta Province for 12 years. Romero was born in Salta where his father Roberto Romero was a politician governor of the province, he studied law and political science at the University of Buenos Aires. A lawyer, he became deputy editor, editor of the Salta newspaper founded by his father, El Tribuno, from 1974. In 1986 Romero became a Senator for Salta Province, he took a leading role in economics and was re-elected in 1992. In 1995 he was elected governor of Salta and was re-elected in 1999 and 2003, he launched a bid for the presidency ahead of the 2003 general election, though he ran as Carlos Menem's running mate on the Peronist Front for Loyalty ticket. They narrowly won the first round, but poor polling numbers persuaded Menem and Romero to forfeit the runoff. In 2007 he was again elected a Senator, with Juan Manuel Urtubey being elected governor of Salta. Romero was appointed Vice-President of the Senate in December 2007.
Although he had opposed Kirchnerism, he sat in the governing Front for Victory block in the Senate until 20 February 2009 when he announced that he and his fellow Salta Senator, Sonia Escudero, would be leaving the majority block. Romero has four children. Official site Senate profile
Elisa María Avelina "Lilita" Carrió is an Argentine lawyer and politician, an Argentine National Deputy for Buenos Aires. She was the founder of the Argentine political party Civic Coalition ARI. Born in Resistencia, Chaco, in a traditional family, Carrió was a former teenage beauty queen, she enrolled at the National University of the Northeast and earned a Law Degree in 1978. Carrió entered public service as a technical advisor to the Chaco Province Prosecutor's Office in 1979, was appointed to the provincial Solicitor General's office in 1980, she taught constitutional law at her alma mater, from 1986 to 1988 served as director of the human rights department of the University of Buenos Aires Law School. Carrió entered politics at the request of her mentor, Raúl Alfonsín, was elected to the 1994 Constitutional Amendments Convention, during which she was a leading sponsor of Article 75, section 22, which mandated the adoption of international human rights treaties ratified by Argentina into the Argentine Constitution.
She was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for her province, representing the centrist Radical Civic Union, in 1995, in 1997, obtained passage of a bill giving constitutional authority to the international Treaty of Disappeared Persons. She campaigned for Fernando de la Rúa in 1999. Re-elected to Congress, Carrió earned growing publicity as the chair of the Congressional Committee on Corruption and Money Laundering after 1999 during a series of exchanged accusations in 2001 between herself and Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo. After the rupture in 2000 of the Alliance for Work and Education, Carrió turned to the Democratic Socialist Party and other politicians with leftist leanings who were discontented in their parties, formed an informal front called "Argentinians for a Republic of Equals", ARI. After dissensions, the socialists left, so did Carrió and other figures from their original parties. Together, they formed a new party, called Alternative for a Republic of Equals, in 2002. Carrió was a presidential candidate in the 2003 elections, obtaining fifth place with about 14% of the votes.
She was returned to the Lower House of Congress in 2005, winning a seat as a Deputy for the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires. Carrió ran again for the Presidency on the 2007 elections, representing a front called the Civic Coalition. In March 2007 she resigned her seat in Congress to conduct the campaign. Together with her running mate Rubén Giustiniani, Carrió obtained about 23% of the vote, coming in a distant second after Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, she won the majority vote in two of the three largest cities of Argentina, but she suffered a larger defeat in Buenos Aires Province, the most populous district, came up well short of forcing Fernández into a runoff. Following the 2007 election, Carrió announced she would not be running for the presidency again, declaring that she would instead enhance her role as "leader of the opposition" and seek to become a member of or influence in a future administration following the 2011 elections, she was reunited ahead of the June 2009 mid-term elections with erstwhile allies, the UCR and Socialists, in the Civic and Social Agreement.
This coalition yielded gains only for the UCR, Carrió's reduced influence therein ended in her acrimonious departure from the group in August 2010. She reconsidered her earlier decision to opt out of the 2011 presidential race, on December 12, 2010, she announced her candidacy on the Civic Coalition/ARI ticket. Carrió received 1.8% of the vote in the 23 October election, placing last in a field of seven candidates. Carrió joined the Broad Front UNEN alliance upon its formation in June 2013, was reelected to the Lower House on their ticket in elections that October, her desire to fold UNEN into a coalition led by the PRO party, led to her break with UNEN in November 2014. The UCR left the coalition and joined the PRO as well; the three parties became Cambiemos. She run for the presidency in the primary elections, lost to Mauricio Macri. Macri won the 2015 general elections afterwards. List of political parties in Argentina Politics of Argentina
Buenos Aires Province
Buenos Aires is the largest and most populous Argentinian province. It takes the name from the city of Buenos Aires, which used to be part of the province and the provincial capital until it was federalized in 1880. Since in spite of bearing the same name, the province does not include the national capital city proper, though it does include all other localities of the Greater Buenos Aires metropolitan area surrounding it; the current capital of the province is the city of La Plata, founded in 1882. The province is the only within the whole Argentina to be divided into partidos and furtherly into localidades, borders the provinces of Entre Ríos to the northeast. Uruguay is just near the Atlantic Ocean to the east; the entire province is part of the Pampas geographical region. The province has a population of 39 % of Argentina's total population. Nearly 10 million people live in Greater Buenos Aires; the area of the province, 307,571 km2, makes it the largest in Argentina with around 11% of the country's total area.
The inhabitants of the province before the 16th century advent of Spanish colonisation were aboriginal peoples such as the Charrúas and the Querandíes. Their culture was lost over the next 350 years, they were subjected to Eurasian plagues from. The survivors joined other tribes or have been absorbed by Argentina's European ethnic majority. Pedro de Mendoza founded Santa María del Buen Ayre in 1536. Though the first contact with the aboriginals was peaceful, it soon became hostile; the city was evacuated in 1541. Juan de Garay re-founded the settlement in 1580 as Santísima Trinidad y Puerto Santa María de los Buenos Aires. Amidst ongoing conflict with the aboriginals, the cattle farms extended from Buenos Aires, whose port was always the centre of the economy of the territory. Following the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata at the end of the 18th century, the export of meat and their derivatives through the port of Buenos Aires was the basis of the economic development of the region.
Jesuits unsuccessfully tried to peacefully assimilate the aboriginals into the European culture brought by the Spanish conquistadores. A certain balance was found at the end of the 18th century, when the Salado River became the limit between both civilizations, despite frequent malones; the end to this situation came in 1879 with the Conquest of the Desert in which the aboriginals were completely exterminated. After the independence from Spain in 1816, the city and province of Buenos Aires became the focus of an intermittent Argentine Civil War with other provinces. A Federal Pact secured by Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas in 1831 led to the establishment of the Argentine Confederation and to his gaining the sum of public power, which provided a tenuous unity. Ongoing disputes regarding the influence of Buenos Aires, between Federalists and Unitarians, over the Port of Buenos Aires fueled periodic hostilities; the province was declared independent on September 1852, as the State of Buenos Aires.
Concessions gained in the 1859 Pact of San José de Flores and a victory at the Battle of Pavón led to its reincorporation into the Argentine Republic on December 17, 1861. Intermittent conflicts with the nation did not cease until 1880, when the city of Buenos Aires was formally federalized and, administratively separated from the province. La Plata was founded in 1882 by Governor Dardo Rocha for the purpose of becoming the provincial capital; the equivalent of a billion dollars of British investment and pro-development and immigration policies pursued at the national level subsequently spurred dramatic economic growth. Driven by European immigration and improved health, the province's population, like Argentina's, nearly doubled to one million by 1895 and doubled again by 1914. Rail lines connected nearly every town and hamlet in the province by 1914; this era of accelerated development was cut short by the Wall Street Crash of 1929, which caused a sharp drop in commodity prices and led to a halt in the flow of investment funds between nations.
The new Concordance and Perón governments funded ambitious lending and public works programs, visible in Buenos Aires Province through the panoply of levees, power plants, water works, paved roads, municipal buildings, schools and massive regional hospitals. The province's population, after 1930, began to grow disproportionately in the suburban areas of Buenos Aires; these suburbs had grown to include 4 million out of the province's total 7 million people in 1960. Much of the area these new suburbs were developed on consisted of wetlands and were prone to flooding. To address this, Governor Oscar Alende initiated the province's most important flood-control project to date, the Roggero Reservoir. Completed a decade in 1971, the reservoir and associated electric and water-treatment facilities encouraged still more, more orderly, development of the Greater Buenos Aires region, which today includes around 10 million people, it did not address worsening pollution resulting from the area's industrial growth, which had made itself evident since aroun
1998–2002 Argentine great depression
The 1998–2002 Argentine Great Depression was an economic depression in Argentina, which began in the third quarter of 1998 and lasted until the second quarter of 2002. It immediately followed the 1974–1990 Great Depression after a brief period of rapid economic growth; the depression, which began after the Russian and Brazilian financial crises, caused widespread unemployment, the fall of the government, a default on the country's foreign debt, the rise of alternative currencies and the end of the peso's fixed exchange rate to the US dollar. The economy shrank by 28 percent from 1998 to 2002. In terms of income, over 50 percent of Argentines were poor and indigent. By the first half of 2003, however, GDP growth had returned, surprising economists and the business media, the economy grew by an average of 9% for five years. Argentina's GDP exceeded pre-crisis levels by 2005, Argentine debt restructuring that year were resumed payments on most of its defaulted bonds. Bondholders who participated in the restructuring have been paid punctually and have seen the value of their bonds rise.
Argentina repaid its International Monetary Fund loans in full in 2006, but had a long dispute with the 7% of bond-holders left. In April 2016 Argentina came out of the default when the new government decided to repay the country's debt, paying the full amount to the vulture/hedge funds. Argentina's many years of military dictatorship had caused significant economic problems prior to the 2001 crisis during the self-styled National Reorganization Process in power from 1976 to 1983. A right-wing executive, José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz, was appointed Economy Minister at the outset of the dictatorship, a neoliberal economic platform centered around anti-labor, monetarist policies of financial liberalization was introduced. Budget deficits jumped to 15% of GDP as the country went into debt for the state takeover of over $15 billion in private debts as well as unfinished projects, higher defense spending, the Falklands War. By the end of the military government in 1983, the foreign debt had ballooned from $8 billion to $45 billion, interest charges alone exceeded trade surpluses, industrial production had fallen by 20%, real wages had lost 36% of their purchasing power, unemployment, calculated at 18%, was at its highest point since the 1929 Great Depression.
Democracy was restored in 1983 with the election of President Raúl Alfonsín. The new government intended to stabilize the economy and in 1985 introduced austerity measures and a new currency, the Argentine austral, the first of its kind without peso in its name. Fresh loans were required to service the $5 billion in annual interest charges and when commodity prices collapsed in 1986, the state became unable to service this debt. During the Alfonsin administration, unemployment did not increase, but real wages fell by half to the lowest level in fifty years. Prices for state-run utilities, telephone service, gas increased substantially. Confidence in the plan, collapsed in late 1987, inflation, which had averaged 10% per month from 1975 to 1988, spiraled out of control. Inflation reached 200 % for the month in July 1989. Amid riots, Alfonsín resigned five months before the end of his term. After a second bout of hyperinflation, Domingo Cavallo was appointed Minister of the Economy in January 1991.
On 1 April, he fixed the value of the austral at 10,000 per US dollar. Australs could be converted to dollars at banks; the Central Bank of Argentina had to keep its US dollar foreign-exchange reserves at the same level as the cash in circulation. The initial aim of such measures was to ensure the acceptance of domestic currency because after the 1989 and 1990 hyperinflation, Argentines had started to demand payment in US dollars; this regime was modified by a law that restored the Argentine peso as the national currency. The convertibility law reduced inflation preserved the value of the currency; that raised the quality of life for many citizens, who could again afford to travel abroad, buy imported goods or ask for credit in dollars at traditional interest rates. The fixed exchange rate reduced the cost of imports, which produced a flight of dollars from the country and a massive loss of industrial infrastructure and employment in industry. Argentina, still had external public debt that it needed to roll over.
Government spending remained too high, corruption was rampant. Argentina's public debt grew enormously during the 1990s without showing that it could service the debt; the IMF kept extending its payment schedules. Massive tax evasion and money laundering contributed to the movement of funds toward offshore banks. A congressional committee started investigations in 2001 over accusations that Central Bank Governor Pedro Pou, a prominent advocate of dollarization, members of the board of directors had overlooked money laundering within Argentina's financial system. Clearstream was accused of being instrumental in this process. Other Latin American countries, including Mexico and Brazil faced economic crises of their own, leading to mistrust of the regional economy; the influx of foreign currency provided by the privatization of state companies had ended. After 1999, Argentine exports were harmed by the dev
Radical Civic Union
The Radical Civic Union is a centrist social-liberal political party in Argentina. The party has been ideologically heterogeneous; the UCR is a member of the Socialist International. Founded in 1891 by radical liberals, it is the oldest political party active in Argentina after the Liberal Party of Corrientes. For many years the party was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule; the UCR's main support comes from the middle class. Throughout its history the party has stood for free elections, supremacy of civilians over the military and liberal democratic values. During the 1970s and 1980s it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights. By May 2014, the UCR had 14 Senators; the party was a breakaway from the Civic Union, led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem. The term'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage, considered radical at the time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors.
The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park. A compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew, the young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1893 and 1905 the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912 the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president; as well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle the country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; the Radical Civic Union remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930 and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from the United States' Great Depression.
From 1930 to 1958 the Radical Civic Union was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi; the growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned; the outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of the votes. Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" - was being criticized at the time.
During the 1970s Peronist government, the Radical Civic Union was the second-most supported party, but this didn't grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party; the UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín, saluted Peron's coffin with the famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions; the subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime many members of the UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989 its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín, was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone.
Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party. In 1997 the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity, itself an alliance of many smaller parties; this strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections. During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government, President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats, it campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronis
Federal Peronism, or Dissident Peronism, are the informal names given to a political alliance between Justicialist Party figures identified by its opposition to ruling Kirchnerism, the center-left faction that headed the national Government of Argentina from 2003 to 2015, leads the Peronist movement. The term "Federal Peronism," as opposed to "metropolitan Peronism", was informally used since the 1980s to identify the more traditional and conservative Peronists from the Provinces of Argentina, whose governors grew in number and influence during the administration of President Carlos Menem. "Dissident Peronism" is more properly used to refer to the Peronist opposition to the administrations and party leadership of left-leaning Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. The term gained currency since the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector, when a number of party leaders and legislators withdrew their support of the national government. Following the crisis that precipitated the resignation of President Fernando de la Rúa on December 21, 2001, the opposition Justicialist Party won a majority in both houses of the Argentine Congress in the October 2001 mid-term elections.
The first interim President of Argentina elected by Congress after de la Rúa's resignation, San Luis Province Senator Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, had the support of a group of governors and legislators from the hinterland provinces, from where the informal designation of Federal Peronism originated. He resigned a week however, after failing to gain support from other factions of Peronism, from organized labor, other sectors of Argentine society; the former Governor of Buenos Aires Province and runner-up in the 1999 general election, Eduardo Duhalde was elected by the Congress as interim President of Argentina on January 2, 2002. Eduardo Duhalde, who counted on the support of Buenos Aires Province Peronism and some labor union leaders, called elections for April 2003, persuaded the fractious Justicialist Party to present candidates directly to the general elections, without party primaries. After attempting to endorse other candidates, Duhalde threw his support behind the little-known Governor of Santa Cruz Province, Néstor Kirchner.
Federal Peronists, in turn, were represented in the elections by two factions, one headed by former President Carlos Menem and Governor of Salta Province José Luis Romero, identified with the policies spoused by Menem's 1989-99 presidency, the other by Adolfo Rodríguez Saá and his brother, Alberto Rodríguez Saá, in an alliance with Radical Civic Union lawmaker Melchor Posse. Menem and Kirchner emerged as the runoff candidates, but the former President withdrew on May 14 as he anticipated a landslide defeat, Kirchner became the president-elect; the alliance between President Kirchner and Duhalde had been dissolved by the 2005 mid-term elections. Kirchner and Duhalde fielded their respective wives, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Hilda González de Duhalde, as leaders of their party lists in Buenos Aires Province; the landslide victory of the Kirchners' FpV consolidated their leadership role in the Justicialist Party, this in turn forced Duhalde to break with the official Peronist body, the Justicialist Party, in which Kirchnerism had become the dominant force.
He thus established Federal Peronism on November 4, 2005, gathered a caucus of 25 Congressmen in its support. They backed Alberto Rodríguez Saá's conservative Peronist candidacy in the 2007 presidential elections, where Mrs. Kirchner was elected to succeed her husband with 45% of the vote. Dissident Peronism was united by its opposition to Kirchner's Front for Victory, which became the leading vehicle for left-wing Peronists and incorporated much of the official Peronist structure. Among the early leaders in Dissident Peronism included Misiones Province Senator Ramón Puerta, Buenos Aires Province Congressman Carlos Ruckauf, union leader Luis Barrionuevo. Barrionuevo, unlike most members of the CGT, was allied with Menem, who arguably remained the most prominent spokesman for neo-liberal policies in Argentina; the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector over a proposed rise in export tariffs led to a sharp drop in presidential approval ratings, numerous FpV lawmakers from more agrarian provinces broke with the party.
The defections, which included 16 Lower House members and 4 Senators, thus resulted in the reemergence of Federal Peronism. The conflict prompted Luis Barrionuevo, whose alliance with Menem had cost him support in the CGT, to organize a splinter trade union confederation, the "Blue and White CGT," to challenge the center-left wing leadership of Secretary General Hugo Moyano, albeit unsuccessfully. A dissident Peronist who as an ally of Menem had never joined the FpV, businessman Francisco de Narváez, in turn formed an alliance with the center-right PRO in Buenos Aires Province and the city of Buenos Aires for the 2009 elections; the elections resulted in a setback for the governing, center-left Front for Victory and its allies, which lost their absolute majorities in both houses of Congress. Former President Néstor Kirchner stood as head of the FpV party list in the important Buenos Aires Province. Kirchner's list was defeated, however, by the center-right PRO/Federal Peronism list headed by de Narváez.
Ricardo López Murphy
Ricardo Hipólito López Murphy is an Argentine economist and politician. López Murphy was born in Buenos Aires Province, he attended the National University of La Plata, where he was awarded the title of "Licenciado en Economía" in 1975. He obtained a Master's degree in Economics from the University of Chicago in 1980, his professional career included being a university professor, a consultant and advisor to companies, international investors and financial institutions in Argentina and Latin America, such as the IMF, the World Bank, the CEPAL, the IADB. He was Chief Economist at the FIEL economic think-tank in Argentina. In 1999, he entered politics when he was appointed Minister of Defense as a member of the Radical Civic Union, he remained in this position until 2001 when he took the position of Minister of Economy in the government of Argentina. Enjoying little political support from President, Fernando de la Rúa, he was fired within two weeks after a wave of protest over his proposed fiscal austerity project, by which he sought to prevent the 2001 economic crisis but which cut education spending.
He founded a conservative political party, Recreate for Growth, in 2002, ran for the presidency in the April 2003 elections, finishing third behind Carlos Menem and Néstor Kirchner, with 16.3% of the popular vote. He teamed with Mauricio Macri in 2005 to create a new center-right coalition called Republican Proposal, which tacitly supported his unsuccessful second bid to the presidency in the 2007 presidential election. López Murphy did poorly, he left RECREAR in April 2008, citing differences over party list strategy, in December established Convergencia Federal. He obtained only 1.4 % of the vote. He is married with three children. López Murphy is referred to in the media as "the Bulldog," a nickname he has come to embrace himself. Bullblog Corriente Convergencia Federal