Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosoewirjo
Soekarmadji Maridjan Kartosoewirjo was an Indonesian Islamic mystic who led the Darul Islam rebellion against the Indonesian government from 1949 to 1962, with the objective of overthrowing the secular Pancasila ideology and establishing Negara Islam Indonesia based on sharia law. Kartosoewirjo was born in Cepu, an oil-producing town in Central Java, son of minor government official, his education was in secular and Dutch-medium schools. While attending NIAS in Surabaya, Kartosoewirjo boarded at the house of Islamist leader Tjokroaminoto and became involved in Tjokrominoto's PSII. Kartosoewirjo abandoned his medical studies to be immersed in politics. While touring Malangbong, near Garut in West Java, Kartosoewirjo met and married daughter of a local PSII leader, he settled down in this area. In 1937, he resigned from PSII to establish his own political movement advocating a future Islamic State of Indonesia based on Islamic law. During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia, Kartosoewirjo established armed militias in Garut area, one of many such groups supported and armed by the Japanese in order to help them resist any future Allied invasion.
During the Indonesian National Revolution, his Darul Islam militia remained in amicable terms with the secular Republican forces until the latter withdrew from West Java according to the terms of Renville Agreement in 1948, while Kartosoewirjo continued the guerrilla struggle against occupying Dutch forces. After the second Dutch offensive on December 1948, Republican guerillas slipping back into West Java was attacked by Kartosoewirjo's militia, resulting in a triangular war between the Republican forces, the Darul Islam, the Dutch army. On August 7, 1949, he declared establishment of Negara Islam Indonesia with himself as Imam. After the transfer of sovereignty from the Dutch, Kartosoewirjo refused to acknowledge returning Republican authority and continue attacking returning Republican forces culminating to a full-blown insurgency. During the 1950s, weak central government and uncoordinated military response from the government allowed Darul Islam to flourish, controlling one-third of West Java and launching raids as far as the outskirts of Jakarta.
Islamic rebels in South Sulawesi and Aceh joined the Darul Islam and acknowledged Kartosoewirjo as their highest authority through in practice there was little coordination between the rebels in the different provinces. In 1957, agents sent by Kartosoewirjo unsuccessfully attempted to assassinate Sukarno by grenade attack during a primary school function at Cikini, Central Jakarta. Declaration of martial law in 1957 and establishment of Guided Democracy by Sukarno in 1959 proved to be a turning point for Darul Islam's fortunes; the military introduced effective "fence of legs" method to encircle the guerillas' mountain bases and cutting off their supply and escape route, forcing the rebels to surrender or face annihilation in face of superior firepower. Kartosoewirjo responded by declaring "total war" in 1961, in which Darul Islam guerillas used terror tactics and banditry against civilians, further alienating the population, he sent agents to Jakarta, where on May 1962 they made another unsuccessful assassination attempt on Sukarno during the Eid al-Adha prayers.
On June 1962, Kartosoewirjo was captured in his hideout at Mount Geber near Garut. In captivity, he issued order for his followers to surrender; the last Darul Islam band in West Java, operating at Mount Ciremai, surrendered on August 1962. Kartosoewirjo was brought to Jakarta, he was found guilty of rebellion and attempted assassination of the president, was sentenced to death. He was executed by firing squad on September 5, 1962. Dijk, C. van Rebellion under the banner of Islam: the Darul Islam in Indonesia The Hague: M. Nijhoff,1981. ISBN 90-247-6172-7 Kilcullen, David "The political consequences of military operations in Indonesia 1945-99: a fieldwork analysis of the political power-diffusion effects of guerilla conflict " PhD Thesis, University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Politics, 2000
2003 Marriott Hotel bombing
The 2003 Marriott Hotel bombing occurred on 5 August 2003 in Mega Kuningan, South Jakarta, Indonesia. A suicide bomber detonated a car bomb outside the lobby of the JW Marriott Hotel, killing twelve people and injuring 150; those killed were Indonesian, with the exception of one Dutch man. The hotel was viewed as a Western symbol, had been used by the United States embassy for various events; the hotel was reopened to the public on 8 September. Two weeks prior to the bombing, there was a tip call to senior Indonesian police officers from a militant captured during a raid in Semarang that two carloads of bomb-making materials were heading to the capital, Jakarta. During the raid, the police discovered some drawings outlining specific areas in the city for possible attacks. A Toyota Kijang, bought on 20 July 2003, from a Jakarta businessman for 25.75 million rupiah was loaded with explosives and driven through the taxi stand in front of the Marriott Hotel. The vehicle stopped in front of the lobby and CCTV cameras show a security guard approaching the vehicle speaking to the driver.
The security guard turns and a detonation can be seen. It is still not clear if the explosion was accidental, set off by remote detonation or a timer exploding prematurely. If the vehicle had kept a course heading straight for the lobby the damage would undoubtedly have been more severe; the blast radius was visible along the shattered windows of nearby buildings. According to Indonesian police, one of the ingredients in the car bomb contained the same chemical used in the deadly 2002 Bali bombings; the bombs in both cases were made of the same mixture of explosives, mobile phones were used as detonators, the attackers had tried to scrape off the identification numbers from the vehicle bombs. The severed head of Asmar Latin Sani, aged 28, from West Sumatra, was found on the fifth floor of the building, The head was identified by two jailed members of the Jemaah Islamiyah group who said they had recruited him. Investigators uncovered the charred remains of a battery used to power the bomb and said it was similar to the ones used in a series of bombings against Christian churches on Christmas Eve 2000, in which 19 people were killed.
The attack came two days before a verdict in the trial of the Bali nightclub bombers. Al-Qaeda claimed responsibility for the attack and the perpetrators are known to have trained in al Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Six days after the bombing, on 11 August al-Qaeda claimed responsibility, via the Arab media Al Jazeera, singled out Australia for special attention; the statement said This operation is part of a series of operations that Dr Ayman al-Zawahiri has promised to carry out. A fatal slap on the face of America and its allies in Muslim Jakarta, where faith has been denigrated by the dirty American presence and the discriminatory Australian presence". Jemaah Islamiyah, an organisation affiliated with al-Qaeda, is alleged to have carried out the bombing; the al-Qaeda link has been backed by Indonesia's Minister of Defense, Matori Abdul Djalil who said the Marriott bombers had trained with al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan. "Each one of them has special abilities received from training in Afghanistan and Pakistan," Matori Abdul Djalil said on 11 August 2003.
He claimed that the bombers were linked to a group of people arrested in the eastern Indonesian town of Semarang during July 2004 and are alleged to be members of Jemaah Islamiah. There are many more Jemaah Islamiah members on the loose in Indonesia.... Because of this I am sure. On 5 May 2006 the International Crisis Group released its Asia Report No 114 entitled Terrorism in Indonesia, it described the events leading up the attack. Toni Togar, a JI member based in Medan, North Sumatra, was nervous, because his house stored all the explosives left over from JI's 2000 Christmas Eve bombings, he contacted Noordin Mohammad Top to tell him he was going to throw them out. Noordin had been part of the team that carried out the Christmas Eve bombings, led by Hambali and included Imam Samudra and many of the other 2002 Bali bombers, he told Togar to hold on as he "saw good materials being wasted". Abu Bakar Bashir approved of Hambali's activities, Toni Togar was selected to take part in the new bombing plot.
Hambali had set a precedent for a secret team pursuing jihad on its own. This was in part. In January 2003, Muhammad Rais and Azahari Husin moved to Bengkulu, where a group of JI members lived, including Asmar Latin Sani, who became the Marriott suicide bomber; the next stages of the operation took place in February 2003 when the explosives were transported from Dumai to Bengkulu via Pekanbaru, Azahari secured the detonators with a new team member, Masrizal bin Ali Umar. known as Tohir, another Pondok Ngruki graduate and a Luqmanul Hakiem teacher, a close friend of Rais. After the explosives safely reached Bengkulu as unaccompanied baggage on an intercity bus, they were stored at the house of Sardona Siliwangi, another Ngruki student and JI member. At the time, working with Asmar Latin Sani, opened a bank account in March 2003 to facilitate financial transactions for Noordin. In late April 2003, Mohamed Ihsan known as Gembrot and Idris, involved in the 2000 Christmas Eve bombings transported the explosives again.
In May, he and Toni Togar, robbed a bank in Medan on 6 May to raise funds for the project. "Ismail", a Luqmanul Hakiem student who had worked with Rais and Noordin in the sh
Ahod Balawag Ebrahim better known as Al-Hajj Murad Ebrahim is the current chairman of the southern Philippines' Islamist group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the interim Chief Minister of the newly formed Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. He is one of the key persons in the Bangsamoro Peace Process in the Philippines. Born in 2 May 1948, Murad Ebrahim was born to an Islamic preacher, he lost both of his parents at a young age. He attended the Notre Dame University and pursued a course on civil engineering but stopped his studies in his senior year. Murad dropped out of college to join the underground movement which fought against Christian paramilitary groups and security forces during the administration of then-President Ferdinand Marcos targeting Muslims, he adopted "Murad" as his nom de guerre. He was recruited into the Moro National Liberation Front in 1968 and was part of the "Top 300", a second batch of MNLF trainees sent to Malaysia. Murad led the group's Kutawato Revolutionary Committee in fighting against government forces and the Ilaga paramilitary group in Central Mindanao.
Murad leaved the MNLF due to ideological differences along with Hashim Salamat who formed the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. In the 1980s, Murad went to Afghanistan to meet with Filipino rebels fighting against the forces of the Soviet Union amidst the Soviet–Afghan War though he said has not fought alongside with them. There he met Osama bin Laden, who would become the head of Al-Qaeda describing him as a soft spoken and refined man who would have never thought to be declared "a world enemy", he developed reputation within the MILF as one of its top guerrilla commanders. He served as Vice Chair for Military Affairs and as Chief of Staff of the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, the armed wing of the MILF before he was appointed as MILF chairman in mid-2003 to replace MILF founder Salamat who died within the same year, he served as the group's chief negotiator in talks with the Philippine national government. Upon the passage into law of the Bangsamoro Organic Law in 2018 under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte, he campaigned to get the legislation ratified by voters which would lead to the establishment of the proposed Bangsamoro Autonomous Region.
He was nominated by his group, the MILF, to be the chief minister of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority which would serve as the interim government in the region. On February 22, 2019 - He was sworn in by President Rodrigo Duterte as the interim Chief Minister of the newly formed Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Murad will lead the 80-member Bangsamoro Transition Authority, which will govern its five-province Bangsamoro Region. Scheduled election of the new members for its Parliament will take place in 2022; the BARMM was a product of the government's negotiations with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front under the virtue of the Bangsamoro Organic Law. At the official turnover of the ARMM to BARMM in February 26, 2019, Murad announced the members of the first Bangsamoro Cabinet, with himself as concurrent Minister of Public Works and Highways Murad is married to Hadja Lupia Ebrahim with whom he has two children. On 14 March 2015, controversy on the citizenship of Murad arose when Philippine former Interior Secretary Rafael Alunan accused him of being a citizen of Malaysia.
This allegation was denied by Malaysia and Murad himself proved he does possess a Philippine passport
2002 Bali bombings
The 2002 Bali bombings occurred on 12 October 2002 in the tourist district of Kuta on the Indonesian island of Bali. The attack killed 202 people. A further 209 people were injured. Various members of Jemaah Islamiyah, a violent Islamist group, were convicted in relation to the bombings, including three individuals who were sentenced to death; the attack involved the detonation of three bombs: a backpack-mounted device carried by a suicide bomber. An audio-cassette purportedly carrying a recorded voice message from Osama bin Laden stated that the Bali bombings were in direct retaliation for support of the United States' War on Terror and Australia's role in the liberation of East Timor. On 8 November 2008, Imam Samudra, Amrozi Nurhasyim and Huda bin Abdul Haq were executed by firing squad on the island prison of Nusakambangan at 00:15 local time. On 9 March 2010, nicknamed "the Genius" – believed to be responsible for setting off one of the Bali bombs with a mobile phone – was killed in a shoot-out with Indonesian police in Jakarta.
At 23:05 Central Indonesian Time on 12 October 2002, a suicide bomber inside the nightclub Paddy's Pub detonated a bomb in his backpack, causing many patrons, with or without injuries, to flee into the street. Twenty seconds a second and much more powerful car bomb hidden inside a white Mitsubishi van was detonated by another suicide bomber outside the Sari Club, a renowned open-air thatch-roof bar located opposite Paddy's Pub; the bombing occurred during one of the busiest tourist periods of the year in Kuta Beach, driven in part by many Australian sporting teams making their annual end-of-season holiday. Damage to the densely populated residential and commercial district was immense, destroying neighbouring buildings and shattering windows several blocks away; the car bomb explosion left a one metre deep crater. The local Sanglah Hospital was ill-equipped to deal with the scale of the disaster and was overwhelmed with the number of injured burn victims. There were so many people injured by the explosion that some of the injured had to be placed in hotel pools near the explosion site to ease the pain of their burns.
Many of the injured were forced to be flown extreme distances to Darwin and Perth for specialist burn treatment. A comparatively small bomb detonated outside the U. S. consulate in Denpasar, thought to have exploded shortly before the two Kuta bombs, caused minor injuries to one person and property damage was minimal. It was packed with human excrement. A report released in August 2005 by the United States-Indonesia Society described the events as follows: The investigators were thus able to recreate the bombers activities. Amrozi and Ali Imron had walked into a dealership and purchased a new Yamaha motorbike, after asking how much they could re-sell it for if they returned it in a few days. Imron used the motorbike to plant the small bomb outside the U. S. Consulate. Idris rode the motorbike as Imron drove two suicide bombers in the Mitsubishi to the nightclub district in Kuta, he stopped near the Sari Club, instructed one suicide bomber to put on his explosives vest and the other to arm the vehicle bomb.
The first bomber headed to Paddy's Pub. Idris left the second bomber, who had only learned to drive in a straight line, to drive the minivan the short distance to the Sari Club. Idris picked up the duo headed back into Denpasar. Idris dialed the number of the Nokia to detonate the bomb at the Consulate; the two suicide bombers exploded their devices. Imron and Idris dropped the motorbike at a place where it attracted the attention of the caretaker; the final death toll was 202 comprising Western tourists and holiday-makers in their 20s and 30s who were in or near Paddy's Pub or the Sari Club, but including many Balinese Indonesians working or living nearby, or passing by. Hundreds more people suffered other injuries; the largest group among those killed were holidayers from Australia with 88 fatalities. On 14 October, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1438 condemning the attack as a threat to international peace and security. There were many acts of individual heroism. Kusitino'Kossy' Halemai, a Wallis and Futuna-born Australian citizen, managing the Bounty Hotel in Kuta at the time of the attacks, sheltered survivors in the immediate aftermath of the blasts.
He was singled out for praise with the award of the Medal of the Order of Australia on 13 June 2005. Husband and wife Richard and Gilana Poore, who organized a makeshift triage area in the Bounty Hotel's reception area, were both honored with an OAM. James Parkinson, an emergency nurse, worked alongside Doctor Hogg from Wollongong in the Denpasar Sanglah Hospital running the trauma centre for the bombing victims. After he disappeared in Africa and Europe for three years, the Governor General's department tracked him down and awarded Parkinson the Medal of the Order of Australia in 2005. Senior Constable Timothy Britten and Mr Richard Joyes of Western Australia were both awarded the Cross of Valour for their actions during the course of the day; the Cross of Valour is the highest civilian honor and is equivalent to the Victoria Cross for Australia, the highest military honor. The Mitsubishi L300 van bomb was thought to have consisted of C4, a military grade plastic explosive which is
Moro Islamic Liberation Front
The Moro Islamic Liberation Front is a group based in Mindanao, Philippines seeking an autonomous region of the Moro people from the central government. The group has a presence in the Bangsamoro region of Mindanao, the Sulu Archipelago, Palawan and other neighbouring islands; the armed wing of the group is the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces although the name of the parent organization MILF, is used to refer to BIAF. The Moro National Liberation Front is a Moro and Lumad group formed in 1969 following the Jabidah massacre which happened in 1968 to achieve greater Bangsamoro autonomy in the southern Philippines; the MNLF took part in terrorist assassinations to achieve their goals. The government in Manila sent troops into the southern Philippines to control the insurgency. In 1976, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi brokered a negotiation between the Philippine government and MNLF Leader Nur Misuari which led to the signing of the MNLF-GRPH Tripoli Agreement of 1976 wherein the MNLF accepted the Philippine government's offer of semi-autonomy of the regions in dispute.
The signing of this agreement brought about a serious rift in MNLF leadership, leading to the formation of a breakaway group in 1977 by Hashim Salamat and 57 MNLF officers. The group was known as "The New Leadership". Misuari expelled Salamat in December 1977, after which Salamat moved his new organization first to Cairo, Egypt and in 1980, to Lahore, where it engaged in diplomatic activities; this organization was formally established in 1984 as the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Muammar Gaddafi became a longstanding supporter of the MILF after its emergence. In January 1987, the MNLF accepted the Philippine government's offer of semi-autonomy of the regions in dispute, subsequently leading to the establishment of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao on 6 November 1990; the MILF, refused to accept this offer and continued their insurgency operations. A general cessation of hostilities between the government in Manila and the MILF was signed in July 1997 but this agreement was abolished in 2000 by the Philippine Army under the administration of Philippine President Joseph Estrada.
In response, the MILF declared a jihad against its citizens and supporters. Under President Gloria Arroyo, the government entered into a cease-fire agreement with the MILF and resumed peace talks. Despite peace negotiations and the cease-fire agreement, the MILF attacked government troops in Maguindanao resulting in at least twenty-three deaths in January 2005; the combined armies of the MILF and Abu Sayyaf were involved in days of fighting which necessitated government troops using heavy artillery to engage rebel forces. The bombing incident in Davao Airport in 2003 which the Philippine government blamed on MILF members, raised speculation that the peace negotiations might be ineffectual in bringing peace to Mindanao if the MILF is unable to control its operatives; the MILF denies ties with terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah, although Jemaah Islamiyah is considered to have provided them with training facilities in areas they control. The MILF continues to deny connections with Al-Qaeda, though it has admitted to sending around 600 volunteers to Al-Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan and that Osama Bin Laden sent money to the Philippines, though the group denies directly receiving any payment.
From June 28 to July 6, 2006, conflict between the MILF and armed civilian volunteers under Maguindanao Province governor Andal Ampatuan who were supported by the Philippine Army had been reported. The fighting began after governor Ampatuan blamed the MILF for a June 23 bomb attack on his motorcade, which killed five in his entourage; the MILF denied responsibility, but Ampatuan sent police and civilian volunteers to arrest MILF members connected to the attack. Four thousand families were reported displaced by the fighting that followed, ended by a cease-fire agreement signed on July 10 and 11. Talks between the MILF and the government collapsed in 2008 after a Supreme Court decision in Sema vs. COMELEC which rejected a preliminary accord that would have expanded the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. In 2011, the MILF withdrew their demands for independence, instead saying that they would pursue substate status, likened to a U. S. state instead of independence from the Philippines. On August 4, 2008, the Supreme Court of the Philippines issued a temporary restraining order, preventing the Government and the MILF from signing the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain, which would conclude all dispute and begin formal talks that would lead to the drafting and eventual signing of a Final Comprehensive Compact between the two groups.
The Court accepted motions by the southern provincial governments that object to the extended boundaries for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao envisioned in the peace deal. The MOA-AD would have allowed the Moro people gained control of the region under the concept of human rights with the right to establish a police force and to control natural resources; the MOA-AD was initialed by former governor and peace panel chair Rodolfo García and Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Hermogenes Esperon and MILF peace panel chair Mohagher Iqbal on July 27 in Malaysia. It was scheduled for formal signing on August 5, but the Supreme Court issued no negotiation preventing the executive department from signing the agreement; the MOA-AD is the last of several agenda items under the 2001 agreement of the GRP-MILF. After security and relief and rehabilitation, prior to the discussion on the political settlement; the Young Moro Professionals Network appealed to the public not to be afraid of the MOA-AD and to "open your hearts to the Moro
Jemaah Islamiyah is a Southeast Asian militant extremist Islamist rebel group dedicated to the establishment of an Islamic state in Southeast Asia. On 25 October 2002 following the JI-perpetrated Bali bombing, JI was added to the UN Security Council Resolution 1267 as a terrorist group linked to Al-Qaeda or the Taliban. JI is a transnational organization with cells in Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines. In addition to al-Qaeda the group is thought to have links to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid, a splinter cell of the JI, formed by Abu Bakar Baasyir on 27 July 2008; the group has been designated as a terrorist group by the United Nations, Canada, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States. It remained active in Indonesia where it publicly maintained a website as of January 2013. JI has its roots in Darul Islam, a radical Islamist/anti-colonialist movement in Indonesia in the 1940s; the JI was established as a loose confederation of several Islamic groups.
Sometime around 1969, three men, Abu Bakar Bashir, Abdullah Sungkar and Shahrul Nizam'PD' began an operation to propagate the Darul Islam movement, a conservative strain of Islam. Bashir and Sungkar were both imprisoned by the New Order administration of Indonesian president Suharto as part of a crackdown on radical groups such as Komando Jihad, that were perceived to undermine the government's control over the Indonesian population; the two leaders spent several years in prison. After release and his followers moved to Malaysia in 1982, they recruited people from Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. The group named itself Jemaah Islamiah around that time period. JI was formally founded on 1 January 1993, by JI leaders, Abu Bakar Bashir and Abdullah Sungkar while hiding in Malaysia from the persecution of the Suharto government. After the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998, both men returned to Indonesia where JI gained a terrorist edge when one of its founders, the late Abdullah Sungkar, established contact with Osama Bin Laden's al-Qaeda network.
JI's violent operations began during the communal conflicts in Poso. It shifted its attention to targeting US and Western interests in Indonesia and the wider Southeast Asian region since the start of the US-led war on terror. JI's terror plans in Southeast Asia were exposed when its plot to set off several bombs in Singapore was foiled by the local authorities. In 2004, Abu Bakar Bashir created the Indonesian Mujahedeen Council to connect Islamist groups, including JI, in Indonesia. Recruiting, indoctrination and operational links between the JI and other militant groups, such as al-Qaeda, the Abu Sayyaf Group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the Misuari Renegade/Breakaway Group and the Philippine Rajah Sulaiman movement have existed for many years. Bashir became the spiritual leader of the group. Unlike the Al-Mau'nah group, Jemaah Islamiah kept a low profile in Malaysia and their existence was publicized only after the 2002 Bali bombings. Jemaah Islamiyah has been designated a terrorist group by the following countries and international organizations: Australia Canada United Kingdom United Nations United States Indonesia Malaysia Philippines Prior to the first Bali bombing on 12 October 2002, there was underestimation to the threat Jemaah Islamiah posed.
After this attack, the U. S. State Department designated Jemaah Islamiah as a Foreign Terrorist Organization. In 2003, Indonesian police confirmed the existence of "Mantiqe-IV" the JI regional cell which covered Irian Jaya and Australia. Indonesian police said Muklas has identified Mantiqe IV's leader as Abdul Rahim—an Indonesian-born Australian. Jemaah Islamiah is strongly suspected of carrying out the 2003 JW Marriott hotel bombing in Kuningan, the 2004 Australian embassy bombing in Jakarta, the 2005 Bali terrorist bombing and the 2009 JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotel bombings; the Bali and JW Marriott attacks showed that JI did not rule out attacking the same target more than once. The JI has been directly and indirectly involved in dozens of bombings in the southern Philippines in league with the ASG. However, most of Jemaah Islamiah prominent figures such as Hambali, Abu Dujana, Azahari Husin, Noordin Top and Dulmatin have either been captured or killed by Indonesian anti-terrorist squad, Detachment 88.
While several of its former leaders, including Malaysian Islamic extremist and Afghanistan War veteran Nasir Abbas, have renounced violence and assisted the Indonesian and Malaysian governments in the war on terrorism. Nasir Abbas was Noordin Top's former trainer. Indonesian investigators revealed the JI's establishment of a hit squad in April 2007, established to target top leaders who oppose the group's objectives, as well as other officials, including police officers, government prosecutors and judges handling terrorism-related cases. In April 2008, the South Jakarta District Court declared JI an illegal organisation when sentencing former leader Zarkasih and military commander Abu Dujana to 15 years on terrorism charges. In 2010, Indonesian authorities cracked down on the Jemaah Islamiah network in Aceh. Between February and May 2010, more than 60 militants were captured; this Aceh network was established by Dulmatin sometime after 2007. Jemaah Islamiyah's name translates to "Islamic Community" in English and is abbreviated as JI.
To counter recruitment efforts by the group, Islamic scholars in Indonesia and the Philippines who were critical of the group call
A machete is a broad blade used either as an implement like an axe, or in combat like a short sword. The blade is 32.5 to 45 centimetres long and under 3 millimetres thick. In the Spanish language, the word is a diminutive form of the word macho, used to refer to sledgehammers. In the English language, an equivalent term is matchet, though it is less used. In the English-speaking Caribbean, such as Jamaica, Barbados and Grenada and in Trinidad and Tobago, the term cutlass is used for these agricultural tools. In various tropical and subtropical countries, the machete is used to cut through rainforest undergrowth and for agricultural purposes. Besides this, in Latin America a common use is for such household tasks as cutting large foodstuffs into pieces—much as a cleaver is used—or to perform crude cutting tasks, such as making simple wooden handles for other tools, it is common to see people using machetes for other jobs, such as splitting open coconuts, yard work, removing small branches and plants, chopping animals' food, clearing bushes.
Machetes are considered tools and used by adults. However, many hunter–gatherer societies and cultures surviving through subsistence agriculture begin teaching babies to use sharp tools, including machetes, before their first birthdays; because the machete is common in many tropical countries, it is the weapon of choice for uprisings. For example, the Boricua Popular Army are unofficially called macheteros because of the machete-wielding laborers of sugar cane fields of past Puerto Rico. Many of the killings in the 1994 Rwandan genocide were performed with machetes, they were the primary weapon used by the Interahamwe militias there. Machetes were a distinctive tool and weapon of the Haitian Tonton Macoute. In 1762, the Kingdom of Great Britain invaded Cuba in the Battle of Havana, peasant guerrillas led by Pepe Antonio, a Guanabacoa councilman, used machetes in the defense of the city; the machete was the most iconic weapon during the independence wars in that country, although it saw limited battlefield use.
Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, owner of the sugar refinery La Demajagua near Manzanillo, freed his slaves on 10 October 1868. He proceeded to lead them, armed with machetes, in revolt against the Spanish government; the first cavalry charge using machetes as the primary weapon was carried out on 4 November 1868 by Máximo Gómez, a sergeant born in the Dominican Republic, who became the general in chief of the Cuban Army. The machete was a common side tool for many ethnic groups in West Africa. Machetes in this role are referenced in Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart; some countries have a name for the blow of a machete. In the British Virgin Islands, Jamaica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Trinidad and Tobago, the word planass means to hit someone with the flat of the blade of a machete or cutlass. To strike with the sharpened edge is to "chop". Throughout the Caribbean, the term'cutlass' refers to a laborers' cutting tool; the Brazilian Army's Instruction Center on Jungle Warfare developed a machete with a blade 10 inches in length and a pronounced clip point.
This machete is issued with a sharpening stone in the scabbard. Many fictitious slashers have used it as a weapon in horror movies, the most notorious being Jason Voorhees, from the Friday the 13th movie series; the tsakat is used in southern Armenia and Artsakh when clearing areas or hiking. It's well suited for clearing the plentiful blackberry plants in these regions; the panga or tapanga is a variant used in Southern Africa. This name may be of Swahili etymology; the panga blade has a length of 16 to 18 inches. The upper inclined portion of the blade may be sharpened; this tool has been used as a weapon: during the Mau Mau Uprising. In the Philippines, the bolo is a similar tool, but with the blade swelling just before the tip to make the knife more efficient for chopping. Variations include the more pointed iták intended for combat. Filipinos still use the bolo for everyday tasks, such as clearing vegetation and chopping various large foodstuffs; these are commonly found in most Filipino kitchens, with some sets displayed on the walls and other sets for less practical use.
The bolo is used in training in eskrima, the indigenous martial art of the Philippines. Other similar tools include the golok; the Nepalese kukri is a curved blade, used for similar tasks. In Thailand, more variations exist, such as the e-nep, or nep, which translates as "leaf", it may resemble some forms of Muslim blades like the jambiya, or the Nepali khukuri, having aspects of both with the up-swept tip and protruding belly. Another design found in Thailand is the e-toh, prominent in Southern China and other northern parts