The Greek-Ukrainian relations are the relations between Greece and Ukraine. Greece recognized Ukraine on December 31, 1991. Both countries established diplomatic relations in 1992. Greece opened an embassy in Kiev in 1993, general-consulates were set up in Odessa. Ukraine has opened an embassy since April 2004 a general-consulate in Thessaloniki. Both countries are full members of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation. There is a large Greek community living in Ukraine. Ukraine was first settled by the Greeks as early as 500 B. C; the Ukrainian city of Odessa was founded by ancient Greek colonists. Friendship and Cooperation Agreement between the Hellenic Republic and Ukraine. Agreement on Economic, Industrial and Technological Cooperation. Agreement on the Promotion and Mutual Protection of Investments. Agreement on the Avoidance of Double Taxation Agreement on International Road Transport. Shipping Agreement. Agreement on Judicial Assistance in Civil Matters.
November 1996, President of Ukraine, Leonid Kuchma visited Greece December 1997, President of Greece, Konstantinos Stephanopoulos visited Ukraine April 2001, Prime Minister of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko visited Greece July 2002, Prime Minister of Greece, Costas Simitis visited Ukraine September 2007, President of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko visited Greece April 2008, President of Greece, Karolos Papoulias visited Ukraine October 2011, President of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych visited Greece Vasilios Patsikakis Dimitris Kontumas Panayotis Gumas Dimitriou Haralambos Georgios Georgountzos Foreign relations of Greece Foreign relations of Ukraine Greeks in Ukraine Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs about the relation with Ukraine Greek embassy in Kiev Ukrainian embassy in Athens
Russia–Ukraine relations are bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. The bilateral relationship between Russia and Ukraine formally started in the 1990s upon the dissolution of the Soviet Union, of which both Russia and Ukraine had been founding constituent republics. Interactions between the two areas of Russia and Ukraine developed on a formal basis from the 17th century, but international-level relations ceased when Catherine the Great liquidated the autonomy of the Cossack Hetmanate in 1764. For a short period of time soon after the communist 1917 October Revolution two states interacted again. In 1920, Soviet Russian forces overran Ukraine and relations between the two states transitioned from international to internal ones within the Soviet Union, founded in 1922. After the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991, Russia and Ukraine have undergone periods of ties and outright hostility. Prior to Euromaidan, under President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych, relations were cooperative, with various trade agreements in place.
On 1 March 2014, the Federation Council of the Russian Federal Assembly voted unanimously to allow the President of Russia enter the Russian Armed Forces on territory of Ukraine. On 3 March 2014, the Russian representative to the United Nations, Vitaly Churkin showed a letter signed by former Ukrainian President Yanukovych on 1 March 2014 and addressed to President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin with a request to enter the Russian Armed Forces on territory of Ukraine. During the February–March 2014 Crimean crisis Ukraine lost control of its government buildings and military bases in Crimea to unmarked soldiers and local pro-Russian militias; this started on 27 February. The same day the Crimean parliament replaced the local government with one who wanted Crimean unification with Russia; this government organized the 2014 Crimean status referendum on 14 March 2014 in which the voters voted overwhelmingly to join Russia. On 17 March 2014, Crimea declared its independence. On 18 March 2014, a treaty on incorporating Crimea and Sevastopol into Russia was signed in Moscow and in five days the "Constitutional Law on admitting to the Russian Federation the Republic of Crimea and establishing within the Russian Federation the New Constituent Entities the Republic of Crimea and the City of Federal Importance Sevastopol" was pushed through the Russian parliament, signed by the Russian President and entered into force.
On 19 March 2014 all Armed Forces of Ukraine are withdrawn from Crimea. On 17 April 2014, President Putin stated that the Russian military had backed Crimean separatist militias, stating that Russia's intervention was necessary "to ensure proper conditions for the people of Crimea to be able to express their will". Throughout March and April 2014, pro-Russian unrest spread in Ukraine, with pro-Russian groups proclaiming "People's Republics" in the oblasts of Donetsk and Luhansk, as of 2017 both outside the control of the Ukrainian government. In response, Ukraine initiated multiple international-court litigations against Russia, as well as suspending all types of military cooperation and military exports. Many countries and international organizations applied sanctions against the Russian Federation and against Ukrainian citizens involved in and responsible for the escalation. Military clashes between pro-Russian rebels and the Ukrainian Armed Forces began in the east of Ukraine in April 2014.
On 5 September 2014 the Ukrainian government and representatives of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic signed a tentative truce. The ceasefire imploded amidst intense new fighting in January 2015. A new ceasefire agreement has operated since mid-February 2015, but this agreement failed to stop the fighting. In January 2018 the Verkhovna Rada passed a law defining areas seized by the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic as "temporarily occupied by Russia", the law called Russia an "aggressor" state. Russia has been accused by NATO and Ukraine of engaging in direct military operations to support the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic. Russia denies this, but in December 2015, Russian Federation President Vladimir Putin admitted that Russian military intelligence officers were operating in Ukraine, insisting though that they were not the same as regular troops. Russia has admitted. On 10 February 2015, in response to Russian military intervention, the Ukrainian parliament registered a draft decree on suspending diplomatic relations with Russian Federation.
Although this suspension did not materialize, Ukrainian official Dmytro Kuleba acknowledged early April 2016 that diplomatic relations had been reduced "almost to zero". Late 2017 Ukrainian Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin stated that "there are no diplomatic relations with Russia in terms of content". On 5 October 2016 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine recommended that its citizens avoid any type of travel to Russia or transit through its territory; the Ministry cited Russian law enforcers' growing number of groundless arrests of Ukrainian citizens who are often "rudely treated using illegal methods of physical and psychological pressure and other acts violating human rights and dignity". In March 2014 Ukraine started to ban several Russian TV channel from broadcast in Ukr
Ukraine without Kuchma
Ukraine without Kuchma was a mass protest campaign that took place in Ukraine in 2000–2001, demanding the resignation of President Leonid Kuchma, preceding the Orange Revolution. Unlike the Orange Revolution, Ukraine without Kuchma was extinguished by the government enforcement units, followed by numerous arrests of the opposition and the Ukrainian-speaking participants. Seeking the criminal responsibility for those events was renewed with the election of Viktor Yanukovych as the President of Ukraine."Ukraine without Kuchma" was organized by the political opposition, influenced by the infamous Cassette Scandal, presidential elections of 1999, aimed to demand the resignation of the newly re-elected President Kuchma. The protests did not disappear untraced and resulted in consolidation of the democratic opposition which led to the Orange Revolution; the first and noticed action of the campaign took place on 15 December 2000 on Maidan Nezalezhnosti, the main plaza of Kiev, the Ukrainian capital.
The protesters sought Kuchma's stepping down and proper investigations of the disappearance of journalist Georgiy Gongadze. Soon, the initiative grew into a mass campaign supported by students and opposition activists; the opposition parties, having lost the 1999 Ukrainian presidential election shortly before the scandal, considered the campaign as a natural reason for unification and reinforcement. The protests were guided by collective leadership. However, Yulia Tymoshenko, Yuriy Lutsenko and independent Volodymyr Chemerys became prominent leaders of the action. More than a dozen political parties supported the campaign, among them Socialists, the influential right-centrist People's Movement of Ukraine, extreme-right UNA-UNSO and others; the leaders put aside the political differences between such mutually antagonistic groups and concentrated on anti-authoritarian protest and demands for political freedom. They united in acceptance of broad Western support for the campaign. Students and youth constituted the majority of participants, although the campaign gained wide public support.
Protesters set up a makeshift tent encampment on the sidewalks of the plaza and neighbouring Khreschatyk Street. Active supporters were living or taking shifts in the tents, while many others visited the rallies. Discotheques and concerts of liberal-oriented musicians were organized on the plaza. Student strikes took place at some universities. Lviv and some other cities to a lesser extent. Frightened by the scale and unusual tactics of the campaign, the authorities tried to destroy the camp using police and masked provocateurs, but avoided mass clashes. Trying to stop the protests, Kiev's mayor Oleksandr Omelchenko ordered a major reconstruction of the plaza, fencing most of it off; this prevented the protesters from gathering large crowds, but affected the campaign. Authorities in some other cities adopted the tactic, announcing "construction work" on their main squares with no activity behind the newly installed fences. Lacking general unity and forming a minority in the Verkhovna Rada, opposition politicians could provide protesters with only limited support, such as initiating a mock impeachment of Kuchma and making parliamentary protest.
Pro-Western liberals were constrained in actions since they were backing up Kuchma's Prime Minister, highly-popular reformist Viktor Yushchenko, in his efforts to oppose pro-President oligarchs. The campaigners called on him to take the lead, but Yushchenko refused, instead co-signing a critical public address with together with Kuchma. Some influential media became biased in favor of the authorities. Leonid Kuchma received three leaders of the campaign, heard out their daring accusations and demands, but refused to satisfy any. According to Volodymyr Chemerys, the President claimed that he would sack the police Minister Kravchenko, as protesters demanded, if only Yushchenko suggested this dismissal as Prime Minister - which never happened. Occasional mass demonstrations were organized in front of government buildings; the organizers failed to sustain it. On 9 March 2001, the birthday of Taras Shevchenko, there were few clashes between protesters and riot police, dozens were injured: arguably the most violent and populous riots in Ukraine's modern history at the time.
Both sides of the incident blamed the other. Protest leaders argued that police provoked the last and most violent clash near the presidential palace, by blocking a procession and infiltrating it with provocateurs. Indeed, militarized right-wing extremists led the fight. In response, authorities conducted mass arrests in the city. Several opposition MPs took advantage of their parliamentary immunity by storming police stations and cars in efforts to release the apprehended; the public impression of the incident led to a gradual decrease of support for the campaign. Soon, it was declared finished. A group of active participants of the March 9 clashes was imprisoned. Timeline of the March 2001 eventsMarch 1 – liquidation of strike tents by the decision of the former Starokyiv District Court of Kiev city March 8 – announcement of National Salvation Committee that protesters plan not to allow the President of Ukraine Leonid Kuchma to lay down flower to the monument of Taras Shevchenko. Night of March 8 through 9 – units o
First Yatsenyuk government
The first government headed by Arseniy Yatsenyuk was created in Ukraine on 27 February 2014 in the aftermath of the Ukrainian revolution. The cabinet was formed as a coalition of the parties Batkivschyna, UDAR and Svoboda and the parliamentary factions Economic Development and Sovereign European Ukraine and other independent MPs. On 24 July 2014, UDAR and Svoboda and 19 independent MPs had exited from the coalition to pave the way for the early parliamentary elections of late October 2014. Prime Minister Yatsenyuk announced his resignation the same day, but the Verkhovna Rada declined his resignation on 31 July 2014. After the 26 October 2014 Ukrainian parliamentary election the Second Yatsenyuk Government was created; the Yatsenyuk government followed the anti-government Euromaidan protests that began in 2013, culminated in the 21 February 2014 dismissal of President Viktor Yanukovych in the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. The government was first presented at Kiev's main Euromaidan protest camp at Maidan Nezalezhnosti on 26 February 2014.
The government was voted on by Verkhovna Rada on 27 February 2014. There were no government posts for the UDAR party led by one of the Euromaidan leaders, Vitali Klitschko. UDAR declined offers to participate in the new government. On its first day 250 MPs signed up to join the coalition, including the Batkivshchyna, UDAR, Svoboda factions, the Economic Development and Sovereign European Ukraine groups and other MPs. For the candidacy of the Prime Minister of Ukraine, 371 members of parliament voted for Arseniy Yatsenyuk, only two votes short of the record high 373 votes won by Yulia Tymoshenko in 2005. On March 1, 2014 Ministry of Revenues and Duties was liquidated, its agencies were transferred to the Ministry of Finance. On March 23, 2014 the Ministry of Industrial Policy was merged with the Ministry of Economy and Trade. On 19 June 2014 First Vice Prime Minister Vitaly Yarema was appointed General Prosecutor of Ukraine; the same day Pavlo Klimkin was appointed as Ukrainian foreign minister, replacing Andrii Deshchytsia.
On 2 September 2014 the 21 August 2014 resignation of Pavlo Sheremeta as minister of economical development and trade was accepted by the Verkhovna Rada. On 24 July 2014 the coalition supporting the Yatsenyuk Government collapsed after early the afternoon UDAR and Svoboda announced that they had walked out of the coalition to pave the way for early parliamentary elections. UDAR faction leader Vitaliy Kovalchuk stated his party had done this "Since we see that the Verkhovna Rada is not set for constructive work in accordance with the will of the Ukrainian people". 15 independent deputies and 8 Batkivschyna deputies quit the coalition. Soon followed by 4 more independent deputies. Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk announced his resignation late afternoon on 24 July 2014. During his announcement of resignation in parliament Yatsenyuk hinted that the coalition had collapsed because politicians did not want to be seen involved in making budget cuts and had thus placed "political interest above the fate of the country".
Yatsenyuk's resignation has to be accepted by parliament and they did not do this the next day. UDAR faction leader Vitaliy Kovalchuk stated that since Yatsenyuk had not written a letter of resignation parliament could not accept his resignation; the Yatsenyuk Government appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine for Regional Policy – Minister of Regional Development and Housing and Communal Services of Ukraine Volodymyr Groysman as its acting Prime Minister. In the evening of 25 July the press service of parliament stated that parliament had "received the statement of the Prime Minister of Ukraine of his resignation", but his resignation was to be accepted by parliament. And the Verkhovna Rada declined his resignation on 31 July 2014 when only 16 MPs voted for his resignation. Early August 2014 the Yatsenyuk government introduced a draft tax reform which would reduce the number of taxes and fees from 22 to 9; the Yatsenyuk government has stated it does not have the intention of making Ukraine a member of NATO.
A majority of the west has recognized the government, including German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Prime Minister of Latvia Laimdota Straujuma, President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko, Prime Minister of Lithuania Algirdas Butkevičius who on 27 February 2014 congratulated Yatsenyuk on his appointment as interim Prime Minister. The recognition would extend further with U. S. Vice President Joe Biden telling that same day to Yatsenyuk that his interim government had the full support of the United States. A few days the United States Secretary of State John Kerry visited the Ukrainian capital of Kiev on 4 March 2014 and met with Yatsenyuk, followed by members of the European Union that met with members of his government prior to the EU summit of 6 March 2014. Russia, denounced the events that led to the previous government's ouster as an illegitimate coup with both the Crimean parliament and the government of Russia considering the Yatsenyuk Government as illegitimate; this disagreement is one of the factors that contributed to the Crimean crisis that took place in the Crimean peninsula in the southeastern region of Ukraine, predominantly pro-Russian.
Russia – The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the new government of Ukraine "the government of victors which contains representatives of national-extremists." Governmental Portal of Ukraine – official site of the Cabinet of Ministers
Russia–Ukraine gas disputes
The Russia–Ukraine gas disputes refer to a number of disputes between Ukrainian oil and gas company Naftohaz Ukrayiny and Russian gas supplier Gazprom over natural gas supplies and debts. These disputes have grown beyond simple business disputes into transnational political issues—involving political leaders from several countries—that threaten natural gas supplies in numerous European countries dependent on natural gas imports from Russian suppliers, which are transported through Ukraine. Russia provides a quarter of the natural gas consumed in the European Union. A serious dispute began in March 2005 over the price of natural gas supplied and the cost of transit. During this conflict, Russia claimed Ukraine was not paying for gas, but diverting that, intended to be exported to the EU from the pipelines. Ukrainian officials at first denied the accusation, but Naftogaz admitted that natural gas intended for other European countries was retained and used for domestic needs; the dispute reached a high point on 1 January 2006, when Russia cut off all gas supplies passing through Ukrainian territory.
On 4 January 2006, a preliminary agreement between Russia and Ukraine was achieved, the supply was restored. The situation calmed until October 2007; this led to reduction of gas supplies in March 2008. During the last months of 2008, relations once again became tense when Ukraine and Russia could not agree on the debts owed by Ukraine. In January 2009, this disagreement resulted in supply disruptions in many European nations, with eighteen European countries reporting major drops in or complete cut-offs of their gas supplies transported through Ukraine from Russia. In September 2009 officials from both countries stated they felt the situation was under control and that there would be no more conflicts over the topic, at least until the Ukrainian 2010 presidential elections. However, in October 2009, another disagreement arose about the amount of gas Ukraine would import from Russia in 2010. Ukraine intended to import less gas in 2010 as a result of reduced industry needs because of its economic recession.
On 8 June 2010, a Stockholm court of arbitration ruled Naftohaz of Ukraine must return 12.1 billion cubic metres of gas to RosUkrEnergo, a Swiss-based company in which Gazprom controls a 50% stake. Russia accused Ukrainian side of diverting gas from pipelines passing through Ukraine in 2009. Several high-ranking Ukrainian officials stated the return "would not be quick". Russia plans to abandon gas supplies to Europe through Ukraine after 2018. Gazprom has substantially reduced the volumes of gas it transits across Ukraine, expressed its intention of reducing the level further by means of transit diversification pipelines. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, oil import prices to Ukraine reached world market levels in 1993. However, gas import prices and transit fees remained below European levels for Russian exports to Europe through pipelines in Ukraine. At the same time Ukraine remained the main transit corridor for Russia's gas export. In 2004–2005, 80% of Russian gas exports to the European Union were made through Ukrainian territory.
Two-thirds of Gazprom's revenue comes from the sale of gas. Ukraine's own annual gas consumption in 2004–2005 was around 80 billion cubic metres, of which around 20 billion cubic metres were produced domestically, 36 billion cubic metres were bought from Turkmenistan, 17 billion cubic metres were received from Russia in exchange for transport of Russian natural gas; the remaining 8 billion cubic metres were purchased from Russia. The gas trading system differed from the gas sale to the European Union and caused problems in the form of large-scale deliveries of cheap Russian gas causing an increase of energy-intensive industries and supporting Ukraine's status as one of the world's least energy-efficient countries and largest gas importers, the accumulation of Ukrainian debts and non-payment of same, unsanctioned diversion of gas and alleged theft from the transit system, Russian pressure on Ukraine to hand over infrastructure in return for relief of debts accumulated over natural gas transactions.
Gas trading was conducted under a framework of bilateral intergovernmental agreements which provided for sales, transit volumes, gas prices, gas storage, other issues such as the establishment of production joint ventures. Commercial agreements were negotiated between the relevant companies within the guidelines and dictates of that framework and supplemented by annual agreements specifying exact prices and volumes for the following year. Gas sales prices and transit tariffs were determined in relationship to each other. Commercial agreements and trade relations have been non-transparent and trade has been conducted via intermediaries such as Itera, EuralTransGaz, RosUkrEnergo. RosUkrEnergo's involvement in the Russian-Ukrainian gas trade has been controversial. There are allegations that the company is controlled by Semion Mogilevich and its beneficiaries include strategically placed officials in the Russian and Ukrainian gas industries and governmental structures related to the energy sector.
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has made accusations that RosUkrEnergo is owned by a business ally of Ukraine's ex-president
Ukrainian nationalism refers to the Ukrainian version of nationalism. Although the current Ukrainian state emerged recently, some historians, such as Mykhailo Hrushevsky, Orest Subtelny and Paul Magosci, have cited the medieval state of Kievan Rus' as an early precedent of Ukrainian statehood; the origins of modern Ukrainian nationalism have been traced to the 17th-century Cossack uprising against the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky. The Cossacks played a role in re-awakening a Ukrainian sense of identity within the steppe region. A dominant figure within the Cossack movement and in Ukrainian nationalist history, Bohdan Khmelnytsky, commanded the Zaporozhian Cossacks and led the Khmelnytsky Uprising against Polish rule in the mid-17th century. Khmelnytsky succeeded in legitimizing a form of democracy, practiced by cossacks since the 15th century; this sense of democracy played a key part of the sense of ethnic identity. Bohdan Khmelnytsky spoke of the liberation of the "entire Ruthenian people" and recent research has confirmed that the concept of a Ruthenian nation as a religious and cultural community had existed before his revolution.
Modern Ukrainians still glorify Khmelnytsky's role in the history of Ukraine. Another prominent figure in Cossack nationalism, Hetman Ivan Mazepa, made large financial contributions focused on the restoration of Ukrainian culture and history during the early 18th century, he financed major reconstructions of the Saint Sophia Cathedral in Kiev, the elevation the Kyiv Mohyla Collegium to the status of Kyiv Mohyla Academy in 1694. Politically, Mazepa was misunderstood and misrepresented, found little support among the peasantry. One of the most prominent figures in Ukrainian national history, the Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko, voiced ideas of an independent and sovereign Ukraine in the 19th century. Taras Shevchenko used poetry to inspire cultural revival to the Ukrainian people and to strive to overthrow injustice. Shevchenko died in Saint Petersburg on March 1861, the day after his 47th birthday. Ukrainians - not only the citizens of Ukraine, but Ukrainians who live throughout the world - regard him as a national hero.
His collection of poetry Kobzar was the second book in every Ukrainian household in the beginning of 20th century. He became a symbol of the national cultural revival of Ukraine. Beside Shevchenko numerous other poets have written in Ukrainian. Among them, Volodymyr Sosyura in his poem Love Ukraine stated that one cannot respect other nations without respect for one's own. With the collapse of the Russian Empire a political entity which encompassed political, community and professional organizations was established in Kiev from the initiative from the Association of the Ukrainian Progressionists; this entity was headed by the historian, Mykhailo Hrushevskyi. On January 22, 1918, the Tsentralna Rada declared Ukraine an independent country; this independence was recognized by the Russian government headed by Lenin, as well as the Central Powers and other states. However, this government did not survive long because of pressures not only from Denikin's Russian White Guard, but the Red Army and Entente intervention, local anarchists such as Nestor Makhno and.
As Bolshevik rule took hold in Ukraine, the early Soviet government had its own reasons to encourage the national movements of the former Russian Empire. Until the early-1930s, Ukrainian culture enjoyed a widespread revival due to Bolshevik concessions known as the policy of Korenization. In these years an impressive Ukrainization program was implemented throughout the republic. In such conditions, the Ukrainian national idea continued to develop and spread to a large territory with traditionally mixed population in the east and south that became part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. At the same time, despite the ongoing Soviet-wide anti-religious campaign, the Ukrainian national Orthodox Church was created, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church; the church was seen by the Bolshevik government as a tool in their goal to suppress the Russian Orthodox Church, always viewed with great suspicion by the regime for its being the cornerstone of the defunct Russian Empire and the strong opposition it took towards the regime change.
Therefore, the government tolerated the new Ukrainian national church for some time and the UAOC gained a wide following among the Ukrainian peasantry. These events raised the national consciousness among the Ukrainians and brought about the development of a new generation of Ukrainian cultural and political elite; this in turn raised the concerns of Joseph Stalin, who saw danger in the Ukrainians' loyalty towards their nation competing with their loyalty to the Soviet State and in early 1930s the "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism" was declared to be the primary problem in Ukraine. The Ukrainization policies were abruptly and bloodily reversed, most of the Ukrainian cultural and political elite was arrested and executed, the nation was decimated with the famine called the Holodomor. After World War I, lands of what is today Western Ukraine were incorporated into newly restored Poland. Tadeusz Hołówko died in Truskawiec on August 29, 1931, one of the first victims of an assassination campaign carried out by militants of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists.
On 15 June 1934, Bronisław Pieracki was assassinated by a Ukrainian nationalist from the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. With the outbreak of war between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in 1941, many nationali
National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine
The National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine or NSDC, is an advisory state body to the President of Ukraine. It is a state agency tasked with developing a policy of national security on domestic and international matters in advising the President of Ukraine. All the sessions of the council take place in the Presidential Administration Building; the council is headed by Oleksandr Turchynov. The Defense Council was created by the provision of Supreme Council of Ukraine #1658-12 on October 11, 1991. Defense Council was defined as the highest state body of collegiate governing on matters of defense and security of Ukraine with following goals: protection of sovereignty constitutional order territorial integrity and inviolability of republic develop strategies and continuous improvement of policy in sphere of defense and state security comprehensive scientific assessment of the military threat nature determining position toward modern warfare effective control over the execution of the tasks of the state and its institutions keeping defense capabilities of Ukraine at the level of defense sufficiencyOn January 23, 1992 the President of Ukraine appointed Myroslav Vitovsky as a secretary of the Defense Council, a position which Vitovsky held until November 30, 1995.
Chairman of the Supreme Council of Ukraine Prime-Minister of Ukraine Head of commission of the Supreme Council of Ukraine on issues of defense and state security of Ukraine State Minister on issues of defense, national security and emergency situations in Ukraine State Minister on issues of defense complex and conversion of Ukraine Minister of Defense of Ukraine Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Director of the Security Service of Ukraine Commander of Border Troops of Ukraine Commander of the National Guard of Ukraine Chief of Staff of the Civil defense of UkraineAfter the establishment and elections of the President of Ukraine the composition of the council was reformed on April 9, 1992 by a provision of the Verkhovna Rada. President of Ukraine Chairman of the Supreme Council of Ukraine Prime Minister of Ukraine First Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council of Ukraine Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Minister of Defense of Ukraine Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine Minister of Machine-building, Military-Industrial Complex and Conversion of Ukraine Chief of the Security Service of Ukraine Commander of the National Guard of Ukraine Commander of the Border Guard Service of Ukraine The Council was created under temporary provision on July 3, 1992 as the National Security Council, but revamped and strengthened under President Leonid Kuchma in 1994.
The council was headed by a Presidential adviser in national security matters: July 1, 1992 - April 19, 1993 Volodymyr Selivanov before November 19, 1992 as State adviser of Ukraine on national security matters December 1, 1993 - August 5, 1994 Valeriy Kartavtsev August 5, 1994 - November 10, 1999 Volodymyr Horbulin since October 17, 1994 as Secretary of National Security Council - Adviser of the President of Ukraine on national security mattersOn August 23, 1994 President of Ukraine adopted new provision for the Council. After the adaptation of the Constitution of Ukraine on June 28, 1996, the provisions of the council were outlined in the Article 107, thus the National Security Council was merged with the existing Defense Council of Ukraine and was adapted by the Presidential edict on August 30, 1996. Beside the President and his/hers secretary the council consists of the Prime Minister of Ukraine, the Minister of Defense, the Head of Security Service of Ukraine, the Minister of Internal Affairs, the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
The head of the council is the President of Ukraine assisted by secretary whom he is allowed to appoint. In the absence of existing President of Ukraine such as between elections, the acting chairman of the council is the Prime Minister; the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada is not a member of the council, but he or she is allowed to participate in the meetings. Members of the council may be other chairmen of government bodies of the Executive branch. Any other individual is only allowed by the special invitation from the Chairman of the Council. In June 2014 President Petro Poroshenko reshuffled the membership of the council. If a President resigns, the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada will be the acting head of the National Security and Defense Council. Office of President Government of Ukraine National law enforcement agency National security agency National defense agency National agency on foreign policy Representative of the council's secretariat Representative of national legislation Representative of the public prosecutor office Representative of the National Bank of Ukraine Representative of the Presidential Administration of Ukraine According to former secretary Andriy Klyuyev 460 people worked at the Council in 2010, while the April 2012 number of employees was 90.
President Viktor Yanukovych limited the number of employees of the Council to 180 employees on 9 April 2012. Official web-site of the NSDC Official web-site of the President of Ukraine Official twitter page English language Official Ulrainian language Twitter page