Vowel harmony is a type of long-distance assimilatory phonological process involving vowels that occurs in some languages. A vowel or vowels in a word must be members of the same class. In languages with vowel harmony, there are constraints. Suffixes and prefixes will follow vowel harmony rules. Many agglutinative languages have vowel harmony; the term vowel harmony is used in two different senses. In the first sense, it refers to any type of long distance assimilatory process of vowels, either progressive or regressive; when used in this sense, the term vowel harmony is synonymous with the term metaphony. In the second sense, vowel harmony refers only to progressive vowel harmony. For regressive harmony, the term umlaut is used. In this sense, metaphony is the general term while vowel harmony and umlaut are both sub-types of metaphony; the term umlaut is used in a different sense to refer to a type of vowel gradation. This article will use "vowel harmony" for both regressive harmony. Harmony processes are "long-distance" in the sense that the assimilation involves sounds that are separated by intervening segments.
In other words, harmony refers to the assimilation of sounds. For example, a vowel at the beginning of a word can trigger assimilation in a vowel at the end of a word; the assimilation occurs across the entire word in many languages. This is represented schematically in the following diagram: In the diagram above, the Va causes the following Vb to assimilate and become the same type of vowel; the vowel that causes the vowel assimilation is termed the trigger while the vowels that assimilate are termed targets. When the vowel triggers lie within the root or stem of a word and the affixes contain the targets, this is called stem-controlled vowel harmony; this is common among languages with vowel harmony and may be seen in the Hungarian dative suffix: The dative suffix has two different forms -nak/-nek. The -nak form appears after the root with back vowels; the -nek form appears after the root with front vowels. Vowel harmony involves dimensions such as Nasalization In many languages, vowels can be said to belong to particular sets or classes, such as back vowels or rounded vowels.
Some languages have more than one system of harmony. For instance, Altaic languages are proposed to have a rounding harmony superimposed over a backness harmony. Among languages with vowel harmony, not all vowels need to participate in the vowel conversions. Neutral vowels may be opaque and block harmonic processes or they may be transparent and not affect them. Intervening consonants are often transparent. Languages that do have vowel harmony allow for lexical disharmony, or words with mixed sets of vowels when an opaque neutral vowel is not involved. Point to two such situations: polysyllabic trigger morphemes may contain non-neutral vowels from opposite harmonic sets and certain target morphemes fail to harmonize. Many loanwords exhibit disharmony. For example, Turkish vakit,. There are three classes of vowels in Korean: positive and neutral; these categories loosely follow mid vowels. Traditionally, Korean had strong vowel harmony. In modern Korean, it is only applied in certain cases such as onomatopoeia, adverbs and interjections.
The vowel ㅡ is considered a neutral and a negative vowel. There are other traces of vowel harmony in modern Korean: many native Korean words tend to follow vowel harmony such as 사람, 부엌. Mongolian exhibits a rounding harmony. In particular, the pharyngeal harmony involves the vowels: /a, ʊ, ɔ/ and /i, u, e, o/. Rounding harmony only affects the open vowels, /e, o, a, ɔ/. Turkic languages inherit their systems of vowel harmony from Proto-Turkic, which had a developed system. Azerbaijani's system of vowel harmony has rounded/unrounded vowels. Tatar has no neutral vowels; the vowel é is found only in loanwords. Other vowels could be found in loanwords, but they are seen as Back vowels. Tatar language has a rounding harmony, but it is not represented in writing. O and ö could be written only in the first syllable, but vowels they mark could be pronounced in the place where ı and e are written. Kazakh's system of vowel harmony is a front/back system, but there is a system of rounding harmony, not represented by the orthography, which resembles the system in Kyrgyz.
Kyrgyz's system of vowel harmony is a front/back system, but there is a system of rounding harmony, which resembles that of Kazakh. Turkish has a 2-dimensional vowel harmony system, where vowels are characterised by two features: and. There are two sets of vocal harmony systems: a complex one; the simple one is concerned with the low vowels e, a and has only the feature. The complex one has both and features; the close-mid vowels ö, o are not involved
Case is a special grammatical category of a noun, adjective, participle or numeral whose value reflects the grammatical function performed by that word in a phrase, clause or sentence. In some languages, pronouns, determiners, prepositions, numerals and their modifiers take different inflected forms, depending on their case; as a language evolves, cases can merge, a phenomenon formally called syncretism. English has lost its inflected case system although personal pronouns still have three cases, which are simplified forms of the nominative and genitive cases, they are used with personal pronouns: objective case and possessive case. Forms such as I, he and we are used for the subject, forms such as me, him and us are used for the object. Languages such as Ancient Greek, Assamese, Belarusian, Czech, Finnish, Icelandic, Korean, Lithuanian, Romanian, Sanskrit, Slovak, Tibetan, Turkish and most Caucasian languages have extensive case systems, with nouns, pronouns and determiners all inflecting to indicate their case.
The number of cases differs between languages: Esperanto has two. Encountered cases include nominative, accusative and genitive. A role that one of those languages marks by case is marked in English with a preposition. For example, the English prepositional phrase with foot might be rendered in Russian using a single noun in the instrumental case or in Ancient Greek as τῷ ποδί with both words changing to dative form. More formally, case has been defined as "a system of marking dependent nouns for the type of relationship they bear to their heads". Cases should be distinguished from thematic roles such as patient, they are closely related, in languages such as Latin, several thematic roles have an associated case, but cases are a morphological notion, thematic roles a semantic one. Languages having cases exhibit free word order, as thematic roles are not required to be marked by position in the sentence, it is accepted that the Ancient Greeks had a certain idea of the forms of a name in their own language.
A fragment of Anacreon seems to prove this. It cannot be inferred that the Ancient Greeks knew what grammatical cases were. Grammatical cases were first recognized by the Stoics and from some philosophers of the Peripatetic school; the advancements of those philosophers were employed by the philologists of the Alexandrian school. The English word case used in this sense comes from the Latin casus, derived from the verb cadere, "to fall", from the Proto-Indo-European root *ḱad-; the Latin word is a calque of the Greek πτῶσις, ptôsis, lit. "falling, fall". The sense is; this picture is reflected in the word declension, from Latin declinere, "to lean", from the PIE root *ḱley-. The equivalent to "case" in several other European languages derives from casus, including cas in French, caso in Spanish and Kasus in German; the Russian word паде́ж is a calque from Greek and contains a root meaning "fall", the German Fall and Czech pád mean "fall", are used for both the concept of grammatical case and to refer to physical falls.
The Finnish equivalent is sija, whose main meaning is "position" or "place". Although not prominent in modern English, cases featured much more saliently in Old English and other ancient Indo-European languages, such as Latin, Old Persian, Ancient Greek, Sanskrit; the Indo-European languages had eight morphological cases, though modern languages have fewer, using prepositions and word order to convey information, conveyed using distinct noun forms. Among modern languages, cases still feature prominently in most of the Balto-Slavic languages, with most having six to eight cases, as well as Icelandic and Modern Greek, which have four. In German, cases are marked on articles and adjectives, less so on nouns. In Icelandic, adjectives, personal names and nouns are all marked for case, making it, among other things, the living Germanic language that could be said to most resemble Proto-Germanic; the eight historical Indo-European cases are as follows, with examples either of the English case or of the English syntactic alternative to case: All of the above are just rough descriptions.
Case is based fundamentally on changes to the noun to indicate the noun's role in the sentence – one of the defining features of so-called fusional languages. Old English was a fusional language. Modern English has abandoned the inflectional case system of Proto-Indo-European in favor of analytic constructions. The
Tallinn is the capital and largest city of Estonia. It is on the shore of the Gulf of Finland in Harju County. From the 13th century until 1918, the city was known as Reval. Tallinn occupies an area of 159.2 km2 and has a population of 440,776. Tallinn, first mentioned in 1219, received city rights in 1248, but the earliest human settlements date back 5,000 years; the initial claim over the land was laid by the Danes in 1219, after a successful raid of Lindanise led by Valdemar II of Denmark, followed by a period of alternating Scandinavian and German rule. Due to its strategic location, the city became a major trade hub from the 14th to the 16th century, when it grew in importance as part of the Hanseatic League. Tallinn's Old Town is one of the best preserved medieval cities in Europe and is listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Tallinn is the major political, financial and educational center of Estonia. Dubbed the Silicon Valley of Europe, it has the highest number of startups per person in Europe and is a birthplace of many international companies, including Skype.
The city is to house the headquarters of the European Union's IT agency. Providing to the global cybersecurity it is the home to the NATO Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence, it has been listed among the top 10 digital cities in the world. According to the Global Financial Centres Index Tallinn is the most competitive financial center in Northern Europe and ranks 52nd internationally; the city was a European Capital of Culture for 2011, along with Turku in Finland. In 1154, a town called قلون was put on the world map of the Almoravid by the Arab cartographer Muhammad al-Idrisi, who described it as "a small town like a large castle" among the towns of'Astlanda', it was suggested. The earliest names of Tallinn include Kolyvan, known from East Slavic chronicles and which may have come from the Estonian mythical hero Kalev. However, modern historians consider connecting al-Idrisi placename with Tallinn unfounded and erroneous. Up to the 13th century, the Scandinavians and Henry of Livonia in his chronicle called the town Lindanisa.
This name may have been derived from Linda, the mythical wife of Kalev and the mother of Kalevipoeg, who in an Estonian legend carried rocks to her husband's grave, which formed the Toompea hill. It has been suggested that the archaic Estonian word linda is similar to the Votic word lidna'castle, town'. According to this suggestion, nisa would have the same meaning as niemi'peninsula', producing Kesoniemi, the old Finnish name for the city. Another ancient historical name for Tallinn is Rääveli in Finnish; the Icelandic Njal's saga mentions Tallinn and calls it Rafala, based on the primitive form of Revala. This name originated from the adjacent ancient name of the surrounding area. After the Danish conquest in 1219, the town became known in the German and Danish languages as Reval. Reval was in use until 1918; the name Tallinn is Estonian. It is thought to be derived from Taani-linn, after the Danes built the castle in place of the Estonian stronghold at Lindanisse. However, it could have come from tali-linna, or talu-linna.
The element -linna, like Germanic -burg and Slavic -grad / -gorod meant'fortress', but is used as a suffix in the formation of town names. The previously-used official names in German Reval and Russian Revel were replaced after Estonia became independent in 1918. At first, both forms Tallinn were used; the United States Board on Geographic Names adopted the form Tallinn between June 1923 and June 1927. Tallinna in Estonian denotes the genitive case of the name, as in Tallinna Reisisadam. In Russian, the spelling of the name was changed from Таллинн to Таллин by the Soviet authorities in the 1950s, this spelling is still sanctioned by the Russian government, while Estonian authorities have been using the spelling Таллинн in Russian-language publications since the restoration of independence; the form Таллин is used in several other languages in some of the countries that emerged from the former Soviet Union. Due to the Russian spelling, the form Tallin is sometimes found in international publications.
Other variations of modern spellings include Tallinna in Finnish, Tallina in Latvian and Talinas in Lithuanian. The first traces of human settlement found in Tallinn's city center by archeologists are about 5,000 years old; the comb ceramic pottery found on the site dates to about 3000 BCE and corded ware pottery c. 2500 BCE. Around 1050, the first fortress was built on Tallinn Toompea; as an important port for trade between Russia and Scandinavia, it became a target for the expansion of the Teutonic Knights and the Kingdom of Denmark during the period of Northern Crusades in the beginning of the 13th century when Christianity was forcibly imposed on the local population. Danish rule of Tallinn and Northern Estonia started in 1219. In 1285, the city known as Reval, became the northern most member of the Hanseatic League – a mercantile and military alliance of German-dominated cities in Northern Europe; the Danes sold Reval along with their other land possessions in northe
A bar is a retail business establishment that serves alcoholic beverages, such as beer, liquor and other beverages such as mineral water and soft drinks and sell snack foods such as potato chips or peanuts, for consumption on premises. Some types of bars, such as pubs, may serve food from a restaurant menu; the term "bar" refers to the countertop and area where drinks are served. The term "bar" is derived from the metal or wooden bar, located at feet along the length of the "bar". Bars provide chairs that are placed at tables or counters for their patrons. Bars that offer entertainment or live music are referred to as music bars, live venues, or nightclubs. Types of bars range from inexpensive dive bars to elegant places of entertainment accompanying restaurants for dining. Many bars have a discount period, designated a "happy hour" or discount of the day to encourage off-peak-time patronage. Bars that fill to capacity sometimes implement a cover charge or a minimum drink purchase requirement during their peak hours.
Bars may have bouncers to ensure patrons are of legal age, to eject drunk or belligerent patrons, to collect cover charges. Such bars feature entertainment, which may be a live band, comedian, or disc jockey playing recorded music. Patrons may be served by the bartender. Depending on the size of a bar and its approach, alcohol may be served at the bar by bartenders, at tables by servers, or by a combination of the two; the "back bar" is a set of shelves of bottles behind that counter. In some establishments, the back bar is elaborately decorated with woodwork, etched glass and lights. There have been many different names for public drinking spaces throughout history. In the colonial era of the United States, taverns were an important meeting place, as most other institutions were weak. During the 19th century saloons were important to the leisure time of the working class. Today when an establishment uses a different name, such as "tavern" or "saloon" or, in the United Kingdom, a "pub", the area of the establishment where the bartender pours or mixes beverages is called "the bar".
The sale and/or consumption of alcoholic beverages was prohibited in the first half of the 20th century in several countries, including Finland, Iceland and the United States. In the United States, illegal bars during Prohibition were called "speakeasies", "blind pigs", "blind tigers". Laws in many jurisdictions prohibit minors from entering a bar. If those under legal drinking age are allowed to enter, as is the case with pubs that serve food, they are not allowed to drink. In some jurisdictions, bars cannot serve a patron, intoxicated. Cities and towns have legal restrictions on where bars may be located and on the types of alcohol they may serve to their customers; some bars may have a license to serve wine, but not hard liquor. In some jurisdictions, patrons buying alcohol must order food. In some jurisdictions, bar owners have a legal liability for the conduct of patrons. Many Islamic countries prohibit bars as well as the possession or sale of alcohol for religious reasons, while others, including Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, allow bars in some specific areas, but only permit non-Muslims to drink in them.
A bar's owners and managers choose the bar's name, décor, drink menu and other elements which they think will attract a certain kind of patron. However, they have only limited influence over. Thus, a bar intended for one demographic profile can become popular with another. For example, a gay or lesbian bar with a dance or disco floor might, over time, attract an heterosexual clientele. Or a blues bar may become a biker bar. A cocktail lounge is an upscale bar, located within a hotel, restaurant, or airport. A full bar serves liquor, cocktails and beer. A wine bar is a bar that focuses on wine rather than on liquor. Patrons of these bars may taste wines before deciding to buy them; some wine bars serve small plates of food or other snacks. A beer bar focuses on beer craft beer, rather than on wine or liquor. A brew pub serves craft beers. "Fern bar" is an American slang term for an preppy bar. A music bar is a bar. A dive bar referred to as a "dive", is a informal bar which may be considered by some to be disreputable.
A non-alcoholic bar is a bar. A Strip club is a bar with nude entertainers. A bar and grill is a restaurant; some persons may designate either an area of a room as a home bar. Furniture and arrangements vary from efficient to full bars. Bars categorized by the kind of entertainment they offer: Blues bars, specializing in the live blues style of music Comedy bars, specializing in stand-up comedy entertainment Dance bars, which have a dance floor where patrons dance to recorded music. If a venue has a large dance floor, focuses on dancing rather than seated drinking, hires professional DJs, it is considered to be a nightclub or discothèque rather than a bar. Karaoke bars, with nightly karaoke as entertainment Music bars. Piano bars are one example. Drag b
In linguistics, clusivity is a grammatical distinction between inclusive and exclusive first-person pronouns and verbal morphology called inclusive "we" and exclusive "we". Inclusive "we" includes the addressee, while exclusive "we" excludes the addressee, regardless of who else may be involved. While imagining that this sort of distinction could be made in other persons is straightforward, in fact the existence of second-person clusivity in natural languages is controversial and not well attested. Clusitivity is not a feature of the English language or any other European languages for that matter; the first published description of the inclusive-exclusive distinction by a European linguist was in a description of languages of Peru in 1560 by Domingo de Santo Tomás in his Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los Reynos del Perú, published in Valladolid, Spain. Clusivity paradigms may be summarized as a two-by-two grid: In some languages, the three first-person pronouns appear to be unrelated.
This is the case for Chechen, which has singular so/со, exclusive txo/тхо, inclusive vay/вай. In others, all three are related, as in Tok Pisin singular mi, exclusive mi-pela, inclusive yu-mi or yu-mi-pela. However, when only one of the plural pronouns is related to the singular, it may be either one. In some dialects of Mandarin Chinese, for example, inclusive or exclusive 我們／我们 wǒmen is the plural form of singular wǒ "I", while inclusive 咱們／咱们 zánmen is a separate root. However, in Hadza it is the inclusive, ’one-be’e, the plural of the singular ’ono "I", while the exclusive ’oo-be’e is a separate root, it is not uncommon for two separate words for "I" to pluralize into derived forms having a clusivity distinction. For example, in Vietnamese the familiar word for "I" pluralizes to inclusive we and the polite word for "I" pluralizes into exclusive we. In Samoan, the singular form of the exclusive pronoun is the regular word for "I", while the singular form of the inclusive pronoun may occur on its own, in which case it means "I", but with a connotation of appealing or asking for indulgence.
In the Kunama language of Eritrea, the first person inclusive and exclusive distinction is marked on dual and plural forms of verbs, independent pronouns, possessive pronouns. Where verbs are inflected for person, as in Australia and much of America, the inclusive-exclusive distinction can be made there as well. For example, in Passamaquoddy "I/we have it" is expressed Singular n-tíhin Exclusive n-tíhin-èn Inclusive k-tíhin-èn In Tamil on the other hand, the two different pronouns have the same agreement on the verb. First-person clusivity is a common feature among Dravidian and Caucasian languages and Austronesian, is found in languages of eastern and southwestern Asia, in some creole languages; some African languages make this distinction, such as the Fula language. No European language outside the Caucasus makes this distinction grammatically, but some constructions may be semantically inclusive or exclusive. Several Polynesian languages, such as Samoan and Tongan, have clusivity with overt dual and plural suffixes in their pronouns.
The lack of a suffix indicates the singular. The exclusive form is used in the singular as the normal word for "I", but the inclusive occurs in the singular; the distinction is one of discourse: the singular inclusive has been described as the "modesty I" in Tongan rendered in English as one, while in Samoan its use has been described as indicating emotional involvement on the part of the speaker. In theory, clusivity of the second person should be a possible distinction, but its existence is controversial; some notable linguists, such as Bernard Comrie, have attested that the distinction is extant in spoken natural languages, while others, such as John Henderson, maintain that the human brain does not have the capacity to make a clusivity distinction in the second person. Many other linguists take the more neutral position that it could exist but is nonetheless not attested. Clusivity in the second person is conceptually simple but nonetheless if it exists is rare, unlike clusivity in the first.
Hypothetical second-person clusivity would be the distinction between "you and you" and "you and someone else whom I am not addressing currently." These are referred to in the literature as "2+2" and "2+3", respectively. Horst J. Simon provides a deep analysis of second-person clusivity in his 2005 article, he concludes that oft-repeated rumors regarding the existence of second-person clusivity—or indeed, any pronoun feature beyond simple exclusive we – are ill-founded, based on erroneous analysis of the data. Obviative third person is a grammatical-person marking that distinguishes a non-salient third-person referent from a more salient third-person referent in a given discourse context; the obviative is sometimes referred to as the "fourth person". The inclusive–exclusive distinction occurs nearly universally among the Austronesian languages and the languages of northern Australia, but in the nearby Papuan languages. (Tok Pisin, an English-Melanesian pidgin has the inclusive–excl