The metaphor of a trading zone is being applied to collaborations in science and technology. The basis of the metaphor is anthropological studies of how different cultures are able to exchange goods, despite differences in language and culture. Peter Galison produced the "trading zone" metaphor in order to explain how physicists from different paradigms went about collaborating with each other and with engineers to develop particle detectors and radar. According to Galison, "Two groups can agree on rules of exchange if they ascribe utterly different significance to the objects being exchanged. Nonetheless, the trading partners can hammer out a local coordination, despite vast global differences. In an more sophisticated way, cultures in interaction establish contact languages, systems of discourse that can vary from the most function-specific jargons, through semispecific pidgins, to full-fledged creoles rich enough to support activities as complex as poetry and metalinguistic reflection" In the case of radar, for example, the physicists and engineers had to develop what was a pidgin or creole language involving shared concepts like ‘equivalent circuits’ that the physicists represented symbolically in terms of field theory and the engineers saw as extensions of their radio toolkit.
Exchanges across disciplinary boundaries can be carried out with the help of an agent: a person, familiar enough with the language of two or more cultures to facilitate trade. At one point in the development of MRI, surgeons saw a lesion where an engineer familiar with the device would have recognized an artifact produced by the way the device was being used, it took someone with expertise in both physics and surgery to see how each of the different disciplines viewed the device, develop procedures for correcting the problem. The ability to converse expertly in more than one discipline is called interactional expertise; the U. S. National Nanotechnology Initiative calls for a “broadly inclusive interdisciplinary dialogue on nanotechnology” that would incorporate a wide range of stakeholders; this kind of a dialogue will require developing creoles that allow different stakeholders to communicate, interactional expertise. The convergence between nano, bio and cognitive technologies will set an greater premium on the development of trading zones and interactional expertise.
Computer science education requires development of trading zones between experts in the social and learning sciences and computer scientists. Each of these communities uses different methods and speaks a different language, hence the need for a creole and for interactional experts. Managing environmental systems like the Everglades requires the development of trading zones. Brad Allenby suggests the development of a new kind of expertise in Earth Systems Engineering and Management, which will include an interactional component. A workshop at Arizona State University on Trading Zones, Interactional Expertise and Interdisciplinary Collaboration raised the possibility of applying these concepts to other applications like global health and service science, identified avenues for future research. Allenby, B.. Technology at the global scale: Integrative cognitivism and Earth Systems Engineering Management. In M. E. Gorman, R. D. Tweney, D. C. Gooding & A. Kincannon and technological thinking. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Baird, D. & Cohen, M.. Why trade? Perspectives on science, 7, 231-254. Collins, H. M. & Evans, R.. The third wave of science studies. Social Studies of Science, 32, 235-296. Fincher, S. & Petre, M.. Computer science education research. London. Galison, P.. Image & logic: A material culture of microphysics. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Gorman, M. E.. Collaborating on Convergent Technologies: Education and Practice. In M. C. Roco & C. D. Montemagno, The coevolution of human potential and converging technologies. New York: The New York Academy of Sciences. Gorman, M. E. Groves, J. F. & Catalano, R. K.. Societal dimensions of nanotechnology. IEEE Technology and Society Magazine, 29, 55-64. Trading Zones Workshop Creole language Interactional expertise Pidgin Science and Technology Studies
Ćmielów Castle is a ruined castle in Ćmielów, Poland. It appears in documents in 1388; the existing ruins are the remains of a castle built in the years 1519-1531 by Krzysztof Szydłowiecki. The castle consisted of two parts, the proper castle invested on the island and the ward from the south gate tower. There were two residential buildings connected to the castle chapel; the chapel consisted with living quarters above it. Over the gate is placed a foundation tablet from 1531; the castle belonged to the Tarnowski, Ostrogski Vishnyevetskis and Malachowski families. In 1657 it was conquered by the Swedes, in 1702 demolished. About 1800, the ward was converted into a brewery. Fragments of the walls remain, including walls of the ward gate tower connected to the outbuilding. Traces of bastions have survived too, except one, situated on the south-east, destroyed. Castles in Poland
Route 33 is a state highway in the US state of New Jersey. The highway extends 42.03 miles, from Trenton at an intersection with U. S. Route Route 129 to an intersection with Route 71 in Neptune Township. There are several intersections on Route 33 with future developments. Route 33 begins in Trenton on a two-lane road, it passes through central Mercer County, joining northbound U. S. Route 130 in Robbinsville Township, it leaves the U. S. becomes a local town road into the borough of Hightstown. It turns east again as it passes the east end of the Hightstown Bypass, where it becomes a divided arterial with four lanes as it makes its way through Monmouth County toward the shore. Around Freehold, it becomes a freeway, it crosses the Garden State Parkway's Exit 100 in Tinton Falls and Route 18 in Neptune. Here, it is locally known as Corlies Avenue. Route 33 ends at Route 71 in Neptune, it has two concurrencies along the route, one with Route 34 and the second with US 130. On its way across central New Jersey, Route 33 traverses three counties: Mercer and Monmouth.
Beginning in Trenton as Greenwood Avenue, Route 33 is a two-lane road, with one lane in each direction. Once it merges with U. S. Route 130 in Robbinsville Township, Route 33 has two lanes in each direction. After crossing into East Windsor Township, Route 33 veers off and becomes a local road going into Hightstown. After passing through the center of town, Route 33 again enters East Windsor Township where it becomes an avenue with a total of at least four lanes, with two lanes in each direction underneath the Turnpike overpass. Before leaving Mercer County, the road intersects with an interchange at Route 133 that provides access to Exit 8 of the New Jersey Turnpike. Route 33 crosses into Monroe Township, where it is becoming a residential access road for new communities, it continues into Millstone Township as a rural avenue. Continuing into Manalapan Township, the avenue again becomes a residential access road. At the ramp for Route 33 Business, the avenue turns into a freeway bypass, known as the Freehold Bypass.
Route 33 bypasses Freehold Borough to the south staying within Freehold Township. Within Freehold Borough, Route 33 Business is the original alignment of Route 33 before the bypass was built; the bypass of Freehold is the partial alignment of what would have been a Route 33 freeway from Neptune to Trenton. As time went on, a scaled-back version of just a bypass was agreed upon; the western start of the freeway is just east of County Route 527, was built from Route 33 Business to U. S. Route 9 in the 1970s; the next section was built from U. S. Route 9 across Route 79 to Halls Mill Road, this remained its terminus from the late 1980s until January 17, 2003, when the final leg of the bypass was opened. East of Halls Mills Road, it is a two-lane freeway with a westbound entrance at Howell Road, full access from Fairfield Road; the Howell Road eastbound exit ramp has been closed since the bypass opened because of safety concerns. The interchange was planned to be a partial cloverleaf, but residents near Howell Road were concerned by sprawl and forced the New Jersey Department of Transportation to scale back the plans.
Instead, a diamond interchange was built. This forced drivers wishing to head northbound on Howell Road to make a left turn, which proved to be dangerous because of the limited sight distance caused by the overpass. Now because the NJDOT does not want to pay to fix the problem, the exit has been barricaded since the freeway's extension was opened; the ramp has guardrails blocking access and the NJDOT intends to bulldoze what is left. Passing the Fairfield exit, it crosses over Business 33 and the two roads merge as a two-lane road. Route 33 passes along the southern section of the Naval Weapons Station Earle and becomes a residential access road; the road runs concurrent with Route 34 and becomes a divided four-lane avenue as it travels into Wall Township. Routes 33/34 come upon a roundabout and they both split as Route 33 continues east thru a rural section into Tinton Falls, it goes past the intersection with Route 66, past the interchange with the Garden State Parkway, across the highway and into Neptune Township.
The road passes through suburban and rural sections until it comes upon the interchange with Route 18. Past the exit, Route 33 borders Neptune City on the south and Neptune Township on the north for a brief stretch before re-entering Neptune Township. After it crosses Route 35, the avenue becomes a two-lane road for a brief stretch. Route 33 ends at Route 71, just west of Ocean Grove. Route 33 was part of two auto trails: the Cranbury Trail, an alternative to the Lincoln Trail running from New Brunswick to Trenton; these routes were incorporated in 1916 into two new routes: New Jersey Route 1 in parts of the road south of Hightstown, Route 7 from Hightstown to its terminus at Route 71. Both roads were changed into Route 33 in the 1927 New Jersey state highway renumbering. Route 33 was planned as a freeway from U. S. Route 1 in Trenton across New Jersey to Route 18 in Neptune. However, in 1967, the NJDOT scaled back proposals to the current seven-mile Freehold Bypass; the bypass from near County Route 527 in Manalapan to Halls Mills Road in Freehold was completed and opened in segments from 1971 to 1988.
The project cost $33.7 million in 2003 USD. The Route 33 bypass has three abandoned segments; the first of these is the cloverleaf ramp from Route 79 southbound to the Route 33 freeway eastbound. It has been destroye
The Pestalozzi-Fröbel-Haus was founded in 1882. It was one of the first institutions in Germany which started to train early childhood teachers, as well as one of the first where women could get a professional training in Berlin, it practiced a belief in teaching children as individuals. The institution was established in 1882 by Henriette Schrader-Breymann. However, it was named after another pedagogue, Johann Pestalozzi. Henriette Schrader-Breymann emphasized "learning by doing", the kindergarten value of play, using nature as a theme and normal domestic tasks; the first Swedish kindergarten teachers were trained by Henriette Schrader-Breymann at the Pestalozzi-Fröbel Haus. Its influence in America began in 1880 when the American Journal of Education included a complimentary report; however these German ideas complemented the growing influence of American approaches suggested by G. Stanley Hall and Kate Douglas Wiggin. Elizabeth Harrison of Chicago travelled to Berlin in 1889 to find out for herself about ideas she had seen practised by a German teacher.
She used this trip to transform her nursery into the Chicago Kindergarten training College. In 1893, Americans saw these ideas when Annette Hamminck-Schepel supervised an exhibit at the Chicago World's Fair sponsored by the Berlin institution; the institution's influence spread to the United Kingdom when Caroline Bishop and Julia Lloyd both trained here. Lloyd was intermittently there from 1888 to 1896. Today the organisation continues to train nursery school teachers
Poverty in Ontario refers to people living in Ontario deprived of or facing serious challenges in meeting basic needs such shelter, food and other essential needs. Based on relative and absolute measures, there is a significant level of poverty in Ontario; the provincial or federal governments of Ontario do not use a single poverty measure. Statistics Canada provides several poverty indicating measures such as Low-Income Measure, Low-Income Cut-Off and Market-Basket Measure. Other measures used include Depth of Poverty and Ontario Housing Measure. Most of these measures are relative indicators of poverty, they are most effective in analyzing the characteristics of the worst off families and reporting trends. The Ontario government uses an array of these measures for its programs. Several reports have provided insights about the absolute level of poverty in Ontario. According to the Household Food Insecurity in Canada report by University of Toronto affiliated research group PROOF, 8.2% of Ontario's households face severe or moderate food insecurity.
16.4% of children live in food insecure households. According to the Salvation Army's “Canada Speaks” Exposing Persistent Myths About the 150,000 Canadians Living on the Streets report 6% of Ontarians are or have been homeless. Many aboriginal communities in Ontario such as Attawapiskat, Constance Lake and Kashechewan have been compared to the world's poorest, they are lacking in basic infrastructure including clean water, housing, education and employment services. Poverty impacts at-risk groups severely; these groups include children, disabled persons, single parents, recent immigrants, visible minorities and rural communities. For instance, in 2006 57% of First Nations children lived in low-income families compared to 21% of the non-aboriginal children. Low-income rate for lone-parents is twice that of others. Regardless of marital status, education or age, racialized groups face high levels of poverty. In Toronto, 62% of the poor persons are from racialized groups. In Ontario, poverty is concentrated in certain neighbourhoods.
As noted above, many aboriginal communities face extreme poverty. According to the Poverty by Postal Code report there has been a "dramatic rise in the number of higher poverty neighbourhoods in the City of Toronto in the last two decades doubling every ten years, from 30 in 1981, to 66 in 1991, to 120 in 2001". Communities impacted by sharp decline in manufacturing such as Windsor and Peterborough have a high proportion of low-income neighbourhoods. Poverty is an independent risk factor and social determinant of health. In Ontario, poverty has been associated with increased rate of chronic and acute illnesses, mental illnesses and decreased life expectancy. For example, “twice as many men in the lower income group reported having diabetes as those in the highest income group, while low income women were 2.5 times as to have diabetes as high income women". Poverty contributes to increased health expenditure. “It was estimated that in 2007, increasing the income of people in the lowest income quintile in Ontario to a level comparable to those in the second quintile would reduce health-care expenditures by $2.9 billion provincially and $7.6 billion federally.”
Poverty is directly linked to lower educational outcomes. Poor students face several individual disadvantages due to their condition. Public schools in poor neighborhoods do not have the capacity to fundraise as schools in the rich neighborhoods. Low income households lack in school educational resources. Majority of poor students are "streamed" towards non-academic subjects in high schools. Educational funding and policies fail to adequately address educational resource and outcome inequalities; these factors contribute to much lower educational outcomes for poor students. Majority of students dropping out of school in Ontario are raised in homes earning less than $30 000 a year. Poor students score 20-30% less in EQAO math and literacy tests than students from high income households. "In Canada, only 31% of youth from the bottom income quartile attended post-secondary education compared with 50.2% in the top income quartile." Poverty impacts the economic productivity of Ontario. In 2008, it was estimated that Ontario loses $4 to $6.1 billion every year due to lost income tax revenue.
Canada’s economic development minister Tony Clement noted “chronic housing shortages, low education outcomes and lack of access to clean drinking water jeopardize the ability of local First Nations to benefit from the significant economic and business development opportunities associated with the Ring of Fire developments.”Poverty leads to increased government costs in health care and crime related costs, social services. In 2008, it was estimated that “federal and Ontario government are losing at least $10.4 billion to $13.1 billion a year due to poverty, a loss equal to between 10.8 to 16.6 per cent of the provincial budget”. Poverty and crime are interlinked on several fronts. Although studies have shown that a direct link does not exist between poverty and criminal behaviour, the majority of people arrested and imprisoned for crime are young males from low-income families. Low income aboriginals and black youth are over represented in Ontario’s correctional system by many multiples. For example, “aboriginal boys aged 12 to 17 make up 2.9 per cent of the young male population.
But in Ontario youth facilities they make up nearly 15 per cent of young male admissions. For black boys, the proportion of jail admissions is four times higher."Low-income at-risk people