Scramble for Africa
The Scramble for Africa was the occupation and colonisation of African territory by Western European powers during the period of the New Imperialism, between 1881 and 1914. In 1870, only 10 percent of Africa was under formal European control. With the Italian occupation of Ethiopia in 1936, only Liberia remained independent. There were multiple motivations for European colonizers, including the quest for national prestige, tensions between pairs of European powers, religious missionary zeal and internal African native politics; the Berlin Conference of 1884, which regulated European colonisation and trade in Africa, is referred to as the ultimate point of the Scramble for Africa. Consequent to the political and economic rivalries among the European empires in the last quarter of the 19th century, the partitioning, or splitting up of Africa was how the Europeans avoided warring amongst themselves over Africa; the years of the 19th century saw the transition from "informal imperialism" by military influence and economic dominance, to direct rule, bringing about colonial imperialism.
By 1840, European powers had established small trading posts along the coast, but they moved inland. In the middle decades of the 19th century, European explorers had mapped areas of East Africa and Central Africa; as late as the 1870s, Western European states controlled only ten percent of the African continent, with all their territories located near the coast. The most important holdings were Mozambique, held by Portugal. By 1914, only Ethiopia and Liberia remained independent of European control. Technological advances facilitated European expansion overseas. Industrialisation brought about rapid advancements in transportation and communication in the forms of steamships and telegraphs. Medical advances played an important role medicines for tropical diseases; the development of quinine, an effective treatment for malaria, made vast expanses of the tropics more accessible for Europeans. Sub-Saharan Africa, one of the last regions of the world untouched by "informal imperialism", was attractive to Europe's ruling elites for economic and social reasons.
During a time when Britain's balance of trade showed a growing deficit, with shrinking and protectionist continental markets due to the Long Depression, Africa offered Britain, Germany and other countries an open market that would garner them a trade surplus: a market that bought more from the colonial power than it sold overall. Surplus capital was more profitably invested overseas, where cheap materials, limited competition, abundant raw materials made a greater premium possible. Another inducement for imperialism arose from the demand for raw materials copper, rubber, palm oil, diamonds and tin, to which European consumers had grown accustomed and upon which European industry had grown dependent. Additionally, Britain wanted the southern and eastern coasts of Africa for stopover ports on the route to Asia and its empire in India. However, in Africa – excluding the area which became the Union of South Africa in 1910 – the amount of capital investment by Europeans was small, compared to other continents.
The companies involved in tropical African commerce were small, apart from Cecil Rhodes's De Beers Mining Company. Rhodes had carved out Rhodesia for himself; these events might detract from the pro-imperialist arguments of colonial lobbyists such as the Alldeutscher Verband, Francesco Crispi and Jules Ferry, who argued that sheltered overseas markets in Africa would solve the problems of low prices and overproduction caused by shrinking continental markets. John A. Hobson argued in Imperialism that this shrinking of continental markets was a key factor of the global "New Imperialism" period. William Easterly, disagrees with the link made between capitalism and imperialism, arguing that colonialism is used to promote state-led development rather than "corporate" development, he has stated that "imperialism is not so linked to capitalism and the free markets... there has been a closer link between colonialism/imperialism and state-led approaches to development." The rivalry between Britain, France and the other Western European powers accounts for a large part of the colonization.
While tropical Africa was not a large zone of investment, other overseas regions were. The vast interior between Egypt and the gold and diamond-rich southern Africa had strategic value in securing the flow of overseas trade. Britain was under political pressure to secure lucrative markets against encroaching rivals in China and its eastern colonies, most notably India, Malaya and New Zealand. Thus, it was crucial to secure the key waterway between West -- the Suez Canal. However, a theory that Britain sought to annex East Africa during the 1880 onwards, out of geostrategic concerns connected to Egypt, has been challenged by historians such as John Darwin and Jonas F. Gjersø; the scramble for African territory reflected concern for the acquisition of military and naval bases, for strategic purposes and the exercise of power. The growing navies, new ships driven by steam power, required coaling stations and ports for maintenance. Defense bases were needed for the protection of sea routes and communication lines of expensive and vital internatio
Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of sub-Saharan African descent. Based on a common fate going back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada, it is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of sub-Saharan African descent. The ideology asserts that the fate of all sub-Saharan African countries are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that “Sub-Saharan African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora; the Organization of African Unity was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations. The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand.
Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance". Pan-Africanism exists as a grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed Sékou Touré, Kwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, others in the diaspora. Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally; the realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political structures...in the Americas". Advocates of Pan-Africanism—i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"—often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent.
Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora; as a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, spiritual, artistic and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism and neo-colonialism. Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 18th century a political movement developed across the Americas and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism. In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery.
The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century; the African Association renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900. With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State. Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa; the Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent". This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions". Nkrumah’s pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality.
Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, adopted a political discourse of regional unity In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra, Ghana. The Conference invited delegates of major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ghana, Libya, Morocco and Sudan; the Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria. Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression.
Violence is "the use of physical force so as to injure, damage, or destroy." Less conventional definitions are used, such as the World Health Organization's definition of violence as "the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, which either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, psychological harm, maldevelopment, or deprivation."Globally, violence resulted in the deaths of an estimated 1.28 million people in 2013 up from 1.13 million in 1990. Of the deaths in 2013 842,000 were attributed to self-harm, 405,000 to interpersonal violence, 31,000 to collective violence and legal intervention. In Africa, out of every 100,000 people, each year an estimated 60.9 die a violent death. For each single death due to violence, there are dozens of hospitalizations, hundreds of emergency department visits, thousands of doctors' appointments. Furthermore, violence has lifelong consequences for physical and mental health and social functioning and can slow economic and social development.
In 2013, assault by firearm was the leading cause of death due to interpersonal violence, with 180,000 such deaths estimated to have occurred. The same year, assault by sharp object resulted in 114,000 deaths, with a remaining 110,000 deaths from personal violence being attributed to other causes. Violence in many forms can be preventable. There is a strong relationship between levels of violence and modifiable factors in a country such as concentrated poverty and gender inequality, the harmful use of alcohol, the absence of safe and nurturing relationships between children and parents. Strategies addressing the underlying causes of violence can be effective in preventing violence, although mental and physical health and individual responses, etc. have always been decisive factors in the formation of these behaviors. The World Health Organization divides violence into three broad categories: self-directed violence interpersonal violence collective violenceThis initial categorization differentiates between violence a person inflicts upon himself or herself, violence inflicted by another individual or by a small group of individuals, violence inflicted by larger groups such as states, organized political groups, militia groups and terrorist organizations.
These three broad categories are each divided further to reflect more specific types of violence: physical sexual psychological emotionalAlternatively, violence can be classified as either instrumental or reactive / hostile. Self-directed violence is subdivided into suicidal self-abuse; the former includes suicidal thoughts, attempted suicides – called para suicide or deliberate self-injury in some countries – and completed suicides. Self-abuse, in contrast, includes acts such as self-mutilation. Collective violence is subdivided into economic violence. Unlike the other two broad categories, the subcategories of collective violence suggest possible motives for violence committed by larger groups of individuals or by states. Collective violence, committed to advance a particular social agenda includes, for example, crimes of hate committed by organized groups, terrorist acts and mob violence. Political violence includes war and related violent conflicts, state violence and similar acts carried out by larger groups.
Economic violence includes attacks by larger groups motivated by economic gain – such as attacks carried out with the purpose of disrupting economic activity, denying access to essential services, or creating economic division and fragmentation. Acts committed by larger groups can have multiple motives; this typology, while imperfect and far from being universally accepted, does provide a useful framework for understanding the complex patterns of violence taking place around the world, as well as violence in the everyday lives of individuals and communities. It overcomes many of the limitations of other typologies by capturing the nature of violent acts, the relevance of the setting, the relationship between the perpetrator and the victim, – in the case of collective violence – possible motivations for the violence. However, in both research and practice, the dividing lines between the different types of violence are not always so clear. State violence involves upholding, forms of violence of a structural nature, such as poverty, through dismantling welfare, creating strict policies such as'welfare to work', in order to cause further stimulation and disadvantage Poverty as a form of violence may involve oppressive policies that target minority or low socio-economic groups.
The'war on drugs', for example, rather than increasing the health and well-being of at risk demographics, most results in violence committed against these vulnerable demographics through incarceration and police brutality War is a state of prolonged violent large-scale conflict involving two or more groups of people under the auspices of government. It is the most extreme form of collective violence. War is fought as a means of resolving territorial and other conflicts, as war of aggression to conquer territory or loot resources, in national self-defence or liberation, or to suppress attempts of part of the nation to secede from it. There are ideological and revolutionary wars. Since the Industrial Revolution the lethality of modern warfare has grown. World War I casualties were over 40 million and World War II casualties were over 70 million. Violence includes those acts that result from a power relationship, including threats and intimidation, neglect or acts of omission; such non-physical violence has
Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki is a South African politician who served as the second post-Apartheid President of South Africa from 14 June 1999 to 24 September 2008. On 20 September 2008, with about nine months left in his second term, Mbeki announced his resignation after being recalled by the National Executive Committee of the ANC, following a conclusion by judge C. R. Nicholson of improper interference in the National Prosecuting Authority, including the prosecution of Jacob Zuma for corruption. On 12 January 2009, the Supreme Court of Appeal unanimously overturned judge Nicholson's judgment but the resignation stood. During his tenure in office, the South African economy grew at an average rate of 4.5% per year, creating employment in the middle sectors of the economy. The Black middle-class was expanded with the implementation of Black Economic Empowerment; this growth exacerbated the demand for trained professionals strained by emigration due to violent crime, but failed to address unemployment amongst the unskilled bulk of the population.
He attracted the bulk of Africa's Foreign Direct Investment and made South Africa the focal point of African growth. He was the architect of NEPAD whose aim is to develop an integrated socio-economic development framework for Africa, he oversaw the successful building of economic bridges to BRIC nations with the eventual formation of the India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue Forum to "further political consultation and co-ordination as well as strengthening sectoral co-operation, economic relations". Mbeki mediated in issues on the African continent including: Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast, some important peace agreements. Mbeki oversaw the transition from the Organisation of African Unity to the African Union, his "quiet diplomacy" in Zimbabwe, however, is blamed for protracting the survival of Robert Mugabe's regime at the cost of thousands of lives and intense economic pressure on Zimbabwe's neighbours. He became a vocal leader of the Non-Aligned Movement in the United Nations, while leveraging South Africa's seat on the Security Council, he agitated for reform of that body.
Mbeki has received worldwide criticism for his stance on AIDS. He questions the link between HIV and AIDS, believes that the correlation between poverty and the AIDS rate in Africa was a challenge to the viral theory of AIDS, his fate was not helped by Health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang and the overhaul of the pharmaceutical industry in South Africa. His ban of antiretroviral drugs in public hospitals is estimated to be responsible for the premature deaths of between 330,000 and 365,000 people. Mbeki has been criticised for responding to negative comments made about his government by accusing critics of racism. Born and raised in Mbewuleni, Cape Province, Union of South Africa, Mbeki is one of four children of Epainette and Govan Mbeki; the economist Moeletsi Mbeki is one of his brothers. His father was a stalwart of the South African Communist Party, he is a native Xhosa speaker and his father Govan named him Thabo after his old close friend Thabo Mofutsanyana. His parents were both teachers and activists in a rural area of strength to the African National Congress, Mbeki describes himself as "born into the struggle".
Mbeki attended primary school in Idutywa and Butterworth and acquired a secondary education at Lovedale, Alice. In 1959, he was expelled from school as a result of student strikes and forced to continue his studies at home. In the same year, he sat for matriculation examinations at Umtata. In the ensuing years, he completed A-level examinations in Johannesburg. During this time, the ANC was outlawed and Mbeki was involved in underground activities in the Pretoria-Witwatersrand area, he was involved in mobilising students in support of the ANC call for a stay at home to be held in protest of South Africa becoming a republic. In December 1961, Mbeki was elected secretary of the African Students' Association. In the following year, he left South Africa on instructions of the ANC. Govan Mbeki had come to the rural Eastern Cape as a political activist after earning two university degrees. Mbeki, aged 16, had a child with Olive Mpahlwa named Monwabise Kwanda. Monwabise Kwanda disappeared in 1981 with Thabo's youngest brother Jama.
On 23 November 1974, Mbeki married Zanele at Farnham Castle in the United Kingdom. They have no children. After the banning of the ANC, the organisation decided it would be better for Mbeki to go into exile. In 1962, Mbeki and a group of comrades left South Africa disguised as a football team, they travelled in a minibus to Botswana and flew from there to Tanzania, where Mbeki accompanied Kenneth Kaunda, who became Zambia's post-independence president, to London. Mbeki stayed with Oliver Tambo, who would be elected the longest serving president of the ANC in the absence of the jailed Rivonia trialists. Mbeki worked part-time with Tambo and Yusuf Dadoo while studying economics at Sussex University in the coastal town of Brighton. At one stage, Mbeki shared a flat with Mike Yates and Derek Gunby. Together the trio would become firm friends and frequent a local bar wh
Poverty is the scarcity or the lack of a certain amount of material possessions or money. Poverty is a multifaceted concept, which may include social and political elements. Absolute poverty, extreme poverty, or destitution refers to the complete lack of the means necessary to meet basic personal needs such as food and shelter; the threshold at which absolute poverty is defined is considered to be about the same, independent of the person's permanent location or era. On the other hand, relative poverty occurs when a person who lives in a given country does not enjoy a certain minimum level of "living standards" as compared to the rest of the population of that country. Therefore, the threshold at which relative poverty is defined varies from country to another, or from one society to another. Providing basic needs can be restricted by constraints on government's ability to deliver services, such as corruption, tax avoidance and loan conditionalities and by the brain drain of health care and educational professionals.
Strategies of increasing income to make basic needs more affordable include welfare, economic freedoms and providing financial services. Poverty reduction is still a major issue for many international organizations such as the United Nations, the World Bank, United States Agency for International Development, Oxfam, CARE, World Vision International, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Red Cross among a plethora of others. In 2012 it was estimated that, using a poverty line of $1.25 a day, 1.2 billion people lived in poverty. Given the current economic model, built on GDP, it would take 100 years to bring the world's poorest up to the poverty line of $1.25 a day. UNICEF estimates; the World Bank forecasted in 2015 that 702.1 million people were living in extreme poverty, down from 1.75 billion in 1990. Extreme poverty is observed in all parts including developed economies. Of the 2015 population, about 347.1 million people lived in Sub-Saharan Africa and 231.3 million lived in South Asia.
According to the World Bank, between 1990 and 2015, the percentage of the world's population living in extreme poverty fell from 37.1% to 9.6%, falling below 10% for the first time. The People's Republic of China accounts for over three quarters of global poverty reduction from 1990 to 2005. Though, as noted, China accounted for nearly half of all extreme poverty in 1990. In public opinion around the world people surveyed tend to incorrectly think extreme poverty hasn't decreased. During the 2013 to 2015 period The World Bank reported that extreme poverty fell from 11% to 10%, however they noted that the rate of decline had slowed by nearly half from the 25 year average with parts of sub-saharan Africa returning to early 2000 levels; the World Bank attributed this to increasing violence following the Arab Spring, population increases in Sub-Saharan Africa, general African inflationary pressures and economic malaise were the primary drivers for this slow down. There is disagreement among experts as to what would be considered a realistic poverty rate with one considering it "an inaccurately measured and arbitrary cut off".
Some contend that a higher poverty line is needed, such as a minimum of $7.40 or $10 to $15 a day. They argue that these levels would better reflect the cost of basic needs and normal life expectancy. One estimate places the true scale of poverty much higher than the World Bank, with an estimated 4.3 billion people living with less than $5 a day and unable to meet basic needs adequately. It has been argued by some academics that the neoliberal policies promoted by global financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank are exacerbating both inequality and poverty. Poverty is the lack of a certain amount of material possessions or money; the word poverty comes from Latin paupertās from pauper. There are several definitions of poverty depending on the context of the situation it is placed in, the views of the person giving the definition. Income Poverty: a family's income fails to meet a federally established threshold that differs across countries. United Nations: Fundamentally, poverty is the inability of having choices and opportunities, a violation of human dignity.
It means lack of basic capacity to participate in society. It means not having enough to feed and clothe a family, not having a school or clinic to go to, not having the land on which to grow one's food or a job to earn one's living, not having access to credit, it means insecurity and exclusion of individuals and communities. It means susceptibility to violence, it implies living in marginal or fragile environments, without access to clean water or sanitation. World Bank: Poverty is pronounced deprivation in well-being, comprises many dimensions, it includes low incomes and the inability to acquire the basic goods and services necessary for survival with dignity. Poverty encompasses low levels of health and education, poor access to clean water and sanitation, inadequate physical security, lack of voice, insufficient capacity and opportunity to better one's life. Poverty is measured as either absolute or relative. In the United Kingdom, the second Cameron ministry came under attack for their redefinition of poverty.
Considering that two-thirds of people who found work were accepting wages that are below the living wage t
African nationalism is an umbrella term which refers to a group of political ideologies within Sub-Saharan Africa, which are based on the idea of national self-determination and the creation of nation states. The ideology emerged under European colonial rule during the 19th and 20th centuries and was loosely inspired by nationalist ideas from Europe. African nationalism was based on demands for self-determination and played an important role in forcing the process of decolonisation of Africa. However, the term refers to a broad range of different ideological and political movements and should not be confused with Pan-Africanism which may seek the federation of several or all nation states in Africa. Nationalist ideas in Sub-Saharan Africa emerged during the mid-19th century among the emerging black middle classes in West Africa. Early nationalists hoped to overcome ethnic fragmentation by creating nation-states. In its earliest period, it was inspired by African-American and Afro-Caribbean intellectuals from the Back-to-Africa movement who imported nationalist ideals current in Europe and the Americas at the time.
The early African nationalists were elitist and believed in the supremacy of Western culture but sought a greater role for themselves in political decision-making. They rejected African traditional religions and tribalism as "primitive" and embraced western ideas of Christianity and the nation state. However, one of the challenges faced by nationalists in unifying their nation after European rule were the divisions of tribes and the formation of ethnicism. African nationalism first emerged as a mass movement in the years after World War II as a result of wartime changes in the nature of colonial rule as well as social change in Africa itself. Nationalist political parties were established in all African colonies during the 1950s and their rise was an important reason for the decolonisation of Africa between c.1957 and 1966. However, African nationalism was never a single movement and political groups considered to be African nationalists varied by economic orientation and degrees of radicalism and violence.
Nationalists leaders struggled to find their own social and national identity following the European influence that controlled the political landscape during the colonial occupation. African nationalism in the colonial era was framed purely in opposition to colonial rule and was therefore unclear or contradictory about its other objectives. According to historian Robert I. Rotberg, African nationalism would not have emerged without colonialism, its relation to Pan-Africanism was ambiguous with many nationalist leaders professing Pan-African loyalties but still refusing to commit to supranational unions. African nationalists of the period have been criticised for their continued use of ideas and policies associated with colonial states. In particular, nationalists attempted to preserve national frontiers created arbitrarily under colonial rule after independence and create a national sense of national identity among the heterogeneous populations inside them. African nationalism exists in an uneasy relationship with tribalism and sub-national ethnic nationalism which differ in their conceptions of political allegiance.
Many Africans distinguish between national identities. Some nationalists have argued. During the late 1950s and 1960s, scholars of African nationalist struggles have focused on the Western-educated male elites who led the nationalist movements and assumed power after independence; the history of studies of women's involvement in African nationalist struggle and party politics can be traced along intellectual and political paths that followed paralleled, but have deviated from or led the course of Africanist historiography. The goal of these women involved in the African nationalism movement was to recover Africa's past and to celebrate the independent emergence of independent Africa, it was necessary to raise awareness of this cause, calling to the new emerging generation of African women, raised in a better, more stable society. Although, the challenges they faced seemed more significant, they however had it better than past generations, allowing them to raise awareness of the African Nationalist moment.
Whereas women's historians interested in effecting changes in the process and production of American or European history had to fight their way onto trains, moving through centuries on well-worn gauges, the "new" Africanist train had left the station in the early'60s. With a few exceptions, scholars have devoted little more than a passing mention of the presence of African women as conscious political actors in African nationalism. Anne McClintock has stressed that "all nationalisms are gendered." Undoubtedly, women played a significant role in arousing national consciousness as well as elevating their own political and social position through African nationalism. It is with this in mind, that both feminism and the research of these women become critical to the re-evaluation of the history of African nationalism. In 1943, a prominent organization called the African National Congress Women's League used its branches throughout the country to build a national campaign; as leaders and activists, women participated in African nationalism through national organisations.
The decade of the 1950s was a landmark because of the significant number of women who were politically involved in the nationalist struggle. A minority of women were affiliated into male-dominated national organisations. Founded by women in 1960, The National Council of Sierra Leone was to become, in 1968, the women's section of the ruling All People's Congress a