The Jamaican Maroons descend from maroons, Africans who escaped from slavery on the island of Jamaica and established free communities in the mountainous interior in the eastern parishes. Africans enslaved during Spanish rule of Jamaica were the first to develop such refugee communities; the English, who invaded the island in 1655, expanded the importation of slaves to support their extensive development of sugar-cane plantations. Africans in Jamaica continually revolted, with many who escaped becoming Maroon; the revolts had the effect of making it less profitable. The revolts simmered down only after the British government promised to free the slaves if they stopped revolting; the Windward Maroons and those from the Cockpit Country resisted conquest in the First Maroon War, which the government ended in 1739-1740 by making treaties to grant lands and to respect Maroon autonomy, in exchange for peace and aiding the colonial militia if needed against external enemies. Tension between British colonial Governor Alexander Lindsay, 6th Earl of Balcarres, the majority of the Leeward Maroons resulted in the Second Maroon War from 1795 to 1796.
Although the governor promised leniency if the Maroons surrendered, he backtracked and, supported by the Assembly, insisted on deporting 600 Maroons to British settlements in Nova Scotia. The deported Maroons were unhappy with conditions in Canada, in 1800 majority left by succeeding in getting passage to Freetown, eight years after the Sierra Leone Company established it in West Africa as a British colony. In all likelihood, the words "Maroon" and "Seminole" share the same origin in the Spanish word cimarrón, meaning "wild" or "untamed"; this word referred to runaways or castaways and is derived from the word for "thicket" in Old Spanish. When the British captured Jamaica in 1655, the Spanish colonists fled. Many of their slaves escaped and, together with free blacks and mulattoes, former slaves, some native Taíno coalesced into several heterogeneous groups in the Jamaican interior; some created palenques, or stockaded mountain farms at Lluidas Vale in modern-day St Catharine Parish under Juan de Bolas.
Toward the western end of Cockpit Country were the ‘Varmahaly or Karmahaly Negroes’ under the leadership of Juan de Serras. During the first decade of British rule, these groups were active on behalf of the Spanish. But, as it became obvious that the British would hold their conquest, the group run by de Bolas changed its position. Faced with discovery and defeat in 1659, de Bolas allied with the British and guided their troops on a raid which resulted in the final expulsion of the Spanish in 1660. In exchange, in 1663, Governor Lyttleton signed the first maroon treaty, granting de Bolas and his people land on the same terms as British settlers; the colonial authorities paid the men of de Bolas to hunt the supporters of de Serras and recent runaways. However, de Bolas was killed in an ambush by Maroons belonging to de Serras. While the Maroons belonging to de Bolas disappeared from history, the English authorities failed to subdue the Karmahaly Maroons; the other maroon groups remained independent in the mountainous interior of Jamaica, surviving by subsistence farming and periodic raids of plantations.
These initial maroon groups dwindled, merging with settlers. Others may have coalesced to form the nucleus of what would be called the Windward Maroons. Over time, runaway slaves increased the maroon population, which came to control large areas of the Jamaican mountainous interior. In the 1670s and 1680s, in his capacity as an owner of a large slave plantation, former buccaneer and now lieutenant-governor of Jamaica, Sir Henry Morgan led three campaigns against the Karmahaly Maroons of de Serras. Morgan achieved some success against the Maroons, who withdrew further into the Blue Mountains, where they were able to stay out of the reach of Morgan and his forces. Between 1673 and 1690 there were several major slave uprisings prompted by newly arrived militarized Fante or Coromantee groups from Cape Coast and Ashanti Empire. On 31 July 1690, a rebellion involving 500 slaves from the Sutton estate in Clarendon Parish led to the formation of Jamaica’s most stable and best organized Maroon group.
Although some were killed, recaptured or surrendered, more than 200, including women and children, remained free after the rebellion was considered over. They established an Ashanti-style polity based in the western parts of the Cockpit Country, notably Cudjoe's Town, they incorporated outsiders. The leader of the eastern Maroons when they agreed to peace was Quao; the Windward Maroons, in the wilder parts of eastern Jamaica, were always composed of separate mobile and culturally heterogeneous groups. It is possible that the runaway slaves from de Serras' group of Karmahaly Maroons formed the initial nucleus of the Windward Maroons. From early on, the Jamaican governors considered their settlements an impediment to British development of the interior, they ordered raids on the Maroon settlements to little effect. By about 1720, a stronger Windward community had developed around the culturally Africanised group of three villages known as Nanny Town, under the spiritual leadership of Queen Nanny, an Ashanti woman, sometimes in allegiance and sometimes in competition with other Win
Central Africa is the core region of the African continent which includes Burundi, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda. Middle Africa is an analogous term that includes Angola, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, the Republic of the Congo, São Tomé and Príncipe. All of the states in the UN subregion of Middle Africa, plus those otherwise reckoned in Central Africa, constitute the Economic Community of Central African States. Since its independence in 2011, South Sudan has been included in the region; the Central African Federation called the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, was made up of what are now the nations of Malawi and Zimbabwe. The Anglican Church of the Province of Central Africa covers dioceses in Botswana, Malawi and Zimbabwe, while the Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian has synods in Malawi and Zimbabwe; these states are now considered part of East or Southern Africa. The basin of Lake Chad has been ecologically significant to the populations of Central Africa, with the Lake Chad Basin Commission serving as an important supra-regional organization in Central Africa.
Archeological finds in Central Africa have been discovered dating back over 100,000 years. According to Zangato and Holl, there is evidence of iron-smelting in the Central African Republic and Cameroon that may date back to 3000 to 2500 BCE. Extensive walled settlements have been found in Northeast Nigeria 60 km southwest of Lake Chad dating to the first millennium BCE. Trade and improved agricultural techniques supported more sophisticated societies, leading to the early civilizations of Sao, Bornu, Shilluk and Wadai. Around 1000 BCE, Bantu migrants had reached the Great Lakes Region in Central Africa. Halfway through the first millennium BCE, the Bantu had settled as far south as what is now Angola; the Sao civilization flourished from ca. the sixth century BCE to as late as the sixteenth century CE in northern Central Africa. The Sao lived by the Chari River south of Lake Chad in territory that became part of Cameroon and Chad, they are the earliest people to have left clear traces of their presence in the territory of modern Cameroon.
Today, several ethnic groups of northern Cameroon and southern Chad but the Sara people claim descent from the civilization of the Sao. Sao artifacts show that they were skilled workers in bronze and iron. Finds include bronze sculptures and terra cotta statues of human and animal figures, funerary urns, household utensils, jewelry decorated pottery, spears; the largest Sao archaeological finds have been made south of Lake Chad. Note: BCE is the same as BC and CE is the same as AD; the Kanem-Bornu Empire was centered in the Chad Basin. It was known as the Kanem Empire from the 9th century CE onward and lasted as the independent kingdom of Bornu until 1900. At its height it encompassed an area covering not only much of Chad, but parts of modern southern Libya, eastern Niger, northeastern Nigeria, northern Cameroon, parts of South Sudan and the Central African Republic; the history of the Empire is known from the Royal Chronicle or Girgam discovered in 1851 by the German traveller Heinrich Barth.
Kanem rose in the 8th century in the region to the east of Lake Chad. The Kanem empire went into decline, in the 14th century was defeated by Bilala invaders from the Lake Fitri region; the Kanuri people led by the Sayfuwa migrated to the west and south of the lake, where they established the Bornu Empire. By the late 16th century the Bornu empire had expanded and recaptured the parts of Kanem, conquered by the Bulala. Satellite states of Bornu included the Damagaram in the west and Baguirmi to the southeast of Lake Chad; the Shilluk Kingdom was centered in South Sudan from the 15th century from along a strip of land along the western bank of White Nile, from Lake No to about 12° north latitude. The capital and royal residence was in the town of Fashoda; the kingdom was founded during the mid-fifteenth century CE by Nyikang. During the nineteenth century, the Shilluk Kingdom faced decline following military assaults from the Ottoman Empire and British and Sudanese colonization in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.
The Kingdom of Baguirmi existed as an independent state during the 16th and 17th centuries southeast of Lake Chad in what is now the country of Chad. Baguirmi emerged to the southeast of the Kanem-Bornu Empire; the kingdom's first ruler was Mbang Birni Besse. In his reign, the Bornu Empire conquered and made the state a tributary; the Wadai Empire was centered on the Central African Republic from the 17th century. The Tunjur people founded the Wadai Kingdom to the east of Bornu in the 16th century. In the 17th century there was a revolt of the Maba people. At first Wadai paid tribute to Bornu and Durfur, but by the 18th century Wadai was independent and had become an aggressor against its neighbors. Following the Bantu Migration from Western Africa, Bantu kingdomes and empires began to develop in southern Central Africa. In the 1450s, a Luba from the royal family Ilunga Tshibinda married Lunda queen Rweej and united all Lunda peoples, their son Mulopwe Luseeng expanded the kingdom. His son Naweej expanded the empire further and is known as the first Lunda emperor, with the title Mwata Yamvo, the "Lord of Vipers".
The Luba political system was retained, conquered peoples were integrated into the system. The mwata
Omniscience is the capacity to know everything. In monotheistic religions, such as Sikhism and the Abrahamic religions, this is an attribute of God. In some other religions that do not include a supreme deity, such as Buddhism and Jainism, omniscience is an attribute that any individual can attain. In Islam, Allah is attributed with absolute omniscience, he knows the present and the future. It is compulsory for a Muslim to believe that Allah is indeed omniscient as stated in one of the six articles of faith which is: To believe that Allah’s divine decree and predestination“Say: Do you instruct Allah about your religion? But Allah knows all, in the heavens and on the earth; the topic of omniscience has been much debated in various Indian traditions, but no more so than by the Buddhists. After Dharmakirti's excursions into the subject of what constitutes a valid cognition, Śāntarakṣita and his student Kamalaśīla investigated the subject in the Tattvasamgraha and its commentary the Panjika; the arguments in the text can be broadly grouped into four sections: The refutation that cognitions, either perceived, inferred, or otherwise, can be used to refute omniscience.
A demonstration of the possibility of omniscience through apprehending the selfless universal nature of all knowables, by examining what it means to be ignorant and the nature of mind and awareness. A demonstration of the total omniscience where all individual characteristics are available to the omniscient being; the specific demonstration of Shakyamuni Buddha's non-exclusive omniscience. Some modern Christian theologians argue that God's omniscience is inherent rather than total, that God chooses to limit his omniscience in order to preserve the freewill and dignity of his creatures. John Calvin, among other theologians of the 16th century, comfortable with the definition of God as being omniscient in the total sense, in order for worthy beings' abilities to choose embraced the doctrine of predestination. In Jainism, omniscience is considered the highest type of perception. In the words of a Jain scholar, "The perfect manifestation of the innate nature of the self, arising on the complete annihilation of the obstructive veils, is called omniscience."Jainism views infinite knowledge as an inherent capability of every soul.
Arihanta is the word used by Jains to refer to those human beings who have conquered all inner passions and possess Kevala Jnana. They are said to be of two kinds: Sāmānya kevali – omniscient beings who are concerned with their own liberation. Tirthankara kevali – human beings who attain omniscience and help others to achieve the same. Whether omniscience regarding the choices that a human will make, is compatible with free will has been debated by theologians and philosophers; the argument that divine foreknowledge is not compatible with free will is known as theological fatalism. It is argued that if humans are free to choose between alternatives, God could not know what this choice will be. A question arises: if an omniscient entity knows everything about its own decisions in the future, does it therefore forbid any free will to that entity? William Lane Craig states that the question subdivides into two: If God foreknows the occurrence of some event E, does E happen necessarily? If some event E is contingent, how can God foreknow E’s occurrence?
However, this kind of argument fails to recognize its use of the modal fallacy. It is possible to show; some philosophers, such as Patrick Grim, Linda Zagzebski, Stephan Torre and William Mander have discussed the issue of whether the apparent first-person nature of conscious experience is compatible with God's omniscience. There is a strong sense in which conscious experience is private, meaning that no outside observer can gain knowledge of what it is like to be me as me. If a subject cannot know what it is like to be another subject in an objective manner, the question is whether that limitation applies to God as well. If it does God cannot be said to be omniscient since there is a form of knowledge that God lacks access to; the philosopher Patrick Grim most notably raised this issue. Linda Zagzebski tried to avoid it by introducing the notion of perfect empathy, a proposed relation that God can have to subjects that would allow God to have perfect knowledge of their conscious experience. William Mander argued that God can only have such knowledge if our experiences are part of God's broader experience.
Stephan Torre claimed that God can have such knowledge if self-knowledge involves the ascription of properties, either to oneself or to others. Patrick Grim saw this line of reasoning as a motivation for accepting atheism. Epistemology Omnibenevolence Omniscient point-of-view, in writing, is to know everything that can be known about a character. Omnipotence Omnipresence Pantomath Sangave, Vilas Adinath, Aspects of Jaina religion, Bharatiya Jnanpith, ISBN 978-81-263-0626-8 Mehta, Mohan Lal, Outlines of Jaina Philosophy, Jain Mission Society Wierenga, Edward. "Omniscience". In Zalta, Edward N. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Omniscience and Divine Foreknowledge article in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy Is God All-Knowing
An Akrafena is an Ashanti sword meant for warfare but forming part of Ashanti heraldry. The foremost example of an akrafena is the Mponponson, which belonged to Opoku Ware II, it has survived to the present day because it is still used in ceremonies, such as the Odwira festival. The expert use of akrafena is a martial art, utilising the blade in conjunction with knives, improvised weapons, street-fighting, hand-to-hand combat, joint locks and weapon disarming techniques; the akrafena martial art is the national sport of the Ashanti Cty-State. The sword has three parts: a blade made of some metal such as iron; the blade in ritual swords may not have a sharp cutting edge. It has incised lines or Ashanti symbolic designs on it, which evoke specific messages; some swords have triple blades. The hilt may be wrapped with gold leaf with various Ashanti symbols worked onto it; the hilt itself may be carved to encode an Ashanti symbol. The sheath may carry an embossment that comprises Ashanti symbols meant to evoke certain expressive messages.
The mpomponsuo sword of the Asantehene, for example, has an embossment of a coiled snake with a bird in its mouth. This conveys the Ashanti message: nanka bobonya mede asase anya onwam – the puff adder that cannot fly has caught the hornbill that flies; this is used to symbolize patience and circumspection. Bonoman long swords were used by Ashanti cavalry and commanders, not infantry during the 10th to 15th centuries. In the 16th century and at the time of Denkyira and Akwamu land warfare consisted of spearmen and bowmen on foot, mounted archers using two-handed bows, mounted swordsmen with two-handed swords. Ashanti Swords were not a primary weapon for all Ashanti combat but were for Ashanti shock attacks, defensive strokes and close combat. Blades were heavy as they were made of bronze and iron, pommels were knobbed and used as balances. Short swords may have been used in follow-up attacks, as short sword carriers were armoured and accompanied with a shield. Ashanti Akrafena Swords with wooden or metal pommels decorated with beaten gold have featured in Ashanti court regalia since the 17th century AD.
Ashanti Swords were used during Ashanti wars since the 17th century. The Ashantis were engaged in a series of military conflicts from the 18th century AD, between Ashanti City-State military forces and African states and European states up until the 20th century. In the 21st century, the Ashanti Swords are by Ashantis for self-defense, the Ashanti Akrafena is used for Ashanti warfare and land warfare. During the Empire of Ashanti period, Ashanti swords had ranks depending on who wielded them and what their purpose was; the highest ranking of these swords was known as the Mpomponsuo meaning "responsibility sword." Only two such swords existed and were wielded by the King's two bodyguards, who always stood on either side of him and held the nobility title of Ankobia. The Ashanti Akrafena was held in the hand by Ashanti Asafos. There was no real reason to hold it on their sides. However, they did strap it to their back at times when they were traveling through the rain-forest regions of Ashanti City-State or using other weapons such as spears and bows.
The Ashanti sword was first and foremost one-handed, though for more powerful strikes, two hands were used. The Ashanti techniques were hand and a half; the Akrafena an Ashanti national symbol, adopted by Ashanti City-State's emperor-king Asantehene Opoku Ware I in 1723. In this context it is known as Akofena; the Blazon: The akrafena is used in conjunction with the stool blackening ceremony. Nsuaefena is used in the political ceremony of taking the oath of office by the king and in the swearing oaths of allegiance by subjects of Ashanti City-State; the akrafena may be carried as a heraldic device, by the Ashanti emperor's-king’s emissaries on Ashanti City-State diplomatic missions. In such situations the meaning associated with the symbol embossed on the sheath conveys the message of the mission. Blade of an afenatene sword showing the akoma, denkyem and the sankofa bird; the Ashanti national symbol Akrafena description: The Akrafena is a prominent symbol of the Ashantis in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries into the 21st century.
The Ashanti Akrafena sword as an Ashanti City-State national symbol was used by the Asantehene in taking the oath of office as ruler of Ashanti City-State. The Omanhene used the Ashanti Akrafena sword to swear the oath of allegiance to the Asantehene and Ashanti City-State; the Ashanti Akrafena sword is one of the four principal state swords of the Ashanti City-State. The first Ashanti Akfrafena sword was created by Asantehene Nana Opoku Ware I, is the foremost example of Akrafena; the mpomponsuo sword symbolizes Responsibility, Loyalty and Authority. There are Ashanti City-State schools that hold the techniques of these swords practitioners in the past; the schools hold the genuine Ashanti Swords techniques. It is said; the sword-based fighting techniques is similar in part to that of Eskrima and the combat hand-techniques
Maroons were Africans and their descendants in the Americas who formed settlements away from New World chattel slavery. Some had escaped from plantations, but others had always been free, like those born among them in freedom, they mixed with indigenous peoples, thus creating distinctive creole cultures. The American Spanish word cimarrón is given as the source of the English word maroon used to describe the runaway slave communities of Florida and of the Great Dismal Swamp on the border of Virginia and North Carolina, on colonial islands of the Caribbean, other parts of the New World. Lyle Campbell says the Spanish word cimarrón means "wild, unruly" or "runaway slave"; the linguist Leo Spitzer, writing in the journal Language, says, "If there is a connection between Eng. maroon, Fr. marron, Sp. cimarrón, Spain gave the word directly to England." The Cuban philologist José Juan Arrom has traced the origins of the word maroon further than the Spanish cimarrón, used first in Hispaniola to refer to feral cattle to enslaved Indians who escaped to the hills, by the early 1530s to enslaved Africans who did the same.
He proposes that the American Spanish word derives from the Arawakan root word simarabo, construed as "fugitive", in the Arawakan language spoken by the Taíno people native to the island. In the New World, as early as 1512, enslaved Africans escaped from Spanish captors and either joined indigenous peoples or eked out a living on their own. Sir Francis Drake enlisted several cimarrones during his raids on the Spanish; as early as 1655, escaped Africans had formed their own communities in inland Jamaica, by the 18th century, Nanny Town and other villages began to fight for independent recognition. When runaway Blacks and Amerindians banded together and subsisted independently they were called Maroons. On the Caribbean islands, they on some islands, armed camps. Maroon communities faced great odds against their surviving attacks by hostile colonists, obtaining food for subsistence living, as well as reproducing and increasing their numbers; as the planters took over more land for crops, the Maroons began to lose ground on the small islands.
Only on some of the larger islands were organized Maroon communities able to thrive by growing crops and hunting. Here they grew in number as more Blacks joined their bands. Seeking to separate themselves from Whites, the Maroons gained in power and amid increasing hostilities, they raided and pillaged plantations and harassed planters until the planters began to fear a massive revolt of the enslaved Blacks; the early Maroon communities were displaced. By 1700, Maroons had disappeared from the smaller islands. Survival was always difficult as the Maroons had to fight off attackers as well as attempt to grow food. One of the most influential Maroons was François Mackandal, a houngan, or voodoo priest, who led a six-year rebellion against the white plantation owners in Haiti that preceded the Haitian Revolution. In Cuba, there were maroon communities in the mountains, where African refugees who escaped the brutality of slavery and joined refugee Taínos. Before roads were built into the mountains of Puerto Rico, heavy brush kept many escaped maroons hidden in the southwestern hills where many intermarried with the natives.
Escaped Blacks sought refuge away from the coastal plantations of Ponce. Remnants of these communities remain to this day for example in Viñales and Adjuntas, Puerto Rico. Maroon communities emerged in many places in the Caribbean, but none were seen as such a great threat to the British as the Jamaican Maroons. A British governor signed a treaty in 1739 and 1740 promising them 2,500 acres in two locations, to bring an end to the warfare between the communities. In exchange they were to agree to capture other escaped Blacks, they were paid a bounty of two dollars for each African returned. Beginning in the late 17th century, Jamaican Maroons fought British colonists to a draw and signed treaties in the mid-18th century that freed them a century before the Slavery Abolition Act 1833, which came into effect in 1838. To this day, the Jamaican Maroons are to a significant extent autonomous and separate from Jamaican society; the physical isolation used to their advantage by their ancestors has today led to their communities remaining among the most inaccessible on the island.
In their largest town, Accompong, in the parish of St. Elizabeth, the Leeward Maroons still possess a vibrant community of about 600. Tours of the village are offered to foreigners and a large festival is put on every January 6 to commemorate the signing of the peace treaty with the British after the First Maroon War. In the plantation colony of Suriname, which England ceded to the Netherlands in the Treaty of Breda, escaped Blacks revolted and started to build their own villages from the end of the 17th century; as most of the plantations existed in the eastern part of the country, near the Commewijne River and Marowijne River, the Marronage took place along the river borders and sometimes across the borders of French Guiana. By 1740 the Maroons had formed clans and felt strong enough to challenge the Dutch colonists, forcing them to sign peace treaties. On October 10, 1760, the Ndyuka signed such a treaty forged by Adyáko Benti Basiton of Boston, a former enslaved African from Jamaica who had learned to read and write and knew about the Jamaican treaty.
The treaty is still important, as it defines the territorial rights of the Maroons in the gold-rich inlands of Suriname. Slaves escaped within the first generation of their arrival from Africa and preserved their African languages and much o
West Africa is the westernmost region of Africa. The United Nations defines Western Africa as the 16 countries of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, The Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo, as well as the United Kingdom Overseas Territory of Saint Helena and Tristan da Cunha; the population of West Africa is estimated at about 362 million people as of 2016, at 381,981,000 as of 2017, to which 189,672,000 are female, 192,309,000 male. Studies of human mitochondrial DNA suggest that all humans share common ancestors from Africa, originated in the southwestern regions near the coastal border of Namibia and Angola at the approximate coordinates 12.5° E, 17.5°S with a divergence in the migration path around 37.5°E, 22.5°N near the Red Sea. A particular haplogroup of DNA, haplogroup L2, evolved between 87,000 and 107,000 years ago or approx. 90,000 YBP. Its age and widespread distribution and diversity across the continent makes its exact origin point within Africa difficult to trace with any confidence, however an origin for several L2 groups in West or Central Africa seems with the highest diversity in West Africa.
Most of its subclades are confined to West and western-Central Africa. Because of the large numbers of West Africans enslaved in the Atlantic slave trade, most African Americans are to have mixed ancestry from different regions of western Africa; the history of West Africa can be divided into five major periods: first, its prehistory, in which the first human settlers arrived, developed agriculture, made contact with peoples to the north. Early human settlers from northern Holocene societies arrived in West Africa around 12,000 B. C. At Gobero, the Kiffian, who were hunters of tall stature, lived during the green Sahara between 10,000 and 8,000 years ago; the Tenerian, who were a more built people that hunted and herded cattle, lived during the latter part of the green Sahara 7,000 to 4,500 years ago. Sedentary farming began in, or around the fifth millennium B. C, as well as the domestication of cattle. By 1500 B. C, ironworking technology allowed an expansion of agricultural productivity, the first city-states formed.
Northern tribes developed walled settlements and non-walled settlements that numbered at 400. In the forest region, Iron Age cultures began to flourish, an inter-region trade began to appear; the desertification of the Sahara and the climatic change of the coast cause trade with upper Mediterranean peoples to be seen. The domestication of the camel allowed the development of a trans-Saharan trade with cultures across the Sahara, including Carthage and the Berbers. Local leather and gold contributed to the abundance of prosperity for many of the following empires; the development of the region's economy allowed more centralized states and civilizations to form, beginning with Dhar Tichitt that began in 1600 B. C. followed by Djenné-Djenno beginning in 300 B. C; this was succeeded by the Ghana Empire that first flourished between the 9th and 12th centuries, which gave way to the Mali Empire. In current-day Mauritania, there exist archaeological sites in the towns of Tichit and Oualata that were constructed around 2000 B.
C. and were found to have originated from the Soninke branch of the Mandé peoples, according to their tradition, originate from Aswan, Egypt. Based on the archaeology of city of Kumbi Saleh in modern-day Mauritania, the Mali empire came to dominate much of the region until its defeat by Almoravid invaders in 1052. Three great kingdoms were identified in Bilad al-Sudan by the ninth century, they included Ghana and Kanem. The Sosso Empire sought to fill the void, but was defeated by the Mandinka forces of Sundiata Keita, founder of the new Mali Empire; the Mali Empire continued to flourish for several centuries, most under Sundiata's grandnephew Musa I, before a succession of weak rulers led to its collapse under Mossi and Songhai invaders. In the 15th century, the Songhai would form a new dominant state based on Gao, in the Songhai Empire, under the leadership of Sonni Ali and Askia Mohammed. Meanwhile, south of the Sudan, strong city states arose in Igboland, such as the 10th-century Kingdom of Nri, which helped birth the arts and customs of the Igbo people, Bono in the 12th century, which culminated in the formation the all-powerful Akan Empire of Ashanti, while Ife rose to prominence around the 14th century.
Further east, Oyo arose as the dominant Yoruba state and the Aro Confederacy as a dominant Igbo state in modern-day Nigeria. The Kingdom of Nri was a West African medieval state in the present-day southeastern Nigeria and a subgroup of the Igbo people; the Kingdom of Nri was unusual in the history of world government in that its leader exercised no military power over his subjects. The kingdom existed as a sphere of religious and political influence over a third of Igboland and was administered by a priest-king called as an Eze Nri; the Eze Nri managed trade and diplomacy on behalf of the Nri people and possessed divine authority in religious matters. The Oyo Empire was a Yoruba empire of what is today Western and North c
The Baule or Baoulé are an Akan people and one of the largest groups in Côte d'Ivoire who migrated from Ghana. The Baoulé are traditionally farmers who live in the centre of Côte d'Ivoire, in a triangle shaped region between the rivers Bandama and N'Zi; this area broadly encompasses the regions around the cities of Yamoussoukro. The Baoulé have come to play a important role in the recent history of Côte d'Ivoire: the State's first President, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, was a Baoulé. Legend goes that in the 17th century the Baoulé left present day Ghana and traveled west into present day Côte d'Ivoire under the lead of the Queen Pokou. According to oral tradition, the Baoulé were forced to leave Ghana. While they were fleeing for their lives they came to the Komoe river which they were unable to cross. With their enemies chasing them they began to throw their most prized possessions into the river, it came to the Queen's attention. The Queen realized that she threw him in. Upon doing so hippopotami allowed them to cross, saving their lives.
After crossing, the Queen was so upset about losing her son that all she could say was "baouli," meaning: the child is dead. From that point on they were known as the Baoulé. One of the favourite pastimes is the game “Atté,”, similar to the North American version of marbles: Ivorians utilize nuts, not marbles. An odd number of nuts are placed in a circular pattern in the centre of two opposing teams; the two teams 30 metres apart, take turns throwing nuts at the circle of nuts. Once a nut has been hit, it is eliminated, the team that hit the respective nut gains a point; the game ends when all the nuts have been eliminated, the team with the most nuts at the end of the game wins. The Baoule religious world consists of three realities: Domain of God The earthly world: area of human beings and plants, as well as supernatural beings with vast powers who reside in the mountains, rivers, etc; the beyond where the spirits of the ancestors reside Ivorian children begin aiding their parents with the everyday chores of life at young ages.
As soon as they are old enough, they either carry water from the village pumps or heavy loads of food and firewood to the village market. The boys, when old enough, may help their father with clearing vegetation. Like several other groups with Akan origin, Baoulé children are named according to the day of the week or the circumstances under which they were born. For example, a male born on a Monday would be named Kouassi. However, there are slight variations in the spelling and pronunciation specific to the Baoulé, it should be noted that the Baoulé have a calendar, different from the calendar of other Akan ethnic groups. This may be due to the circumstances of their departure from Ghana and the need for them to mark a separation with the Ashanti Kingdom. For ethnic groups such as the Ashanti, Abron, N'zima, Koffi may be a name for a boy child born on Friday. For the Baoulé, Koffi and Affoué are names for Saturday, the day being Foué. There is, therefore, a sound common to the names. Baoulé names: Saturday: Koffi, Affoué.
The 9th child is given the name independent of the child's gender. The 10th child in the family is always called Brou. Education in Cote d'Ivoire is competitive; those families that can afford to give their children a private education assure themselves that their children will receive a formal education. In the public schooling system, to progress beyond certain grade levels you must pass an exam regulated to allow a limited number of passing scores. Most Ivorian children use a slate to practice their writing and other homework. Small notebooks are widely available for doing homework and are turned in to be graded. Many homes have a wall with a large chalkboard where children are tutored or practice subjects that they have learned in class. In school, Baoulé children speak only French, but at home they speak their native language of Baoulé. French study begins in grade one. Handwriting at Ivoirian schools is always cursive, never printing. With regard to the Ivorian economy and cocoa are referred to as the chief cash crop.
Up until the present day conflict, the Côte d'Ivoire was the world's largest exporter of cocoa. With respect to the local Ivorian economy, resources such as firewood and yams are transported to local markets and sold to other Ivorians or foreigners. Within the local marketplace, one can find a wide array of goods, including tailored clothing, boiled eggs and lingerie; the Baoulé people are talented in African art. Their sculptures are renowned for their refinement, form diversity and the labor they represent; the sculptures do not only include face masks and h