The Moscow Metro is a rapid transit system serving Moscow and the neighbouring Moscow Oblast cities of Krasnogorsk, Reutov and Kotelniki. Opened in 1935 with one 11-kilometre line and 13 stations, it was the first underground railway system in the Soviet Union; as of 2018, the Moscow Metro excluding the Moscow Central Circle and Moscow Monorail has 224 stations and its route length is 381 km, making it the fifth longest in the world. The system is underground, with the deepest section 84 metres underground at the Park Pobedy station, one of the world's deepest. It's the busiest metro system in Europe, a tourist attraction in itself; the Moscow Metro, a state-owned enterprise, is 381 km long and consists of twelve lines and 223 stations organized in a spoke-hub distribution paradigm, with the majority of rail lines running radially from the centre of Moscow to the outlying areas. The Koltsevaya Line forms a 20-kilometre long circle which enables passenger travel between these diameters, the new Moscow Central Circle forms a 54-kilometre longer circle that serves a similar purpose on middle periphery.
Most stations and lines are underground. The Moscow Metro uses the Russian gauge of 1,520 millimetres, like other Russian railways, an underrunning third rail with a supply of 825 V DC, except line 13 and 14; the average distance between stations is 1.7 kilometres. Long distances between stations have the positive effect of a high cruising speed of 41.7 kilometres per hour. The Moscow Metro opens at 05:25 and closes at 01:00; the precise opening time varies at different stations according to the arrival of the first train, but all stations close their entrances at 01:00 for maintenance, so do transfer corridors. The minimum interval between trains is 90 seconds during the evening rush hours; as of 2017 the system had an average daily ridership of 6.99 million passengers. Peak daily ridership of 9.71 million was recorded on 26 December 2014. Free Wi-Fi has been available on all lines of the Moscow Metro since 1 December 2014; the network was launched by MaximaTelecom. Of the metro's 224 stations, 88 are deep underground, 123 are shallow, 12 are surface and five are elevated.
The deep stations comprise 55 triple-vaulted pylon stations, 19 triple-vaulted column stations, one single-vault station. The shallow stations comprise 79 spanned column stations, 33 single-vaulted stations, three single-spanned stations. In addition, there are 12 ground-level stations, four elevated stations, one station on a bridge. Two stations have three tracks, one has double halls. Seven of the stations have side platforms. In addition, there were two temporary stations within rail yards. One station is reserved for future service; the stations being constructed under Stalin's regime, in the style of socialist classicism, were meant as underground palaces of the people. Stations such as Komsomolskaya, Kiyevskaya or Mayakovskaya and others built after 1935 in the second phase of the evolution of the network are tourist landmarks, their photogenic architecture, large chandeliers and detailed decoration unusual for an urban transport system; each line is identified by an alphanumeric index and a colour.
The colour assigned to each line for display on maps and signs is its colloquial identifier, except for the nondescript greens and blues assigned to the Kakhovskaya, the Zamoskvoretskaya, the Lyublinsko-Dmitrovskaya, Butovskaya lines. The upcoming station is announced by a male voice on inbound trains to the city center and by a female voice on outbound trains; the metro has a connection to the Moscow Monorail, a 4.7-kilometre, six-station monorail line between Timiryazevskaya and VDNKh which opened in January 2008. Prior to the official opening, the monorail had operated in "excursion mode" since 2004. Sokolnicheskaya line was named Kirovsko-Fruzenskaya Zamoskvoretskaya line was named Gorkovsko-Zamoskvoretskaya. Filyovskaya line was named Arbatsko-Filyovskaya. Since the beginning, platforms have been at least 155 metres long to accommodate eight-car trains; the only exceptions are on the Filyovskaya Line: Vystavochnaya, Studencheskaya, Fili, Filyovsky Park and Pionerskaya, which only allows six-car trains.
Trains on the Zamoskvoretskaya, Kaluzhsko-Rizhskaya, Tagansko-Krasnopresnenskaya, Serpukhovsko-Timiryazevskaya and Lyublinsko-Dmitrovskaya lines have eight cars, on the Sokolnicheskaya line seven cars and on the Koltsevaya and Kakhovskaya lines six cars. The Filyovskaya and Arbatsko-Pokrovskaya lines had six- and seven-car trains as well, but now use four- and five-car trains of another type; the V-type trains were from Berlin U-Bahn C-class trains from 1945 to 1969, until its complete demi
Biblioteka Imeni Lenina
Biblioteka Imeni Lenina is a station on the Sokolnicheskaya Line of the Moscow Metro. The station was opened on May 1935 as a part of the first stage of the Metro, it is situated in the centre of the city under the Mokhovaya Street, is named for the nearby Russian State Library. Its architects were A. I. Gontskevich and S. Sulin. To prevent the disruption of traffic, Biblioteka Imeni Lenina was built using underground excavation rather than cut and cover though the station ceiling is just two metres below ground level. Soil conditions and the narrowness of the space in which the station was to be built necessitated a single-vault design, the only one on the first Metro line; the entire excavation was 11.7 metres high. The main station vault was built from rubble stone set in concrete and reinforced with an iron framework; this was lined with an "umbrella" of bitumen-coated paper to prevent groundwater from seeping into the station. The station was finished with plaster, yellow ceramic tile, marble.
The station had two entrance vestibules, one at either end. The southern vestibule, located between the old and new buildings of the State Library, is shared with Borovitskaya; the temporary northern vestibule, which served Biblioteka Imeni Lenina and Aleksandrovsky Sad, was removed in the 1940s. From this station it is possible to transfer to Arbatskaya on the Arbatsko-Pokrovskaya Line, Aleksandrovsky Sad on the Filyovskaya Line, Borovitskaya on the Serpukhovsko-Timiryazevskaya Line. Though Biblioteka Imeni Lenina and Aleksandrovsky Sad were built concurrently, they were not connected by transfer passages until 1938, when Aleksandrovsky Sad became part of the Arbatsko-Pokrovskaya Line. Before this the line from Aleksandrovsky Sad to Kievskaya operated as a branch of the Sokolnicheskaya Line. Description of the station on Metro.ru Description of the station on Mymetro.ru Description of the station on Metro.molot.ru KartaMetro.info — Station location and exits on Moscow map
The Bolsheviks known in English as Bolshevists, were a faction of the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party which split apart from the Menshevik faction at the Second Party Congress in 1903. The RSDLP was a revolutionary socialist political party formed in 1898 in Minsk, Belarus to unite the various revolutionary organisations of the Russian Empire into one party. In the Second Party Congress vote, the Bolsheviks won on the majority of important issues, hence their name, they became the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Bolsheviks, or Reds, came to power in Russia during the October Revolution phase of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and founded the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. With the Reds defeating the Whites and others during the Russian Civil War of 1917–1922, the RSFSR became the chief constituent of the Soviet Union in December 1922; the Bolsheviks, founded by Vladimir Lenin and Alexander Bogdanov, were by 1905 a major organization consisting of workers under a democratic internal hierarchy governed by the principle of democratic centralism, who considered themselves the leaders of the revolutionary working class of Russia.
Their beliefs and practices were referred to as Bolshevism. In the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP held in Brussels and London, UK during August 1903, Lenin and Julius Martov disagreed over the membership rules. Lenin wanted members who financially supported the party and participated in it. Martov suggested "by regular personal assistance under the direction of one of the party's organisations". Lenin advocated limiting party membership to a smaller core of active members as opposed to card carriers who might only be active in party branches from time to time or not at all; this active base would develop the cadre, a core of professional revolutionaries, consisting of loyal communists who would spend most of their time organising the party toward a mass revolutionary party capable of leading a workers' revolution against the Tsarist autocracy. A main source of the factions could be directly attributed to Lenin's steadfast opinion and what was described by Plekhanov as his inability to "bear opinions which were contrary to his own".
It was obvious at early stages in Lenin's revolutionary practices that he would not be willing to concede on any party policy that conflicted with his own predetermined ideas. It was the loyalty that he had to his own self-envisioned utopia. Lenin was seen by fellow party members as being so narrow-minded that he believed that anyone who didn't follow him was his enemy. Leon Trotsky, one of Lenin's fellow revolutionaries, compared Lenin in 1904 to the French revolutionary Maximilien Robespierre. Lenin's view of politics as verbal and ideological warfare and his inability to accept criticism if it came from his own dedicated followers was the reason behind this accusation; the root of the split was a book titled What Is To Be Done? that Lenin wrote while serving a sentence of exile. In Germany, the book was published in 1902. In Russia, strict censorship outlawed its distribution. One of the main points of Lenin's writing was that a revolution can only be achieved by the strong leadership of one person over the masses.
After the proposed revolution had overthrown the government, this individual leader must release power to allow socialism to encompass the nation. Lenin wrote that revolutionary leaders must dedicate their entire lives to the cause in order for it to be successful. Lenin said that if professional revolutionaries did not maintain control over the workers they would lose sight of the party's objective and adopt opposing beliefs abandon the revolution entirely. Lenin's view of a socialist intelligentsia showed that he was not a complete supporter of Marxist theory, which created some party unrest. For example, Lenin agreed with the Marxist idea of eliminating social classes, but in his utopian society there would still be visible distinctions between those in politics and the common worker. Most party members considered unequal treatment of workers immoral and were loyal to the idea of a classless society, therefore Lenin's variations caused internal dissonance. Although the party split of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks would not become official until 1903, the differences began to surface with the publication of What Is To Be Done?.
Through the influence of the book, Lenin undermined another group of reformers known as "Economists", who were pushing for economic reform while wanting to leave the government unchanged and who failed to recognize the importance of uniting the working population behind the party's cause. Other than the debate between Lenin and Martov, Lenin felt membership should require support of the party program, financial contributions and involvement in a party organization whereas Martov did not see the need for joining Party organizations, internal unrest rose over the structure, best suited for Soviet power; as discussed in What Is To Be Done?, Lenin believed that a rigid political structure was needed to initiate a formal revolution. This idea was met with opposition from his once close followers including Julius Martov, Georgy Plekhanov, Leon Trotsky and Pavel Axelrod. Plekhanov and Lenin's major dispute arose addressing the topic of nationalizing land or leaving it for private use. Lenin wanted to nationalize to aid in collectivization whereas Plekhanov thought worker motivation would remain higher if individuals were able to maintain their own property.
Those who opposed Lenin and wanted to continue on the Marxist path t
Fasces is a bound bundle of wooden rods, sometimes including an axe with its blade emerging. The fasces had its origin in the Etruscan civilization and was passed on to ancient Rome, where it symbolized a magistrate's power and jurisdiction; the axe associated with the symbol, the Labrys the double-bitted axe from Crete, is one of the oldest symbols of Greek civilization. To the Romans, it was known as a bipennis; the symbol was associated with female deities, from prehistoric through historic times. The image has survived in the modern world as a representation of magisterial or collective power and governance; the fasces occurs as a charge in heraldry: it is present on the reverse of the U. S. Mercury dime coin and behind the podium in the United States House of Representatives. During the first half of the 20th century both the fasces and the swastika became identified with the authoritarian/fascist political movements of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. During this period the swastika became stigmatized, but the fasces did not undergo a similar process.
The fact that the fasces remained in use in many societies after World War II may have been due to the fact that prior to Mussolini the fasces had been adopted and incorporated within the governmental iconography of many governments outside Italy. As such, its use persists as an accepted form of governmental and other iconography in various contexts; the fasces is sometimes confused with the related term fess, which in French heraldry is called a fasce. A few artifacts found showing a thin bundle of rods surrounding a two-headed axe point to a possible Etruscan origin for fasces, but little is known about the Etruscans themselves. Fasces symbolism might be derived via the Etruscans from the eastern Mediterranean, with the labrys, the Anatolian, Minoan double-headed axe incorporated into the praetorial fasces. There is little archaeological evidence for precise claims. By the time of the Roman Republic, the fasces had developed into a thicker bundle of birch rods, sometimes surrounding a single-headed axe and tied together with a red leather ribbon into a cylinder.
On certain special occasions, the fasces might be decorated with a laurel wreath. The symbolism of the fasces could suggest strength through unity; this symbolism occurs in Aesop's fable "The Old Man and his Sons". A similar story is told about the Bulgar Khan Kubrat, giving rise to the Bulgarian national motto "Union gives strength". However, bundled birch twigs could symbolise corporal punishment; the fasces lictoriae symbolised power and authority in ancient Rome, beginning with the early Roman Kingdom and continuing through the republican and imperial periods. By republican times, use of the fasces was surrounded with protocol. A corps of apparitores called lictors each carried fasces before a magistrate, in a number corresponding to his rank. Lictors preceded consuls, dictators, curule aediles and the Flamen Dialis during Roman triumphs. According to Livy, it is that the lictors were an Etruscan tradition, adopted by Rome; the highest magistrate, the dictator, was entitled to twenty-four lictors and fasces, the consul to twelve, the proconsul eleven, the praetor six, the propraetor five, the curule aediles two.
Another part of the symbolism developed in Republican Rome was the inclusion of just a single-headed axe in the fasces, with the blade projecting from the bundle. The axe indicated. Fasces carried within the Pomerium—the boundary of the sacred inner city of Rome—had their axe blades removed. During times of emergency, the Roman Republic might choose a dictator to lead for a limited time period, the only magistrate to be granted capital punishment authority within the Pomerium. Lictors attending the dictator kept the axes in their fasces inside the Pomerium—a sign that the dictator had the ultimate power in his own hands. There were exceptions to this rule: in 48 BC, guards holding bladed fasces guided Vatia Isauricus to the tribunal of Marcus Caelius, Vatia Isauricus used one to destroy Caelius's magisterial chair. An occasional variation on the fasces was the addition of symbolizing victory; this occurred during the celebration of a Triumph - a victory parade through Rome by a returning victorious general.
All Republican Roman commanding generals had held high office with imperium, so were entitled to the lictors and fasces. The modern Italian word fascio, used in the twentieth century to designate peasant cooperatives and industrial workers' unions, is related to fasces. Numerous governments and other authorities have used the image of the fasces as a symbol of power since the end of the Roman Empire, it has been used to hearke
Saint Petersburg is Russia's second-largest city after Moscow, with 5 million inhabitants in 2012, part of the Saint Petersburg agglomeration with a population of 6.2 million. An important Russian port on the Baltic Sea, it has a status of a federal subject. Situated on the Neva River, at the head of the Gulf of Finland on the Baltic Sea, it was founded by Tsar Peter the Great on 27 May 1703. During the periods 1713–1728 and 1732–1918, Saint Petersburg was the capital of Imperial Russia. In 1918, the central government bodies moved to Moscow, about 625 km to the south-east. Saint Petersburg is one of the most modern cities of Russia, as well as its cultural capital; the Historic Centre of Saint Petersburg and Related Groups of Monuments constitute a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Saint Petersburg is home to the Hermitage, one of the largest art museums in the world. Many foreign consulates, international corporations and businesses have offices in Saint Petersburg. An admirer of everything German, Peter the Great named the city, Sankt-Peterburg.
On 1 September 1914, after the outbreak of World War I, the Imperial government renamed the city Petrograd, meaning "Peter's city", in order to expunge the German name Sankt and Burg. On 26 January 1924, shortly after the death of Vladimir Lenin, it was renamed to Leningrad, meaning "Lenin's City". On 6 September 1991, Sankt-Peterburg, was returned. Today, in English the city is known as "Saint Petersburg". Local residents refer to the city by its shortened nickname, Piter; the city's traditional nicknames among Russians are the Window to Europe. Swedish colonists built Nyenskans, a fortress at the mouth of the Neva River in 1611, in what was called Ingermanland, inhabited by Finnic tribe of Ingrians; the small town of Nyen grew up around it. At the end of the 17th century, Peter the Great, interested in seafaring and maritime affairs, wanted Russia to gain a seaport in order to trade with the rest of Europe, he needed a better seaport than the country's main one at the time, on the White Sea in the far north and closed to shipping during the winter.
On 12 May 1703, during the Great Northern War, Peter the Great captured Nyenskans and soon replaced the fortress. On 27 May 1703, closer to the estuary 5 km inland from the gulf), on Zayachy Island, he laid down the Peter and Paul Fortress, which became the first brick and stone building of the new city; the city was built by conscripted peasants from all over Russia. Tens of thousands of serfs died building the city; the city became the centre of the Saint Petersburg Governorate. Peter moved the capital from Moscow to Saint Petersburg in 1712, 9 years before the Treaty of Nystad of 1721 ended the war. During its first few years, the city developed around Trinity Square on the right bank of the Neva, near the Peter and Paul Fortress. However, Saint Petersburg soon started to be built out according to a plan. By 1716 the Swiss Italian Domenico Trezzini had elaborated a project whereby the city centre would be located on Vasilyevsky Island and shaped by a rectangular grid of canals; the project is evident in the layout of the streets.
In 1716, Peter the Great appointed Frenchman Jean-Baptiste Alexandre Le Blond as the chief architect of Saint Petersburg. The style of Petrine Baroque, developed by Trezzini and other architects and exemplified by such buildings as the Menshikov Palace, Kunstkamera and Paul Cathedral, Twelve Collegia, became prominent in the city architecture of the early 18th century. In 1724 the Academy of Sciences and Academic Gymnasium were established in Saint Petersburg by Peter the Great. In 1725, Peter died at the age of fifty-two, his endeavours to modernize Russia had met with opposition from the Russian nobility—resulting in several attempts on his life and a treason case involving his son. In 1728, Peter II of Russia moved his seat back to Moscow, but four years in 1732, under Empress Anna of Russia, Saint Petersburg was again designated as the capital of the Russian Empire. It remained the seat of the Romanov dynasty and the Imperial Court of the Russian Tsars, as well as the seat of the Russian government, for another 186 years until the communist revolution of 1917.
In 1736–1737 the city suffered from catastrophic fires. To rebuild the damaged boroughs, a committee under Burkhard Christoph von Münnich commissioned a new plan in 1737; the city was divided into five boroughs, the city centre was moved to the Admiralty borough, situated on the east bank between the Neva and Fontanka. It developed along three radial streets, which meet at the Admiralty building and are now one street known as Nevsky Prospekt, Gorokhovaya Street and Voznesensky Prospekt. Baroque architecture became dominant in the city during the first sixty years, culminating in the Elizabethan Baroque, represented most notably by Italian Bartolomeo Rastrelli with such buildings as the Winter Palace. In the 1760s, Baroque architecture was succeeded by neoclassical architecture. Established in 1762, the Commission of Stone Buildings of Moscow and Saint Petersburg ruled that no structure in the
An eternal flame is a flame, lamp or torch that burns continuously for an indefinite period. Most eternal flames are ignited and tended intentionally, but some are natural phenomena caused by natural gas leaks, peat fires and coal seam fires, all of which can be ignited by lightning, piezoelectricity or human activity, some of which have burned for thousands of years. In ancient times, eternal flames were fueled by olive oil. Human-created eternal flames most commemorate a person or event of national significance, serve as a symbol of an enduring nature such as a religious belief, or a reminder of commitment to a common goal, such as diplomacy; the eternal fire is a long-standing tradition in many religions. In ancient Iran the atar was tended by a dedicated priest and represented the concept of "divine sparks" or Amesha Spenta, as understood in Zoroastrianism. Period sources indicate that three "great fires" existed in the Achaemenid era of Persian history, which are collectively considered the earliest reference to the practice of creating ever-burning community fires.
The eternal flame was a component of the Jewish religious rituals performed in the Tabernacle and in the Temple in Jerusalem, where a commandment required a fire to burn continuously upon the Outer Altar. Modern Judaism continues a similar tradition by having a sanctuary lamp, the ner tamid, always lit above the ark in the synagogue. After World War II, such flames gained further meaning, as a reminder of the six million Jews killed in the Holocaust; the Cherokee Nation maintained a fire at the seat of government until ousted by the Indian Removal Act in 1830. At that time, embers from the last great council fire were carried west to the nation's new home in the Oklahoma Territory; the flame, maintained in Oklahoma, was carried back to the last seat of the Cherokee government at Red Clay State Park in south-eastern Tennessee, to the Museum of the Cherokee Indian in Cherokee, North Carolina, to the Cherokee Nation Tribal Complex in Talequah, Oklahoma. In China, it has at times been common to establish an eternally lit lamp as a visible aspect of ancestor veneration.
One of the three "Great Flames" of the Achaemenid Empire was extinguished during the reign of Alexander the Great to honour the death of his close friend Hephaestion in 324 BC. An eternal flame was kept burning in the inner hearth of the Temple of Delphic Apollo at Delphi in Greece until Delphi was sacked by the Roman general Sulla in 87 BC; the Hebrew Bible commands that "The fire shall be burning upon the altar. Many churches, along with Jewish synagogues, feature an eternal flame on or hung above their altars or Torah arks; the Sacred fire of Vesta in Ancient Rome, which burned within the Temple of Vesta on the Roman Forum, was extinguished in 394 AD. The sacred fire of the Celtic goddess Brigid burned at Kildare, Ireland in pagan times and the fire was continued when the site was Christianised by Saint Brigid in the 5th century AD, it continued burning until the 16th-century Dissolution of the Monasteries. The eternal flame near the Bronze Soldier of Tallinn in Estonia was extinguished after the country gained independence from the USSR in 1991.
The eternal flame, part of the East German "Memorial to the Victims of Fascism and Militarism" at Neue Wache in East Berlin was removed after the 1990 German reunification. In 1993, the space was redesigned without a flame and rededicated as the "Central Memorial of the Federal Republic of Germany for the Victims of War and Tyranny". Llama de la Libertad lit by Augusto Pinochet in 1975 in to commemorate the 1973 Chilean coup d'etat against Salvador Allende, it was extinguished in 2004. A 23-metre high Eternal flame monument was erected in Belgrade in 2000, to commemorate the victims of 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia; the flame was extinguished just months after the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević. Yerevan, in the center of the Armenian Genocide Memorial Baku, at the Martyrs' Lane in memory of the military and civilian victims of the Black January and Nagorno-Karabakh War Ateshgah of Baku Minsk, at the Victory Square, lit in 1961 Baranovichi, at the memorial of the fallen during the Great Patriotic War, lit in 1964.
Brussels, at the foot of the Congress Column, surmounting the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. Sarajevo, the Sarajevo eternal flame, in memory of the military and civilian victims of the Second World War Sofia, at the Monument to the Unknown Soldier Zagreb, in front of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in memory of the police officers killed in the Croatian War of Independence Sisak, in Dr. Franjo Tuđman Park, in front of city market and swimming pool, in memory of soldiers fallen in the Croatian War of Independence Liverpool, at the Anfield stadium, in memorial to those who died in the Hillsborough disaster Helsinki, a lighthouse-like memorial in the suburb of Eira. Erected in honour of the Finnish seamen and seafaring, it has also become a symbol of those who have perished at the sea, the Baltic Sea in particular. A minor controversy arose when the flame was temporarily extinguished, to conserve gas, technically meaning the flame was not an eternal one, it has been relit however. Paris, under the archway at the Arc de Triomphe, which has burned continuously since 1921, in memory of all who died in World War I.
Arras, at the Notre Dame de Lorette war memorial. Tbilisi, at the roundabout and underpass of Hero's
Lenin's Plan of "Monumental Propaganda" – is a strategy proposed by Vladimir Lenin of employing visual monumental art as an important means for propagating revolutionary and communist ideas. "The plan" had the significance of creating a large demand for monumental sculpture on a state level, thus it stands at the origins of the Soviet school of sculpture. The "plan" consisted of two main projects: – decorating buildings and other surfaces "traditionally used for banners and posters" with revolutionary slogans and memorial relief plaques. Realization of the plan was initiated with a decree issued by Sovnarkom "On Republic's monuments", which ordained removal of monuments "erected in honor of tzars and their servants" and the development of projects for monuments to the Russian Socialist Revolution"; the section of visual arts of Narkompros drew up a list of personalities in honor of whom the monuments were to be erected. Included in the list were not only revolutionaries and great public figures but great Russian and foreign scientists, philosophers and writers, artists and actors – 69 persons in all.
In addition to sculptures of individuals the plan of monumental propaganda assumed projects for allegorical compositions. Noted sculptors from all-over Russia from Moscow and Petrográd were engaged in the task of designing monuments, thus a strong impetus was given for formation and progressive development of the Soviet school of sculpture. It is important to note that the state commission for monumental sculpture was determinative in shaping the mainstream tendencies of evolution of Soviet sculpture: the prevalence of urban monuments, the criterion of social significance as a thematic guideline, subdued expression of emotions, heroic content and artistic brevity, excessive pathos at times, grandiosity of scale; the memoirs of L. Shérwood, the oldest of Russian sculptors at that time, render the rising optimism about "the plan" among sculptors: "… Not only was I delighted, but amazed that despite the immense destitutions that we were experiencing at that time, the young Soviet State put forward a demand for sculpture, a demand which traditionally associated with wealthy individual clients or economically prosperous social organizations.
Today, of course, it is clear for us that Lenin's plan of "monumental propaganda" was intrinsically connected with the cause of the cultural revolution brought about by the Great days of the October and aimed to "rebuild" people's consciousness". In a situation of post-civil war economic crisis of the 1920s "the plan" lacked the necessary financial support and thus did not fulfill itself. Compromises had to be made, such as the use of inexpensive materials, e.g. plaster and concrete, not fit best for public monuments. Striving to overcome these drawbacks Russian sculptors showed remarkable ingenuity: N. Andréyev added marble granules to concrete mixture, creating a convincing illusion of a high-quality stone, thus financial difficulties did not slow down the work on "monumental propaganda" plan. Lenin himself zealously worked to resolve the monetary issue for this cause because "monumental propaganda" was to implement what Lenin thought to be one of the most crucial aspects of the Revolution – the so-called "cultural revolution".
In 1924 first bronze monuments were set up in Moscow after the October Revolution. The earliest monuments of "the plan" appeared on the streets and squares of Moscow and Petrográd in time for the first anniversary of the October Revolution on November 7, 1918; the most significant of these monuments was the obelisk dedicated to the First Soviet Constitution. From 1918–1921 in Moscow alone over 25 sculptural monuments were set up and more than 15 monuments were erected in Petrográd. A widespread opinion is that the "monumental propaganda" "did not achieve any outstanding artistic result"; such a view is subjective. Most of these works were executed by exceptionally skilled and talented sculptors and among the authors are prominent masters like Sergéy Merkúrov, Sergéy Konénkov, Véra Múkhina whose works are appraised by Russian art historians and scholars. One should keep in mind the restrictions of materials, such as concrete, that the sculptors had to overcome, and if the esthetic evaluation of the "monumental propaganda" sculptures is subject to debates, the historical value of Lenin's initiative on "monumental propaganda" as an impulse for the formation of the Soviet school of sculpture is doubtless.
To our days the streets of Moscow have preserved a few of the early sculptural monuments and relief plaques that were installed in the years between 1918–1923 as part of the "monumental propaganda" plan. The sculptures were transferred into traditional durable materials; some of them are well-known to Russians and the native dwellers of Moscow today: the monument to the Russian writer F. Dostoévskiy by S. Merkúrov "The Thought", a sculpture by S. Merkúrov the monument to K. Timiryázev, the Russian botanist, by S. Merkúrov the monuments to Russian political activists and revolutionarie