2010 United States Census
The 2010 United States Census is the twenty-third and most recent United States national census. National Census Day, the reference day used for the census, was April 1, 2010; the census was taken via mail-in citizen self-reporting, with enumerators serving to spot-check randomly selected neighborhoods and communities. As part of a drive to increase the count's accuracy, 635,000 temporary enumerators were hired; the population of the United States was counted as 308,745,538, a 9.7% increase from the 2000 Census. This was the first census in which all states recorded a population of over half a million, as well as the first in which all 100 largest cities recorded populations of over 200,000; as required by the United States Constitution, the U. S. census has been conducted every 10 years since 1790. The 2000 U. S. Census was the previous census completed. Participation in the U. S. Census is required by law in Title 13 of the United States Code. On January 25, 2010, Census Bureau Director Robert Groves inaugurated the 2010 Census enumeration by counting World War II veteran Clifton Jackson, a resident of Noorvik, Alaska.
More than 120 million census forms were delivered by the U. S. Post Office beginning March 15, 2010; the number of forms mailed out or hand-delivered by the Census Bureau was 134 million on April 1, 2010. Although the questionnaire used April 1, 2010 as the reference date as to where a person was living, an insert dated March 15, 2010 included the following printed in bold type: "Please complete and mail back the enclosed census form today." The 2010 Census national mail participation rate was 74%. From April through July 2010, census takers visited households that did not return a form, an operation called "non-response follow-up". In December 2010, the U. S. Census Bureau delivered population information to the U. S. President for apportionment, in March 2011, complete redistricting data was delivered to states. Identifiable information will be available in 2082; the Census Bureau did not use a long form for the 2010 Census. In several previous censuses, one in six households received this long form, which asked for detailed social and economic information.
The 2010 Census used only a short form asking ten basic questions: How many people were living or staying in this house, apartment, or mobile home on April 1, 2010? Were there any additional people staying here on April 1, 2010 that you did not include in Question 1? Mark all that apply: Is this house, apartment, or mobile home – What is your telephone number? What is Person 1's name? What is Person 1's sex? What is Person 1's age and Person 1's date of birth? Is Person 1 of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin? What is Person 1's race? Does Person 1 sometimes live or stay somewhere else? The form included space to repeat all of these questions for up to twelve residents total. In contrast to the 2000 census, an Internet response option was not offered, nor was the form available for download. Detailed socioeconomic information collected during past censuses will continue to be collected through the American Community Survey; the survey provides data about communities in the United States on a 1-year or 3-year cycle, depending on the size of the community, rather than once every 10 years.
A small percentage of the population on a rotating basis will receive the survey each year, no household will receive it more than once every five years. In June 2009, the U. S. Census Bureau announced. However, the final form did not contain a separate "same-sex married couple" option; when noting the relationship between household members, same-sex couples who are married could mark their spouses as being "Husband or wife", the same response given by opposite-sex married couples. An "unmarried partner" option was available for couples; the 2010 census cost $13 billion $42 per capita. Operational costs were $5.4 billion under the $7 billion budget. In December 2010 the Government Accountability Office noted that the cost of conducting the census has doubled each decade since 1970. In a detailed 2004 report to Congress, the GAO called on the Census Bureau to address cost and design issues, at that time, had estimated the 2010 Census cost to be $11 billion. In August 2010, Commerce Secretary Gary Locke announced that the census operational costs came in under budget.
Locke credited the management practices of Census Bureau director Robert Groves, citing in particular the decision to buy additional advertising in locations where responses lagged, which improved the overall response rate. The agency has begun to rely more on questioning neighbors or other reliable third parties when a person could not be reached at home, which reduced the cost of follow-up visits. Census data for about 22% of U. S. househol
A moraine is any glacially formed accumulation of unconsolidated glacial debris that occurs in both and glaciated regions on Earth, through geomorphological processes. Moraines are formed from debris carried along by a glacier and consisting of somewhat rounded particles ranging in size from large boulders to minute glacial flour. Lateral moraines are formed at the side of the ice flow and terminal moraines at the foot, marking the maximum advance of the glacier. Other types of moraine include ground moraines, till-covered areas with irregular topography, medial moraines which are formed where two glaciers meet. Moraines may be composed of debris ranging in size from silt-sized glacial flour to large boulders; the debris is sub-angular to rounded in shape. Moraines may be on the glacier’s surface or deposited as piles or sheets of debris where the glacier has melted. Moraines may form through a number of processes, depending on the characteristics of sediment, the dynamics on the ice, the location on the glacier in which the moraine is formed.
Moraine forming processes may be loosely divided into active. Passive processes involve the placing of chaotic supraglacial sediments onto the landscape with limited reworking forming hummocky moraines; these moraines are composed of supraglacial sediments from the ice surface. Active processes form or rework moraine sediment directly by the movement of ice, known as glaciotectonism; these form push moraines and thrust-block moraines, which are composed of till and reworked proglacial sediment. Moraine may form by the accumulation of sand and gravel deposits from glacial streams emanating from the ice margin; these fan deposits may coalesce to form a long moraine bank marking the ice margin. Several processes may combine to form and rework a single moraine, most moraines record a continuum of processes. Moraines can be classified either by origin, location with respect to a glacier or former glacier, or by shape; the first approach is suitable for moraines associated with contemporary glaciers—but more difficult to apply to old moraines, which are defined by their particular morphology, since their origin is debated.
Some moraine types are known only from ancient glaciers, while medial moraines of valley glaciers are poorly preserved and difficult to distinguish after the retreat or melting of the glacier. Lateral moraines are parallel ridges of debris deposited along the sides of a glacier; the unconsolidated debris can be deposited on top of the glacier by frost shattering of the valley walls and/or from tributary streams flowing into the valley. The till is carried along the glacial margin; because lateral moraines are deposited on top of the glacier, they do not experience the postglacial erosion of the valley floor and therefore, as the glacier melts, lateral moraines are preserved as high ridges. Lateral moraines stand high because they protect the ice under them from the elements, causing it to melt or sublime less than the uncovered parts of the glacier. Multiple lateral moraines may develop as the glacier retreats. Ground moraines are till-covered areas with irregular topography and no ridges forming rolling hills or plains.
They are accumulated at the base of the ice as lodgment till, but may be deposited as the glacier retreats. In alpine glaciers, ground moraines are found between the two lateral moraines. Ground moraines may be modified into drumlins by the overriding ice. Rogen moraines or ribbed moraines are a type of basal moraines that form a series of ribs perpendicular to the ice flow in an ice sheet; the depressions between the ribs are sometimes filled with water, making the Rogen moraines look like tigerstripes on aerial photographs. Rogen moraines are named after Lake Rogen in Härjedalen, the landform’s type locality. End moraines, or terminal moraines, are ridges of unconsolidated debris deposited at the snout or end of the glacier, they reflect the shape of the glacier's terminus. Glaciers act much like a conveyor belt, carrying debris from the top of the glacier to the bottom where it deposits it in end moraines. End moraine size and shape are determined by whether the glacier is advancing, receding or at equilibrium.
The longer the terminus of the glacier stays in one place, the more debris accumulate in the moraine. There are two types of end moraines: recessional. Terminal moraines mark the maximum advance of the glacier. Recessional moraines are small ridges left. After a glacier retreats, the end moraine may be destroyed by postglacial erosion. Recessional moraines are observed as a series of transverse ridges running across a valley behind a terminal moraine, they form perpendicular to the lateral moraines that they reside between and are composed of unconsolidated debris deposited by the glacier. They are created during temporary halts in a glacier's retreat. A medial moraine is a ridge of moraine, it forms when two glaciers meet and the debris on the edges of the adjacent valley sides join and are carried on top of the enlarged glacier. As the glacier melts or retreats, the debris is deposited and a ridge down the middle of the valley floor is created; the Kaskawulsh Glacier in the Kluane National Park, has a ridge of medial moraine 1 km wide.
Supraglacial moraines are created by debris accumulated on top of glacial ice. This debris can accumulate due to ice flow toward the surface in the ablation zone, melting of surface ice or from debris that falls onto the glacier from valley sidewalls. Washboard moraines known as minor or corrugated moraines, are low-amplitude ge
Old Allamakee County Courthouse (Waukon, Iowa)
The Old Allamakee County Courthouse known as the Allamakee County Historical Museum, is a historic building located in Waukon, United States. It was built in 1861 and was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1977 as a part of the County Courthouses in Iowa Thematic Resource, it was the second building used for county administration. There was a long and bitter fight between the towns of Waukon and Lansing as to which one would be the county seat in Allamakee County; the Iowa legislature chose Jefferson Township as the county seat. An election in 1851 rejected the choice as well as others and Columbus became the county seat. Two years the legislature approved a petition to move the county seat closer to the center of the county and Waukon received two-thirds of the vote. A frame building in Waukon was used as a courthouse beginning in 1854, a second building was constructed next to it in 1857, they served together as the courthouse. In 1859 Lansing offered to build an $8,000 courthouse and Waukon countered with its own offer and won by 420 votes.
This building was constructed for the courthouse in Waukon, it was completed for $13,635 in 1861. That same year both Lansing joined together to fight for the courthouse; this time they beat Waukon by 22 votes in an election, held in 1862. Court functions and records were moved to Lansing. Another election was held in 1864 with similar results; the county sheriff, who lived in Waukon, along with a posse removed the county records from Lansing. He was forced to return the records. In 1867 the Iowa Supreme Court ruled; the building constructed in 1861 served as the county courthouse until 1940 when the present courthouse was built. The old courthouse was converted into a history museum from 1964 to 1966; the Old Allamakee County Courthouse is a two-story, vernacular Greek Revival structure. It is a temple form without a portico. On the roof above the main entrance is a two-stage cupola, it features cornice work and paired brackets on both stages, louvers at the bell chamber, a finial on top of its tin-covered dome.
Other decorative elements of the building include a classical pediment with a returned cornice and paired brackets, simple brick pilasters on all four sides of the building, stone window sills and lintels. Though the interior was altered in the 1960s, it still retains tin ceilings, most of its original woodwork, a divided-flight stairway with large wooden newel posts and slender spindles. Allamakee County Historical Museum
Iowa Highway 9
Iowa Highway 9 is the most northern of Iowa's east–west highways, traversing the entire northern tier of counties. It runs from the eastern terminus of South Dakota Highway 42 at the South Dakota border east of Sioux Falls, South Dakota near Benclare, to the Wisconsin border at Lansing where it continues as Wisconsin Highway 82, it is rural in character, bypassing any large city. Making a few dips north and south, the highway follows a straight east–west alignment. Iowa 9 enters Iowa from South Dakota as a continuation of South Dakota Highway 42; the highway's entry point is four and a half miles east of Iowa's northwestern corner. It heads east through Lyon County until it reaches Larchwood. There, it turns south for about a mile where it meets the northern end of Iowa 182. From here, the highway runs due east for twelve miles. During this straight stretch, it passes just to the south of Lester. Just west of Rock Rapids, it meets U. S. Highway 75; the two routes overlap one another for one mile as the travel through northern Rock Rapids.
US 75 splits away to the south and Iowa 9 heads into downtown Rock Rapids, where it crosses the Rock River. East of Rock Rapids, the highway follows a section line, four and a half miles south of the Minnesota state line. Halfway between Rock Rapids and Little Rock, Iowa 9 intersects the northern and southern legs of County Road L14, which were Iowa 91 and Iowa 339, respectively; the highway enters Osceola County. It continues east for seven and a half miles until it reaches an interchange with Iowa 60 north of Sibley, that highway's final exit before entering Minnesota. Shortly thereafter, Iowa 9 meets US 59; the highway eases to the south. It passes to the south of Rush Lake and Harris; as Iowa 9 enters Dickinson County, it goes south of Lake Park. It crosses the western and eastern branches of the Little Sioux River, which converge just south of the highway; the intersection with Iowa 86 marks Iowa 9's entry into the Iowa Great Lakes region. It becomes a four-lane divided highway for a short distance as it curves to the south.
In northwestern Spirit Lake, Iowa 9 is joined by US 71 from the south and they travel east through the downtown area. The highways turn to the northeast in order to cross a narrow portion of East Okoboji Lake, they follow the shore before turning back to the east and exiting Spirit Lake. Four miles east of town, US 71 turns to the north and Iowa 9 continues towards Superior. Iowa 9 curves to the southeast as it approaches Estherville. There, it crosses the West Fork Des Moines River and Iowa 4, it continues due east for fifteen miles. Just west of Armstrong, it enters the southern part of town, it is overlapped by Iowa 15 for a mere 600 feet. In Kossuth County, it passes through Swea City. East of Swea City, it is joined by U. S. Route 169, it passes north of Lakota. Travelling through Buffalo Center in Winnebago County, takes a slight southwesterly dip to pass northeast of Thompson, continues east, south to join U. S. Route 69 at the northern edge of Forest City. In Worth County, it travels past the northern edges of Fertile and Hanlontown, where it soon crosses Interstate 35.
West of I-35, it passes through the south side of Manly. In Mitchell County, it makes a straight run to and through Osage, it swings back north and resumes going west to Riceville, crossing the Wapsipinicon River in the process. In Howard County, the highway makes a transition into the Driftless Area of Iowa, with progressively more rugged terrain evident as one travels east. West of Cresco, south of Lime Springs, it crosses U. S. Route 63 before going through Cresco. In the process, it crosses two tributaries of the Turkey River. In Winneshiek County, it runs southeasterly, straightening out to go through Decorah in the valley of the Upper Iowa River. In Decorah, it crosses U. S. Route 52, it again takes a southeasterly drift. In Allamakee County, the highway becomes crooked. Just east of the county line, Iowa Highway 51 meets its northern terminus. Running south of Waukon, it turns north through Waukon joined by Iowa Highway 76. In the northern part of Waukon, it curves north and east, into Lansing, through the valley of Clear Creek and downtown Lansing.
Just before crossing the Mississippi River, it meets the southern terminus of Iowa Highway 26. It turns onto the Black Hawk Bridge, where it joins Wisconsin Highway 82. Iowa Atlas and Gazetteer, 3rd edition, DeLorme, 2004. 2007 Transportation Map, Iowa Department of Transportation, 2007
1890 United States Census
The Eleventh United States Census was taken beginning June 2, 1890. It determined the resident population of the United States to be 62,979,766—an increase of 25.5 percent over the 50,189,209 persons enumerated during the 1880 census. The data was tabulated by machine for the first time; the data reported that the distribution of the population had resulted in the disappearance of the American frontier. Most of the 1890 census materials were destroyed in a 1921 fire and fragments of the US census population schedule exist only for the states of Alabama, Illinois, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, the District of Columbia; this was the first census in which a majority of states recorded populations of over one million, as well as the first in which multiple cities – New York as of 1880, Philadelphia – recorded populations of over one million. The census saw Chicago rank as the nation's second-most populous city, a position it would hold until 1990, in which Los Angeles would supplant it.
The 1890 census collected the following information: The 1890 census was the first to be compiled using methods invented by Herman Hollerith and was overseen by Superintendents Robert P. Porter and Carroll D. Wright. Data was entered on a machine readable medium, punched cards, tabulated by machine; the net effect of the many changes from the 1880 census: the larger population, the number of data items to be collected, the Census Bureau headcount, the volume of scheduled publications, the use of Hollerith's electromechanical tabulators, was to reduce the time required to process the census from eight years for the 1880 census to six years for the 1890 census. The total population of 62,947,714, the family, or rough, was announced after only six weeks of processing; the public reaction to this tabulation was disbelief, as it was believed that the "right answer" was at least 75,000,000. The United States census of 1890 showed a total of 248,253 Native Americans living in the United States, down from 400,764 Native Americans identified in the census of 1850.
The 1890 census announced that the frontier region of the United States no longer existed, that the Census Bureau would no longer track the westward migration of the U. S. population. Up to and including the 1880 census, the country had a frontier of settlement. By 1890, isolated bodies of settlement had broken into the unsettled area to the extent that there was hardly a frontier line; this prompted Frederick Jackson Turner to develop his Frontier Thesis. The original data for the 1890 Census is no longer available. All the population schedules were damaged in a fire in the basement of the Commerce Building in Washington, D. C. in 1921. Some 25 % of the materials were presumed another 50 % damaged by smoke and water; the damage to the records led to an outcry for a permanent National Archives. In December 1932, following standard federal record-keeping procedures, the Chief Clerk of the Bureau of the Census sent the Librarian of Congress a list of papers to be destroyed, including the original 1890 census schedules.
The Librarian was asked by the Bureau to identify any records which should be retained for historical purposes, but the Librarian did not accept the census records. Congress authorized destruction of that list of records on February 21, 1933, the surviving original 1890 census records were destroyed by government order by 1934 or 1935; the other censuses for which some information has been lost are the 1810 enumerations. Few sets of microdata from the 1890 census survive, but aggregate data for small areas, together with compatible cartographic boundary files, can be downloaded from the National Historical Geographic Information System. Mayo-Smith, Richmond, "The Eleventh Census of the United States". In: The Economic Journal, Vol. 1, p. 43 - 58 1891 U. S Census Report Contains 1890 Census results Historical US Census data from the U. S. Census Bureau website Hollerith 1890 Census Tabulator by Columbia University "The Fate of the 1890 Population Census" from the National Archives website
A county seat is an administrative center, seat of government, or capital city of a county or civil parish. The term is used in Canada, Romania and the United States. County towns have a similar function in the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland, in Jamaica. In most of the United States, counties are the political subdivisions of a state; the city, town, or populated place that houses county government is known as the seat of its respective county. The county legislature, county courthouse, sheriff's department headquarters, hall of records and correctional facility are located in the county seat though some functions may be located or conducted in other parts of the county if it is geographically large. A county seat is but not always, an incorporated municipality; the exceptions include the county seats of counties that have no incorporated municipalities within their borders, such as Arlington County, Virginia. Ellicott City, the county seat of Howard County, is the largest unincorporated county seat in the United States, followed by Towson, the county seat of Baltimore County, Maryland.
Some county seats may not be incorporated in their own right, but are located within incorporated municipalities. For example, Cape May Court House, New Jersey, though unincorporated, is a section of Middle Township, an incorporated municipality. In some of the colonial states, county seats include or included "Court House" as part of their name. In the Canadian provinces of Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, the term "shire town" is used in place of county seat. County seats in Taiwan are the administrative centers of the counties. There are 13 county seats in Taiwan, which are in the forms of county-administered city, urban township or rural township. Most counties have only one county seat. However, some counties in Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Mississippi, New Hampshire, New York, Vermont have two or more county seats located on opposite sides of the county. An example is Harrison County, which lists both Biloxi and Gulfport as county seats; the practice of multiple county seat towns dates from the days.
There have been few efforts to eliminate the two-seat arrangement, since a county seat is a source of pride for the towns involved. There are 36 counties with multiple county seats in 11 states: Coffee County, Alabama St. Clair County, Alabama Arkansas County, Arkansas Carroll County, Arkansas Clay County, Arkansas Craighead County, Arkansas Franklin County, Arkansas Logan County, Arkansas Mississippi County, Arkansas Prairie County, Arkansas Sebastian County, Arkansas Yell County, Arkansas Columbia County, Georgia Lee County, Iowa Campbell County, Kentucky Kenton County, Kentucky Essex County, Massachusetts Middlesex County, Massachusetts Plymouth County, Massachusetts Bolivar County, Mississippi Carroll County, Mississippi Chickasaw County, Mississippi Harrison County, Mississippi Hinds County, Mississippi Jasper County, Mississippi Jones County, Mississippi Panola County, Mississippi Tallahatchie County, Mississippi Yalobusha County, Mississippi Jackson County, Missouri Hillsborough County, New Hampshire Seneca County, New York Bennington County, Vermont In New England, the town, not the county, is the primary division of local government.
Counties in this region have served as dividing lines for the states' judicial systems. Connecticut and Rhode Island have no county level of thus no county seats. In Vermont and Maine the county seats are designated shire towns. County government consists only of a Superior Court and Sheriff, both located in the respective shire town. Bennington County has two shire towns. In Massachusetts, most government functions which would otherwise be performed by county governments in other states are performed by town or city governments; as such, Massachusetts has dissolved many of its county governments, the state government now operates the registries of deeds and sheriff's offices in those counties. In Virginia, a county seat may be an independent city surrounded by, but not part of, the county of which it is the administrative center. Two counties in South Dakota have their county seat and government services centered in a neighboring county, their county-level services are provided by Fall River Tripp County, respectively.
In Louisiana, divided into parishes rather than counties, county seats are referred to as parish seats. Alaska is divided into boroughs rather than counties; the Unorganized Borough, which covers 49 % of Alaska's area, has equivalent. The state with the most counties is Texas, with 254, the state with the fewest counties is Delaware, with 3. County seat war Administrative center County town, administrative centres in Ireland and the UK Chef-lieu, administrative centres in Algeria, Luxembourg, France and Tunisia Municipality, equivalent to county in many c
Iowa Highway 51
Iowa Highway 51 is a state highway that runs from north to south in northeast Iowa. Contained by Allamakee County, it is only 11 miles in length, it begins at U. S. Highway ends at Iowa 9 near Waukon. Iowa 51 begins at the intersection of Lawler Streets in Postville. US 18 and US 52 form the southern and western forks of the intersection, Tilden Street continues east, Iowa 51 begins heading north along Lawler Street through Postville's downtown area; the highway crosses a line of the Dakota and Eastern Railroad and leaves Postville heading in an directly northward alignment. The only curves along the route come as the highway descends into and ascends out of the Yellow River valley. Between Waukon and Decorah, the route terminates at an intersection with Iowa 9; when it was designated, Iowa 51 was not a paved highway. The route was paved by 1935, with the segment from the Yellow River south to Postville being repaved in 1969, its initial alignment extended the highway into Waukon, but was shortened to end at an intersection with the old alignment of Iowa 13 on December 8, 1924.
The highway's alignment again changed in December 1968, when it was truncated to run from Postville to an intersection with Iowa 9, the present-day alignment. The entire route is in Allamakee County. End of Iowa 51 at Iowa Highway Ends