Altsasu incident (2016)
The Altsasu incident is a judicial case against 8 youths from Altsasu, a small town of Navarre, for their involvement in a fight taking place on 15 October 2016 at a bar in which two off-duty Civil Guard officers stationed in the town and their girlfriends sustained injuries. One of the officers was knocked down, with the other victims reported to have suffered "psychological trauma"; the lawsuit was conducted by the judge of the Spanish special court Audiencia Nacional Carmen Lamela. As of March 2018, Concepción Espejel was appointed as magistrate ahead of the trial held in late April; the case was controversial because the public prosecutor claimed it was a "terrorist attack" ranging from 12 to 62 year sentences, for the heavy-handed approach of Spanish Justice in the case, amid allegations of irregularities and lack of neutrality in the proceedings. The National Court dismissed terrorism charges, but convicted them with severe sentences ranging from 2 to 13 years; the state prosecutor appealed the sentence in June 2018, insisting on the existence of'terrorism', but it was again dismissed in March 2019.
The incident attracted a rush of attention from the Spanish media. The identified aggressors reported themselves to the regional police and the jurisdictional tribunal in Pamplona, they were subsequently released with charges. However, four days ETA's victims' association COVITE filed a report in the National Court against the defendants for alleged hate and terrorism offenses, denouncing Twitter accounts, as well as the local movement Ospa and the campaign Alde hemendik!. The National Court demanded soon on the transfer of the case from its jurisdictional tribunal in over to the special court with a seat in Madrid, a request confirmed by the Supreme Court of Spain, despite the regional tribunal's dismissal of terrorism charges. According to the judge, the two Spanish policemen were wearing plain clothes. In the local Altsasu festival, many youngsters approached them in the bar, asking them to leave the place; the policemen asked to leave them alone but "later on, other 25 people approached them, with 15 or 20 insulting and beating them until the patrols arrived".
Iñaki Abad, one of the convicted youths, recorded a mobile video footage showing the Civil Guard officer "brutally battered on the ground", as claimed by the accusation, walking in a clean, white shirt moments after the events. The footage, which disputes the accusation's case, was rejected as evidence by the special tribunal, but was accepted following its public diffusion. Besides this evidence, the tribunal dismissed other brought forward by the defense, namely its witnesses and other footage of the moment of the events and afterwards, as well as pictures depicting the actual dimensions of the bar where the aggression took place, as denounced by the defense; the 8 youths accused were charged with a string of offenses including ‘terrorism’, 3 of them were remanded and held under special regime, with the others being released on bail. They faced sentences of 62 years imprisonment one of them, 50 years the rest, except for one liable to 12; the youths are imprisoned based on the article 573 of the Penal Code passed in 2015 by Mariano Rajoy's Spanish Conservatives aimed at cracking down on Jihadism, as reported by the defense.
On February 2018, the defense recused the new judge appointed to the case, Concepción Espejel, for her marriage to a Civil Guard colonel and for holding the Order of Merit of the Civil Guard awarded by the Interior Ministry. The hearings took place from 16 to 27 April. On 1 June 2018, the sentence was announced, with the National Court dismissing the terrorism charges and condemning them with injuring and attacking an agent of the authority, aggravated with abuse of superiority and public disorders and threats. One of them was sentenced to 2 years of prison, other three with 9 years, another two with 12 years and the remaining two with 13 years; the families, besides labeling the sentence a'barbarity' and a'revenge', announced they would appeal it. Four days on, the Civil Guard deployed in Altsasu, arresting four defendants and sending them to prison on "flight risk" grounds. On 14 June 2018, the state prosecutor appealed the sentence, arguing again that "there was terrorism" involved. Six days Iñaki Abad's sentence was reduced by 3 years, "due to an error", the verdict was modified, accepting this time the initial evidence given by María José, N.
C. a victim of the aggression, ruling out Iñaki Abad among the aggressors. On 7 March 2019, the sentence for the appeals made by the defense and the accusation was leaked to the Spanish radio station Cadena Ser ahead of its official announcement by the National Court to the parts involved, confirming for the most part the initial verdict, namely no terrorism involved but heavy sentences based on aggravating circumstances, like "ideological discrimination" against the Civil Guard officers and their girlfriends. Iñaki Abad's sentence was reduced to a 6 year-prison term; the trial became the centre of media attention for the high sentences requested and the circumstances surrounding the trial, including certain statements:"What we are seeing in the 21st century Spain is people asking others whose job they do not like to quit the town. It is xenophobia, full-blown fascism, since, what the supremacist Basque nationalists stand for, imbued as they are with outmod
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Navarre. The capital city is Pamplona; the first documented use of a name resembling Navarra, Nafarroa, or Naparroa is a reference to navarros, in Eginhard's early-9th-century chronicle of the feats of the Holy Roman Emperor Charlemagne. Other Royal Frankish Annals feature nabarros. There are two proposed etymologies for the name. Basque nabar: "brownish", "multicolour". Basque naba: "valley", "plain" + Basque herri; the linguist Joan Coromines considers naba to be linguistically part of a wider Vasconic or Aquitanian language substrate, rather than Basque per se. During the Roman Empire, the Vascones, a pre-Roman tribe, populated the southern slopes of the Pyrenees, including the area which would become Navarre. In the mountainous north, the Vascones escaped large-scale Roman settlement, except for some coastal areas—for example Oiasso —and the flatter areas to the south, which were amenable to large-scale Roman farming—vineyards and wheat crops. There is no evidence of battles fought or general hostility between Romans and Basques, as they had the same enemies.
Neither the Visigoths nor the Franks completely subjugated the area. The Vascones assimilated neighbouring tribes as of the 7th century AD. In the year 778, the Basques defeated a Frankish army at the Battle of Roncevaux Pass. Following the Battle of Roncevaux Pass, the Basque chieftain Iñigo Arista was elected King of Pamplona supported by the muwallad Banu Qasi of Tudela, establishing a Basque kingdom, called Navarre; that kingdom reached its zenith during the reign of Sancho III, comprising most of the Christian realms to the south of the Pyrenees, a short overlordship of Gascony. When Sancho III died in 1035, the kingdom was divided between his sons, it never recovered its political power, while its commercial importance increased as traders and pilgrims poured into the kingdom via the Way of Saint James. In 1200, Navarre lost the key western Basque districts to Alphonse VIII of Castile, leaving the kingdom landlocked. Navarre contributed with a small but symbolic force of 200 knights to the decisive Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212 against the Almohads.
The native line of kings came to an end in 1234. However, the Navarrese kept most of their strong institutions; the death of Queen Blanche I inaugurated a civil war period between the Beaumont and Agramont confederacies with the intervention of the Castilian-Aragonese House of Trastámara in Navarre's internal affairs. In 1512, Navarre was invaded by Ferdinand the Catholic's troops, with Queen Catherine and King John III withdrawing to the north of the Pyrenees, establishing a Kingdom of Navarre-Béarn, led by Queen Joan III as of 1555. To the south of the Pyrenees, Navarre was annexed to the Crown of Castile, but kept a separate ambiguous status, a shaky balance up to 1610—King Henry III ready to march over Spanish Navarre. A Chartered Government was established, the kingdom managed to keep home rule. Tensions with the Spanish government came to a head as of 1794, when Spanish premier Manuel Godoy attempted to suppress Navarrese and Basque self-government altogether, with the end of the First Carlist War bringing the kingdom and its home rule to an end.
After the 1839 Convention of Bergara, a reduced version of home rule was passed in 1839. However, the 1841 Act for the Modification of Fueros made the kingdom into a province after a compromise was reached by the Spanish government with officials of the Provincial Council of Navarre; the relocation of customs from the Ebro river to the Pyrenees in 1841 prompted the collapse of Navarre’s customary cross-Pyrenean trade and the rise of smuggling. Amid instability in Spain, Carlists took over in the rest of the Basque provinces. An actual Basque state was established during the Third Carlist War with Estella as its capital, but King Alfonso XII's restoration in the throne of Spain and a counter-attack prompted the Carlist defeat; the end of the Third Carlist War saw a renewed wave of Spanish centralisation directly affecting Navarre. In 1893–1894 the Gamazada popular uprising took place centred in Pamplona against Madrid's governmental decisions breaching the 1841 chartered provisions. Except for a small faction, all parties in Navarre agreed on the need for a new political framework based on home rule within the Laurak Bat, the Basque districts in Spain.
Among these, the Carlists stood out, who politically dominated the province, resented an increased string of rulings and laws passed by Madrid, as well as left leaning influences. Unlike Biscay or Gipuzkoa, Navarre did not develop manufacturing during this period, remaining a rural economy. In 1932, a Basque Country's separate statute failed to take off over disagreements on the centrality of Catholicism, a scene of political radicalisation ensued dividing the leftist and rightist forces during the 2nd