Anarchism is an anti-authoritarian political philosophy that advocates self-governed societies based on voluntary, cooperative institutions and the rejection of hierarchies those societies view as unjust. These institutions are described as stateless societies, although several authors have defined them more as distinct institutions based on non-hierarchical or free associations. Anarchism holds the state to be undesirable and harmful. Anarchism is considered a far-left ideology and much of its economics and legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian interpretations of communism, syndicalism, mutualism, or participatory economics; as anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular worldview, many anarchist types and traditions exist and varieties of anarchy diverge widely. Anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism. Strains of anarchism have been divided into the categories of social and individualist anarchism, or similar dual classifications.
The etymological origin of anarchism derives from ancient Greek word anarkhia. Anarkhia meant "without a ruler" as it was composed by the word arkhos; the suffix -ism is used to denote the ideological current that favours anarchism. The first known use of this word was in 1642. Various factions within the French Revolution labelled opponents as anarchists although few shared many views of anarchists. There would be many revolutionaries of the early 19th century who contributed to the anarchist doctrines of the next generation, such as William Godwin and Wilhelm Weitling, but they did not use the word anarchist or anarchism in describing themselves or their beliefs; the first political philosopher to call himself an anarchist was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, marking the formal birth of anarchism in the mid-19th century. Since the 1890s and beginning in France, the term libertarianism has been used as a synonym for anarchism and its use as a synonym is still common outside the United States. On the other hand, some use libertarianism to refer to individualistic free-market philosophy only, referring to free-market anarchism as libertarian anarchism.
While opposition to the state is central, defining anarchism is not an easy task as there is a lot of talk among scholars and anarchists on the matter and various currents perceive anarchism differently. Hence, it might be true to say that anarchism is a cluster of political philosophies opposing authority and hierarchical organization in the conduct of all human relations in favour of a society based on voluntary association and decentralisation, but this definition has its own shortcomings as the definition based on etymology, or based on anti-statism or the anti-authoritarian. Major elements of the definition of anarchism include: a) the will for a non coercive society. During the prehistoric era of mankind, an established authority did not exist, it was after the creation of towns and cities that hierarchy was invented and anarchistic ideas espoused as a reaction. Most notable examples of anarchism in the ancient world were in Greece. In China, philosophical anarchism, meaning peaceful delegitimizing of the state, was delineated by Taoist philosophers.
In Greece, anarchist attitudes were articulated by tragedians and philosophers. Aeschylus and Sophocles used the myth of Antigone to illustrate the conflict of personal autonomy with the state rules. Socrates questioned Athenian authorities and insisted to the right of individual freedom of consciousness. Cynics associated authorities while trying to live according to nature. Stoics were supportive of a society based on unofficial and friendly relations among its citizens without the presence of a state. During the Middle Ages, there was no anarchistic activity except some ascetic religious movements in the Islamic world or in Christian Europe; this kind of tradition gave birth to religious anarchism. In Persia, a Zoroastrian Prophet known as Mazdak was calling for an egalitarian society and the abolition of monarchy, but he soon found himself executed by the king. In Basra, religious sects preached against the state. In Europe, various sects developed anti-state and libertarian tendencies; those currents were the precursor of religious anarchism in the centuries to come.
It was in the Renaissance and with the spread of reasoning and humanism through Europe that libertarian ideas emerged. Writers were outlining in their novels ideal societies that were based not on coercion but voluntarism; the Enlightenment further pushed towards anarchism with the optimism for social progress. The turning point towards anarchism was the French Revolution in which the anti-state and federalist sentiments began to take a form by Enragés and sans-culottes; some prominent figures of anarchism begun developing the first anarchist currents. That is the era of classical anarchism that lasted until the end of the Spanish Civil War of 1936 and was the golden age of anarchism. William Godwin espoused philosophical anarchism in England morally delegitimizing the state, Max Stirner's thinking paved the way to individualism and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's theory of mutualism found fertile soil in France. Michael Bakunin took mutualism and extended
Anarcho-syndicalism is a theory of anarchism that views revolutionary industrial unionism or syndicalism as a method for workers in capitalist society to gain control of an economy and thus control influence in broader society. Syndicalists consider their economic theories a strategy for facilitating worker self-activity and as an alternative co-operative economic system with democratic values and production centered on meeting human needs; the basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are solidarity, direct action and direct democracy, or workers' self-management. The end goal of syndicalism is to abolish the wage system. Anarcho-syndicalist theory therefore focuses on the labour movement. Anarcho-syndicalists view the primary purpose of the state as being the defense of private property, therefore of economic and political privilege, denying most of its citizens the ability to enjoy material independence and the social autonomy that springs from it. Reflecting the anarchist philosophy from which it draws its primary inspiration, anarcho-syndicalism is centred on the idea that power corrupts and that any hierarchy that cannot be ethically justified must either be dismantled or replaced by decentralized egalitarian control.
Hubert Lagardelle wrote that Pierre-Joseph Proudhon laid out fundamental ideas of anarcho-syndicalism and repudiated both capitalism and the state in the process since he viewed free economic groups and struggle, not pacifism, as dominant in humans. In September 1903 and March 1904, Sam Mainwaring published in Britain two issues of a short-lived newspaper called The General Strike, a publication that made detailed criticisms of the "officialism" of union bureaucracy and publicized strikes in Europe making use of syndicalist tactics. In 1910, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo was founded in the middle of the restoration in Barcelona in a congress of the Catalan trade union Solidaridad Obrera with the objective of constituting an opposing force to the then-majority trade union, the socialist UGT and "to speed up the economic emancipation of the working class through the revolutionary expropriation of the bourgeoisie"; the CNT started small, counting 26,571 members represented through several trade unions and other confederations.
In 1911, coinciding with its first congress, the CNT initiated a general strike that provoked a Barcelona judge to declare the union illegal until 1914. That same year of 1911, the trade union received its name. From 1918 on, the CNT grew stronger and had an outstanding role in the events of the La Canadiense general strike, which paralyzed 70% of industry in Catalonia in 1919, the year the CNT reached a membership of 700,000. Around that time, panic spread among employers, giving rise to the practice of pistolerismo, causing a spiral of violence that affected the trade union; these pistoleros are credited with killing 21 union leaders in 48 hours. In 1922, the International Workers' Association was founded in Berlin and the CNT joined but with the rise of Miguel Primo de Rivera's dictatorship the labor union was outlawed once again the following year. However, with the workers' movement resurgent following the Russian Revolution, what was to become the modern IWA was formed, billing itself as the "true heir" of the original International.
The successful Bolshevik-led revolution of 1918 in Russia was mirrored by a wave of syndicalist successes worldwide, including the struggle of the Industrial Workers of the World in the United States alongside the creation of mass anarchist unions across Latin America and huge syndicalist-led strikes in Germany, Spain and France, where it was noted that "neutral syndicalism had been swept away". The final formation of this new International known as the International Workingmen's Association, took place at an illegal conference in Berlin in December 1922, marking an irrevocable break between the international syndicalist movement and the Bolsheviks; the Italian Syndicalist Union: 500,000 members The Argentine Workers Regional Organisation: 200,000 The General Confederation of Workers in Portugal: 150,000 The Free Workers' Union of Germany: 120,000 The Committee for the Defense of Revolutionary Syndicalism in France: 100,000 The Federation du Combattant from Paris: 32,000 The Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden: 32,000 The National Labor Secretariat of the Netherlands: 22,500 The Industrial Workers of the World in Chile: 20,000 The Union for Syndicalist Propaganda in Denmark: 600The first secretaries of the International included the famed writer and activist Rudolph Rocker, along with Augustin Souchy and Alexander Schapiro.
Following the first congress, other groups affiliated from France, Denmark, Switzerland, Bulgaria and Romania. A bloc of unions in the United States, Peru, Guatemala, Costa Rica and El Salvador shared the IWA's statutes; the biggest syndicalist union in the United States was the IWW and considered joining, but ruled out affiliation in 1936 by citing the IWA's policies on religious and political affiliation. Although not anarcho-syndicalist, the IWW were informed by developments in the broader revolutionary syndicalist milieu at the turn of the 20th century. At its founding congress in 1905, influential members with strong anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist sympathies like Thomas J. Hagerty, William Trautmann and Lucy Parsons contributed to the union's overall revolutionary syndicalist orientation. Although
Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary anarchist doctrine that advocates the abolition of both the state and private ownership of the means of production as it instead envisions the means of production being owned collectively and controlled and managed by the producers themselves. For the collectivization of the means of production, it was envisaged that workers will revolt and forcibly collectivize the means of production. Once collectivization takes place, money would be abolished to be replaced with labour notes and workers' salaries would be determined in democratic organizations of voluntary membership based on job difficulty and the amount of time they contributed to production; these salaries would be used to purchase goods in a communal market. This contrasts with anarcho-communism, where wages would be abolished and where individuals would take from a storehouse of goods "to each according to his need". Notwithstanding the title, Mikhail Bakunin's collectivist anarchism is seen as a blend of individualism and collectivism.
Collectivist anarchism is most associated with Bakunin, the anti-authoritarian sections of the International Workingmen's Association and the early Spanish anarchist movement. Giuseppe Fanelli met Bakunin at Ischia in 1866. In October 1868, Bakunin sponsored Fanelli to travel to Barcelona to share his libertarian visions and recruit revolutionists to the International. Fanelli's trip and the meeting he organised during his travels provided the catalyst for the Spanish exiles, the largest workers' and peasants' movement in modern Spain and the largest anarchist movement in modern Europe. Fanelli's tour took him first to Barcelona, where he stayed with Elie Recluse. Recluse and Fanelli were at odds over Recluse's friendships with Spanish republicans and Fanelli soon left Barcelona for Madrid. Fanelli stayed in Madrid until the end of January 1869, conducting meetings to introduce Spanish workers, including Anselmo Lorenzo, to the First National. In February 1869, Fanelli left journeying home via Barcelona.
While there, he met with painter Josep Lluís Pellicer and his cousin Rafael Farga i Pellicer along with others who were to play an important role establishing the International in Barcelona as well as the Alliance section. In 1870, Bakunin led a failed uprising in Lyon on the principles exemplified by the Paris Commune, calling for a general uprising in response to the collapse of the French government during the Franco-Prussian War, seeking to transform an imperialist conflict into social revolution, or what Vladimir Lenin termed revolutionary defeatism. In his Letters to A Frenchman on the Present Crisis, Bakunin argued for a revolutionary alliance between the working class and the peasantry, advocated a system of militias with elected officers as part of a system of self-governing communes and workplaces and argued the time was ripe for revolutionary action, saying that "we must spread our principles, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, the most irresistible form of propaganda.
These ideas and corresponded strikingly with the program of the Paris Commune in 1871, much of, developed by followers of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon as Marxists were entirely absent from the Commune. Bakunin was a strong supporter of the Paris Commune, brutally suppressed by the French government, he saw the Paris Commune as above all a "rebellion against the State" and commended the Communards for rejecting not only the state, but revolutionary dictatorship. In a series of powerful pamphlets, he defended the Paris Commune and the International against the Italian nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini, thereby winning over many Italian republicans to the International and the cause of revolutionary socialism; the collectivist anarchists at first used the term collectivism to distinguish themselves from the mutualism of the followers of Proudhon and the state socialists associated with Karl Marx. In his 1867 essay "Federalism and Anti-Theologism", Bakunin wrote that "we shall always protest against anything that may in any way resemble communism or state socialism", which Bakunin regarded as fundamentally authoritarian.
Bakunin's disagreements with Marx which led to the attempt by the Marx party to expel him at the Hague Congress in 1872 illustrated the growing divergence between the anti-authoritarian sections of the International, which advocated the direct revolutionary action and organization of the workers and peasants in order to abolish the state and capitalism. Bakunin was "Marx's flamboyant chief opponent" and "presciently warned against the emergence of a communist authoritarianism that would take power over working people"; the anti-authoritarian majority which included most sections of the International created their own International at the St. Imier Congress, adopted a revolutionary anarchist program and repudiated the Hague resolutions, rescinding Bakunin's alleged expulsion. Although Bakunin accepted elements of Marx's class analysis and theories regarding capitalism, acknowledging "Marx's genius", he thought Marx's analysis was one-sided and that Marx's methods would compromise the social revolution.
More Bakunin criticized authoritarian socialism which he associated with Marxism and the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat which he adamantly refused. Indeed, Bakunin's maxim was that "f you took the most ardent revolutionary, vested him in absolute power, within a year he would be worse than the Tsar himself; the anti-authoritarian sections of the International proclaimed at the St. Imier Congress that "the aspirations of the proletariat can have no purpose o
Magonism is an anarchist, or more anarcho-communist, school of thought precursor of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. It is based on the ideas of Ricardo Flores Magón, his brothers Enrique and Jesús, other collaborators of the Mexican newspaper Regeneración, as Práxedis Guerrero, Librado Rivera and Anselmo L. Figueroa; the Mexican government and the press of the early 20th century called as magonistas people and groups who shared the ideas of the Flores Magón brothers, who inspired the overthrow of the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz and performed an economic and political revolution. The fight against tyranny encouraged by the Flores Magón contravened official discourse of Porfirian Peace by which the protesters were rated as the Revoltosos Magonistas to isolate any social basis and preserve the image of peace and progress imposed by force. Both of Flores Magón's brothers, like other members of the Mexican Liberal Party, used the term magonista to refer to the libertarian movement that promoted.
The same Ricardo Flores Magón affirmed: Liberal Party members are not magonistas, they are anarchists!. In his literary work Verdugos y Víctimas, one of the characters responds indignantly when he was arrested and judged: I'm not a magonist, I am an anarchist. An anarchist has no idols. Magonist thinking was influenced by anarchist philosophers such as Mikhail Bakunin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, others such as Élisée Reclus, Charles Malato, Errico Malatesta, Anselmo Lorenzo, Emma Goldman, Fernando Tarrida del Mármol and Max Stirner, they were influenced by the works of Marx and Ibsen. However, the most influential works were the ones of Peter Kropotkin The Conquest of Bread and Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution, at the same time they were influenced by the Mexican liberal tradition of the 19th century and the self-government system of the indigenous people. Indigenous peoples, since the Spanish conquest of Mexico, searched to preserve the practice of direct democracy, decision-making in assembly, rotation of administrative charges, the defense of communal property, mutual aid as the community exploitation and rational use of natural resources, shared anarchist principles raised by the magonists.
The direct influence of indigenous thought in magonism were the teachings of Teodoro Flores, mestizo Nahua, father of the Flores Magón brothers, the coexistence of other members of the PLM with indigenous groups during periods of organization and insurrection of PLM, between 1905 and 1910, such as the Popoluca in Veracruz, the Yaqui and Mayo in Sonora, the Cocopah in Baja California. Fernando Palomares, a Mayo indigenous, was one of the most active members of the Liberal Party who took part in the Cananea strike and libertarian campaign of 1911 in Mexicali and Tijuana. After the end of the armed phase of Mexican Revolution, after the death of Ricardo Flores Magón in 1922, began the rescue of magonist thought due to trade unionists in Mexico and the United States. In the post-revolutionary Mexico, the figures of Flores Magón brothers was recollected by governments, considering them precursors of the revolution. Both the insurrection of 1910 as social rights enshrined in the Mexican Constitution of 1917 was due to the magonistas, which since 1906 took up arms and drafted an economic and social program.
However, although the demands that led to the revolution in theory were resolved in the Constitution and in the speeches of the revolutionary governments, there was no significant change in the lives of the most vulnerable populations. The magonistas considered not fighting to change the administrators of the state, but to abolish them. For this reason, the survived magonistas continued to spread anarchist propaganda. Librado Rivera was persecuted and imprisoned during the government of Plutarco Elías Calles and Enrique Flores Magón, who believed that the Mexican social revolution is not yet over, could enjoy security until the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas; the Mexican Anarchist Federation, founded in 1941 and active for about 40 years, edited the newspaper Regeneración and spread Magonist thought. In the 1980s Magonism survived among some youth anarcho-punk groups; the Biblioteca Social Reconstruir, founded in 1980 by the Spanish anarchist in exile Ricardo Mestre and located in Mexico City, was a library where to find anarchist literature and works on Ricardo Flores Magón or copies of Regeneración.
In 1994, when the Zapatista Army of National Liberation took up arms in Chiapas, claimed the ideas of the Flores Magón brothers. In 1997, indigenous organizations, social groups of libertarians and municipal councils of the state of Oaxaca, declared the "Citizen Year of Ricardo Flores Magón" from 21 November to 16 September 1998. In August 2000, driven by indigenous organizations in the State of Oaxaca and libertarian groups in Mexico City, the Magonistas Days were held for the 100 years of the founding of the newspaper Regeneración. In the popular uprising of Oaxaca of 2006, took part organizations and youth groups influenced by anarchist magonistas ideals. Rubén Trejo: Magonismo: utopía y revolución, 1910–1913. 2005, Cultura Libre – ISBN 970-9815-00-8 M. Ballesteros, J. C. Beas, B. Maldonado: Magonismo y Movimiento Indígena en México. 2003, Ce-Acatl AC An overview about the magonism Ricardo Flores Magón Archive
Participatory politics or parpolity is a theoretical political system proposed by Stephen Shalom, professor of political science at William Paterson University in New Jersey. It was developed as a political vision to accompany participatory economics. Both parecon and parpolity together make up the libertarian socialist ideology of participism. Shalom has stated that parpolity is meant as a long-range vision of where the social justice movement might want to end up within the field of politics; the values on which parpolity is based are freedom, self-management, justice and tolerance. The goal, according to Shalom, is to create a political system that will allow people to participate as much as possible in a face-to-face manner; the proposed decision-making principle is that every person should have say in a decision proportionate to the degree to which she or he is affected by that decision. The vision is critical of aspects of modern representative democracies arguing that the level of political control by the people is not sufficient.
To address this problem parpolity suggests a system of Nested Councils, which would include every adult member of a given society. In a parpolity, there would be local councils of voting citizens consisting of 25–50 members; these local councils would be able to pass any law. No higher council would be able to override the decisions of a lower council, only a council court would be able to challenge a local law on human rights grounds; the councils would be based on consensus, though majority votes are allowed when issues cannot be agreed upon. Each local council would send a delegate to a higher level council, until that council fills with 25–50 members; these second level councils would pass laws on matters that affect the 200,000 to 750,000 citizens that it represents. A delegate to a higher level council is bound to communicate the views of their sending council, but is not bound to vote as the sending council might wish. Otherwise, Shalom points out that there is no point in having nested councils, everyone might as well vote on everything.
A delegate is recallable at any time by their sending council. Rotation of delegates would be mandatory, delegates would be required to return to their sending councils frequently; the second level council sends a delegate to a third level council, the third level councils send delegates to a fourth level and so on until all citizens are represented. Five levels with 50 people on every council would represent 312,500,000 voters. However, the actual number of people represented would be higher, given that young children would not be voting. Thus, with a further sixth level nested council, the entire human population could be represented; this would not however be equatable to a global world state, but rather would involve the dissolution of all existing nation-states and their replacement with a worldwide confederal "coordinating body" made of delegates recallable by the nested council below them. Lower level councils have the opportunity to hold referenda at any time to challenge the decisions of a higher level council.
This would theoretically be an easy procedure, as when a threshold of lower level councils call for a referendum, one would be held. Shalom points out that sending every issue to lower level councils is a waste of time, as it is equivalent to referendum democracy. There would be staff employed to help manage council affairs, their duties would include minute taking and researching issues for the council. These council staff would work in a balanced job complex defined by a participatory economy. Shalom suggests that a council court be formed of 41 randomly chosen citizens that have two-year terms. Shalom claims that the number 41 ensures a broad range of opinions, although he says that this number is just a suggestion and it could be lower or higher as long as it was big enough for a diversity of opinion but small enough for discussion and debate; this court would be a check against the tyranny of the majority. It would rule on laws passed and would be able to veto them if the court deemed them contrary to human rights.
Shalom argues the council court should be unelected, as elected members could hold the biases of an oppressive majority. The two-year terms of the council would be staggered: As 21 reached the one-year midpoint of their term, the other 20 would reach the end of their two-year term and be replaced by a new group of 20. A year when that new group of 20 reached the midpoint of their term, the older group of 21 would reach the end of their term, to be replaced by a new group of 21, it is not clear how the court would operate, i.e. by consensus. The council court would have the right to rule on which council, economic or political, has a right to vote on a given issue. A dispute between councils would be resolved by this court, for instance if a minority population insists that its vote should count for more than the larger population, as the majority wants to cause environmental damage to a lake that the minority lives near; the council court would be responsible for evaluating this claim, many different possible rulings could be given.
The guiding principle would be. Regular criminal courts would remain the same, though there might be more juries. Shalom argues that police will be necessary in a participatory society, as you cannot expect crime to disappear in a good society. Police work is a specialized occupation, demanding spec
Mutualism (economic theory)
Mutualism is an economic theory and anarchist school of thought that advocates a society with free markets and occupation and use property norms. One implementation of this scheme involves the establishment of a mutual-credit bank that would lend to producers at a minimal interest rate, just high enough to cover administration. Mutualism is based on a version of the labor theory of value holding that when labor or its product is sold, in exchange it ought to receive goods or services embodying "the amount of labor necessary to produce an article of similar and equal utility". Mutualism originated from the writings of philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Mutualists disagree with the idea of individuals receiving an income through loans and rent as they believe these individuals are not laboring. Though Proudhon opposed this type of income, he expressed that he had never intended "to forbid or suppress, by sovereign decree, ground rent and interest on capital. I think that all these manifestations of human activity should remain free and voluntary for all: I ask for them no modifications, restrictions or suppressions, other than those which result and of necessity from the universalization of the principle of reciprocity which I propose".
Insofar as they ensure the worker's right to the full product of their labor, mutualists support markets and property in the product of labor. However, they argue for conditional titles to land, whose ownership is legitimate only so long as it remains in use or occupation, thus advocating personal property, but not private property. Although mutualism is similar to the economic doctrines of the 19th-century American individualist anarchists, unlike them mutualism is in favor of large industries. Therefore, mutualism has been retrospectively characterized sometimes as being a form of individualist anarchism and as ideologically situated between individualist and collectivist forms of anarchism as well. Proudhon himself described the "liberty" he pursued as "the synthesis of communism and property"; some consider Proudhon to be an individualist anarchist while others regard him to be a social anarchist. Mutualists have distinguished mutualism from state socialism and do not advocate state control over the means of production.
Benjamin Tucker said of Proudhon that "though opposed to socializing the ownership of capital, aimed to socialize its effects by making its use beneficial to all instead of a means of impoverishing the many to enrich the few by subjecting capital to the natural law of competition, thus bringing the price of its own use down to cost". As a term, mutualism has seen a variety of related uses. Charles Fourier first used the French term mutualisme in 1822, although the reference was not to an economic system; the first use of the noun mutualist was in the New-Harmony Gazette by an American Owenite in 1826. In the early 1830s, a French labor organization in Lyons called themselves the Mutuellists. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was involved with the Lyons mutualists and adopted the name to describe his own teachings. In What Is Mutualism?, Clarence Lee Swartz gives his own account of the origin of the term, claiming that "he word "mutualism" seems to have been first used by John Gray, an English writer, in 1832".
When Gray's 1825 Lecture on Human Happiness was first published in the United States in 1826, the publishers appended the Preamble and Constitution of the Friendly Association for Mutual Interests, Located at Valley Forge. 1826 saw the publication of the Constitution of the Friendly Association for Mutual Interests at Kendal, Ohio. By 1846, Proudhon was speaking of mutualité in his writings and he used the term mutuellisme at least as early as 1848 in his "Programme Révolutionnaire". In 1850, William B. Greene used the term mutualism to describe a mutual credit system similar to that of Proudhon. In 1850, the American newspaper The Spirit of the Age, edited by William Henry Channing, published proposals for a "mutualist township" by Joshua King Ingalls and Albert Brisbane, together with works by Proudhon, William B. Greene, Pierre Leroux and others. Proudhon ran for the French Constituent Assembly in April 1848, but was not elected, although his name appeared on the ballots in Paris, Besançon and Lille.
He was successful in the complementary elections of June 4 and served as a deputy during the debates over the National Workshops, created by the 25 February 1848 decree passed by Republican Louis Blanc. The workshops were to give work to the unemployed. Proudhon was never enthusiastic about such workshops, perceiving them to be charitable institutions that did not resolve the problems of the economic system, he was against their elimination unless an alternative could be found for the workers who relied on the workshops for subsistence. Proudhon was surprised by the French Revolution of 1848, he participated in the February uprising and the composition of what he termed "the first republican proclamation" of the new republic. However, he had misgivings about the new provisional government headed by Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure, who since the French Revolution in 1789 had been a longstanding politician, although in the opposition. Proudhon published his own perspective for reform, completed in 1849, Solution du problème social, in which he laid out a program of mutual financial cooperation among workers.
He believed this would transfer control of economic relations from capitalists and financiers to workers. The central part of his plan was the establishment of a bank to provide credit at a low rate of interest and the issuing of exchange notes that would circulate instead of money based on gold. Mutualism has been associated with two
Green anarchism is a school of thought within anarchism which puts a particular emphasis on environmental issues. A green anarchist theory is one that extends anarchist ideology beyond a critique of human interactions, includes a critique of the interactions between humans and non-humans as well; this culminates in an anarchist revolutionary praxis, not dedicated to human liberation, but to some form of nonhuman liberation, that aims to bring about an environmentally sustainable anarchist society. Important early influences were Leo Tolstoy and Élisée Reclus. In the late 19th century there emerged anarcho-naturism as the fusion of anarchism and naturist philosophies within individualist anarchist circles in France, Spain and Portugal. Important contemporary currents include anarcho-primitivism, which offers a critique of technology and argues that anarchism is best suited to uncivilised ways of life, Green syndicalism, a Green anarcho-socialist political stance made up of anarcho-syndicalist views, veganarchism: which argues that human liberation and animal liberation are inseparable.
Anarchism started to have an ecological view in the writings of American anarchist and transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau. In his book Walden he advocates simple living and self-sufficiency among natural surroundings in resistance to the advancement of industrial civilization; the work is part personal declaration of independence, social experiment, voyage of spiritual discovery and manual for self-reliance. First published in 1854, it details Thoreau's experiences over the course of two years, two months, two days in a cabin he built near Walden Pond, amidst woodland owned by his friend and mentor Ralph Waldo Emerson, near Concord, Massachusetts; the book compresses the time into a single calendar year and uses passages of four seasons to symbolize human development. By immersing himself in nature, Thoreau hoped to gain a more objective understanding of society through personal introspection. Simple living and self-sufficiency were Thoreau's other goals, the whole project was inspired by transcendentalist philosophy, a central theme of the American Romantic Period.
As Thoreau made clear in his book, his cabin was not in wilderness but at the edge of town, about two miles from his family home. As such "Many have seen in Thoreau one of the precursors of ecologism and anarcho-primitivism represented today in John Zerzan. For George Woodcock this attitude can be motivated by certain idea of resistance to progress and of rejection of the growing materialism, the nature of American society in the mid 19th century." John Zerzan himself included the text "Excursions" by Thoreau in his edited compilation of writings called Against civilization: Readings and reflections from 1999. Élisée Reclus known as Jacques Élisée Reclus, was a renowned French geographer and anarchist. He produced his 19-volume masterwork La Nouvelle Géographie universelle, la terre et les hommes, over a period of nearly 20 years. In 1892, he was awarded the prestigious Gold Medal of the Paris Geographical Society for this work, despite his having been banished from France because of his political activism.
According to Kirkpatrick Sale: His geographical work researched and unflinchingly scientific, laid out a picture of human-nature interaction that we today would call bioregionalism. It showed, with more detail than anyone but a dedicated geographer could absorb, how the ecology of a place determined the kinds of lives and livelihoods its denizens would have and thus how people could properly live in self-regarding and self-determined bioregions without the interference of large and centralized governments that always try to homogenize diverse geographical areas. For the authors of An Anarchist FAQ Reclus "argued that a "secret harmony exists between the earth and the people whom it nourishes, when imprudent societies let themselves violate this harmony, they always end up regretting it." No contemporary ecologist would disagree with his comments that the "truly civilised man understands that his nature is bound up with the interest of all and with that of nature. He repairs the damage caused by his predecessors and works to improve his domain."Reclus advocated nature conservation and opposed meat-eating and cruelty to animals.
He was a vegetarian. As a result, his ideas are seen by some historians as anticipating the modern social ecology and animal rights movements. Shortly before his death, Reclus completed L'Homme et la terre. In it, he added to his previous greater works by considering humanity's development relative to its geographical environment. Reclus was an early proponent of naturism. In the late 19th century Anarchist naturism appeared as the union of anarchist and naturist philosophies, it had importance within individualist anarchist circles in Spain, France and Cuba. Anarcho-naturism advocated vegetarianism, free love, nudism and an ecological world view within anarchist groups and outside them. Anarcho-naturism promoted an ecological worldview, small ecovillages, most prominently nudism as a way to avoid the artificiality of the industrial mass society of modernity. Naturist individualist anarchists saw the individual in his biological and psychological aspects and tried to eliminate social determinations.
Important promoters of this were Henri Zisly and Emile Gravelle who collaborated in La Nouvelle Humanité fo