Phonology is a branch of linguistics concerned with the systematic organization of sounds in spoken languages and signs in sign languages. It used to be only the study of the systems of phonemes in spoken languages, but it may cover any linguistic analysis either at a level beneath the word or at all levels of language where sound or signs are structured to convey linguistic meaning. Sign languages have a phonological system equivalent to the system of sounds in spoken languages; the building blocks of signs are specifications for movement and handshape. The word'phonology' can refer to the phonological system of a given language; this is one of the fundamental systems which a language is considered to comprise, like its syntax and its vocabulary. Phonology is distinguished from phonetics. While phonetics concerns the physical production, acoustic transmission and perception of the sounds of speech, phonology describes the way sounds function within a given language or across languages to encode meaning.
For many linguists, phonetics belongs to descriptive linguistics, phonology to theoretical linguistics, although establishing the phonological system of a language is an application of theoretical principles to analysis of phonetic evidence. Note that this distinction was not always made before the development of the modern concept of the phoneme in the mid 20th century; some subfields of modern phonology have a crossover with phonetics in descriptive disciplines such as psycholinguistics and speech perception, resulting in specific areas like articulatory phonology or laboratory phonology. The word phonology comes from phōnḗ, "voice, sound," and the suffix - logy. Definitions of the term vary. Nikolai Trubetzkoy in Grundzüge der Phonologie defines phonology as "the study of sound pertaining to the system of language," as opposed to phonetics, "the study of sound pertaining to the act of speech". More Lass writes that phonology refers broadly to the subdiscipline of linguistics concerned with the sounds of language, while in more narrow terms, "phonology proper is concerned with the function and organization of sounds as linguistic items."
According to Clark et al. it means the systematic use of sound to encode meaning in any spoken human language, or the field of linguistics studying this use. Early evidence for a systematic study of the sounds in a language appears in the 4th century BCE Ashtadhyayi, a Sanskrit grammar composed by Pāṇini. In particular the Shiva Sutras, an auxiliary text to the Ashtadhyayi, introduces what may be considered a list of the phonemes of the Sanskrit language, with a notational system for them, used throughout the main text, which deals with matters of morphology and semantics; the study of phonology as it exists today is defined by the formative studies of the 19th-century Polish scholar Jan Baudouin de Courtenay, who shaped the modern usage of the term phoneme in a series of lectures in 1876-1877. The word phoneme had been coined a few years earlier in 1873 by the French linguist A. Dufriche-Desgenettes. In a paper read at the 24th of May meeting of the Société de Linguistique de Paris, Dufriche-Desgenettes proposed that phoneme serve as a one-word equivalent for the German Sprachlaut.
Baudouin de Courtenay's subsequent work, though unacknowledged, is considered to be the starting point of modern phonology. He worked on the theory of phonetic alternations, may have had an influence on the work of Saussure according to E. F. K. Koerner. An influential school of phonology in the interwar period was the Prague school. One of its leading members was Prince Nikolai Trubetzkoy, whose Grundzüge der Phonologie, published posthumously in 1939, is among the most important works in the field from this period. Directly influenced by Baudouin de Courtenay, Trubetzkoy is considered the founder of morphophonology, although this concept had been recognized by de Courtenay. Trubetzkoy developed the concept of the archiphoneme. Another important figure in the Prague school was Roman Jakobson, one of the most prominent linguists of the 20th century. In 1968 Noam Chomsky and Morris Halle published The Sound Pattern of English, the basis for generative phonology. In this view, phonological representations are sequences of segments made up of distinctive features.
These features were an expansion of earlier work by Roman Jakobson, Gunnar Fant, Morris Halle. The features describe aspects of articulation and perception, are from a universally fixed set, have the binary values + or −. There are at least two levels of representation: underlying representation and surface phonetic representation. Ordered phonological rules govern how underlying representation is transformed into the actual pronunciation. An important consequence of the influence SPE had on phonological theory was the downplaying of the syllable and the emphasis on segments. Furthermore, the generativists folded morphophonology into phonology, which both solved and created problems. Natural phonology is a theory based on the publications of its proponent David Stampe in 1969 and in 1979. In this view, phonology is based on a set of universal phonological p
Ceuta is an 18.5 km2 Spanish autonomous city on the north coast of Africa, separated by 14 km from Cadiz province on the Spanish mainland by the Strait of Gibraltar and sharing a 6.4 km land border with M'diq-Fnideq Prefecture in the Kingdom of Morocco. It lies along the boundary between the Mediterranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean and is one of nine populated Spanish territories in Africa and, along with Melilla, one of two populated territories on mainland Africa, it was part of Cádiz province until 14 March 1995 when both Ceuta and Melilla's Statutes of Autonomy were passed, the latter having been part of Málaga province. Ceuta, like the Canary Islands, was a free port before Spain joined the European Union; as of 2011, it has a population of 82,376. Its population consists of Christians and small minorities of Sephardic Jews and ethnic Sindhi Hindus. Spanish is the official language, while Darija Arabic is spoken by 40–50% of the population, of Moroccan origin; the name Abyla has been said to have been a Punic name for Jebel Musa, the southern Pillar of Hercules.
In fact, it seems that the name of the mountain was Habenna or ʾAbin-ḥīq, in reference to the nearby Bay of Benzú. The name was hellenized variously as Ápini, Abýla, Abýlē, Ablýx, Abílē Stḗlē and in Latin as Mount Abyla or the Pillar of Abyla; the settlement below Jebel Musa was renamed for the seven hills around the site, collectively referred to as the "Seven Brothers". In particular, the Roman stronghold at the site took the name "Fort at the Seven Brothers"; this was shortened to Septem or Septum or Septa. These clipped forms continued as Berber Sebta and Arabic Sebtan or Sabtah, which themselves became Ceuta in Portuguese and Spanish. Controlling access between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, the Strait of Gibraltar is an important military and commercial chokepoint; the Phoenicians realized the narrow isthmus joining the Peninsula of Almina to the African mainland makes Ceuta eminently defensible and established an outpost there in the early 1st millennium BC. The Greek geographers record it by variations of "Abyla", the ancient name of nearby Jebel Musa.
Beside Calpe, the other Pillar of Hercules now known as the Rock of Gibraltar, the Phoenicians established Kart at what is now San Roque, Spain. Other good anchorages nearby became Phoenician and Carthaginian ports at what are now Tangiers and Cadiz. After Carthage's destruction in the Punic Wars, most of northwest Africa was left to the Roman client states of Numidia and—around Abyla—Mauretania. Punic culture continued to thrive in what the Romans knew as "Septem". After Thapsus and his heirs began annexing north Africa directly as Roman provinces but, as late as Augustus, most of Septem's Berber residents continued to speak and write in Punic. Caligula assassinated the Mauretanian king Ptolemy in AD 40 and seized his kingdom, which Claudius organized in 42, placing Septem in the province of Tingitana and raising it to the level of a colony, it subsequently romanized and thrived into the late 3rd century, trading with Roman Spain and becoming well known for its salted fish. Roads connected it overland with Volubilis.
Under Theodosius I in the late 4th century, Septem still had 10,000 inhabitants, nearly all Christian citizens speaking Latin and African Romance. Vandals invited by Count Boniface as protection against the empress dowager, crossed the strait near Tingis around 425 and swiftly overran Roman North Africa, their king Gaiseric focused his attention on the rich lands around Carthage. When Justinian decided to reconquer the Vandal lands, his victorious general Belisarius continued along the coast, making Septem an outpost of the Byzantine Empire around 533. Unlike the Roman administration, the Byzantines did not push far into hinterland and made the more defensible Septem their regional capital in place of Tingis. Epidemics, less capable successors, overstretched supply lines forced a retrenchment and left Septem isolated, it is that its count was obliged to pay homage to the Visigoth Kingdom in Spain in the early 7th century. There are no reliable contemporary accounts of the end of the Islamic conquest of the Maghreb around 710.
Instead, the rapid Muslim conquest of Spain produced romances concerning Count Julian of Septem and his betrayal of Christendom in revenge for the dishonor that befell his daughter at King Roderick's court. With Julian's encouragement and instructions, the Berber convert and freedman Tariq ibn Ziyad took his garrison from Tangiers across the strait and overran the Spanish so swiftly that both he and his master Musa bin Nusayr fell afoul of a jealous caliph, who stripped them of their wealth and titles. After the death of Julian, sometimes described as a king of the Ghomara Berbers, Berber converts to Islam took direct control of what they called Sebta, it was destroyed during their great revolt against the Umayyad Caliphate around 740. Sebta subsequently remained a small village of Muslims and Christians surrounded by ruins until its resettlement in the 9th century by Mâjakas, chief of the Majkasa Berber tribe, who started the short-lived Banu Isam dy
Yeísmo is a distinctive feature of certain languages, many dialects of the Spanish language in particular. This feature is characterized by the loss of the traditional palatal lateral approximant phoneme /ʎ/ and its merger into the phoneme /ʝ/ realized as a palatal approximant or affricate, it is an example of delateralization. In other words, ⟨ ll ⟩ and ⟨ y ⟩ represent the same sound / ʝ /; the term yeísmo comes from the Spanish name of the letter ⟨y⟩. Now, over 90% of Spanish dialects exhibit this phonemic merger. Similar mergers exist in other languages, such as Italian, Catalan, Portuguese or Galician, with different social considerations; the term lleísmo has been used to refer to the maintenance of the phonemic distinction between /ʝ/ and /ʎ/. Most dialects that merge the two sounds represented by ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨y⟩ realize the remaining sound as a voiced palatal fricative, similar to the ⟨y⟩ in English your, but it sometimes sounds like ⟨j⟩ in English jar after /n/ or /l/ or at the beginning of a word.
For example, relleno is pronounced and conllevar is pronounced or. In most of Argentina and Uruguay, the merged sound is pronounced as a sibilant. In Buenos Aires, the sound has been devoiced to among younger speakers. Note that the same shift from to to occurred in the development of Old Spanish. Yeísmo has always been common in much of Latin America in lowlands, in large areas in Spain; the highlands of Colombia are shifting to yeísmo with older people being the only keeping the distinction, lost in people born in the 1980s onwards. The distinction between /ʝ/ and /ʎ/ remains in the Philippines, Ecuadoran highlands, Andean Peru, Paraguay and the northeastern portions of Argentina that border with Paraguay; the distinction is more common in areas with a common bilingualism with indigenous languages, such as Aymara and Guaraní. In Spain, most of the northern half of the country and several areas in the south used to retain the distinction, but yeísmo has spread throughout the country, the distinction is now lost in most of Spain outside areas with linguistic contact with Catalan and Basque.
Yeísmo produces homophony in a number of cases. For example, the following word pairs sound the same to speakers of dialects with yeísmo, but they would be minimal pairs in regions with lleísmo: haya ~ halla cayó ~ calló hoya ~ olla baya / vaya ~ valla The low frequency of both /ʝ/ and /ʎ/ makes confusion unlikely. However, orthographic mistakes are common. A similar process took place in the local name of the island of Mallorca as a continental Catalan hypercorrection of the earlier Maiorca. Standard Portuguese distinguishes /ʎ/, /j/ and /lj/. Many speakers merge /ʎ/ and /lj/, making olho and óleo both /ˈɔʎu/; some speakers of the Caipira dialect of Brazil, merge /ʎ/ and /j/, making telha and teia both /ˈtejɐ/. Some Caipira speakers distinguish etymological /ʎ/ and /lj/, pronouncing olho /ˈɔju/ and óleo /ˈɔʎu/. In French, historical / ʎ / turned into / j /. In Hungarian, /ʎ/ turned into /j/, but the spelling ⟨ly⟩ was preserved, hence lyuk. In Swedish, / lj / turned into / j /. History of the Spanish language List of phonetics topics Phonological history of Spanish coronal fricatives Álvarez Menéndez, Alfredo I, Hablar en español: la cortesía verbal, la pronunciación estándar del español, las formas de expresión oral, Universidad de Oviedo Coloma, German, "Valoración socioeconómica de los rasgos fonéticos dialectales de la lengua española.", Lexis, 35: 91–118 Lipski, Latin American Spanish, New York: Longman Publishing Martínez-Celdrán, Eugenio.
A Brief History of the Spanish Language. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-66683-9. Yeísmo y su desarrollo en España Lleísmo
Peninsular Spanish known as Spanish of Spain European Spanish and Iberian Spanish, sometimes inaccurately referred to as Castilian Spanish refers to the varieties of the Spanish language spoken in the Iberian Peninsula, as opposed to the Spanish spoken in the Americas and in the Canary Islands. The related term Castilian Spanish is applied to formal varieties of Spanish as spoken in Spain. According to folk tradition, the "purest" form of Peninsular Spanish is spoken in the Castilian province of Valladolid, although the concept of "pure" language has been questioned by modern linguists. In phonology, the most prominent distinguishing element of Peninsular Spanish varieties, except for the southernmost ones, is the preservation of a distinction between the phonemes /s/ and /θ/, represented with the letters ⟨s⟩ on one hand and ⟨z⟩, or ⟨c⟩ before ⟨e / i⟩, on the other; this is called distinción in Spanish, while the lack of distinction between the two is called seseo or ceceo, depending on the phonetic outcome.
On one hand, in the Spanish of the Americas and in parts of southern Spain, words spelled with ⟨z⟩, with ⟨c⟩ before ⟨e⟩ or ⟨i⟩, or with ⟨s⟩ are all pronounced with a sound similar to the English /s/. However, many Andalusian dialects and the Spanish spoken in the Canary Islands do not use distinción as a general rule, but rather use either seseo or ceceo. In morphology, the most notable distinguishing feature of Peninsular Spanish is the use of the pronoun vosotros and its corresponding verb forms for the second person plural familiar. In all other varieties of Modern Spanish, for the second person plural, the familiar and the formal are merged in ustedes, with its verb forms. Again, the use of vosotros is uncommon in the Canary Islands and only introduced in Western Andalusia. Andalusian Spanish Canarian Spanish Castilian Spanish Castrapo Castúo Linguistic features of Spanish language spoken by Catalan-speakers Murcian Spanish Constraint interaction in Spanish /s/-aspiration: three Peninsular varieties, Richard E. Morris Coda obstruents and local constraint conjunction in north-central Peninsular Spanish, Richard E. Morris Jergas de habla hispana Spanish dictionary specializing in slang and colloquial expressions, featuring all Spanish-speaking countries
In linguistics, morphology is the study of words, how they are formed, their relationship to other words in the same language. It analyzes the structure of words and parts of words, such as stems, root words and suffixes. Morphology looks at parts of speech and stress, the ways context can change a word's pronunciation and meaning. Morphology differs from morphological typology, the classification of languages based on their use of words, lexicology, the study of words and how they make up a language's vocabulary. While words, along with clitics, are accepted as being the smallest units of syntax, in most languages, if not all, many words can be related to other words by rules that collectively describe the grammar for that language. For example, English speakers recognize that the words dog and dogs are related, differentiated only by the plurality morpheme "-s", only found bound to noun phrases. Speakers of English, a fusional language, recognize these relations from their innate knowledge of English's rules of word formation.
They infer intuitively. By contrast, Classical Chinese has little morphology, using exclusively unbound morphemes and depending on word order to convey meaning; these are understood as grammars. The rules understood by a speaker reflect specific patterns or regularities in the way words are formed from smaller units in the language they are using, how those smaller units interact in speech. In this way, morphology is the branch of linguistics that studies patterns of word formation within and across languages and attempts to formulate rules that model the knowledge of the speakers of those languages. Phonological and orthographic modifications between a base word and its origin may be partial to literacy skills. Studies have indicated that the presence of modification in phonology and orthography makes morphologically complex words harder to understand and that the absence of modification between a base word and its origin makes morphologically complex words easier to understand. Morphologically complex words are easier to comprehend.
Polysynthetic languages, such as Chukchi, have words composed of many morphemes. The Chukchi word "təmeyŋəlevtpəγtərkən", for example, meaning "I have a fierce headache", is composed of eight morphemes t-ə-meyŋ-ə-levt-pəγt-ə-rkən that may be glossed; the morphology of such languages allows for each consonant and vowel to be understood as morphemes, while the grammar of the language indicates the usage and understanding of each morpheme. The discipline that deals with the sound changes occurring within morphemes is morphophonology; the history of morphological analysis dates back to the ancient Indian linguist Pāṇini, who formulated the 3,959 rules of Sanskrit morphology in the text Aṣṭādhyāyī by using a constituency grammar. The Greco-Roman grammatical tradition engaged in morphological analysis. Studies in Arabic morphology, conducted by Marāḥ al-arwāḥ and Aḥmad b. ‘alī Mas‘ūd, date back to at least 1200 CE. The linguistic term "morphology" was coined by August Schleicher in 1859; the term "word" has no well-defined meaning.
Instead, two related terms are used in morphology: word-form. A lexeme is a set of inflected word-forms, represented with the citation form in small capitals. For instance, the lexeme eat contains the word-forms eat, eats and ate. Eat and eats are thus considered. Eat and Eater, on the other hand, are different lexemes. Thus, there are three rather different notions of ‘word’. Here are examples from other languages of the failure of a single phonological word to coincide with a single morphological word form. In Latin, one way to express the concept of'NOUN-PHRASE1 and NOUN-PHRASE2' is to suffix'-que' to the second noun phrase: "apples oranges-and", as it were. An extreme level of this theoretical quandary posed by some phonological words is provided by the Kwak'wala language. In Kwak'wala, as in a great many other languages, meaning relations between nouns, including possession and "semantic case", are formulated by affixes instead of by independent "words"; the three-word English phrase, "with his club", where'with' identifies its dependent noun phrase as an instrument and'his' denotes a possession relation, would consist of two words or just one word in many languages.
Unlike most languages, Kwak'wala semantic affixes phonologically attach not to the lexeme they pertain to semantically, but to the preceding lexeme. Consider the following example:kwixʔid-i-da bəgwanəmai-χ-a q'asa-s-isi t'alwagwayu Morpheme by morpheme translation: kwixʔid-i-da = clubbed-PIVOT-DETERMINERbəgwanəma-χ-a = man-ACCUSATIVE-DETERMINERq'asa-s-is = otter-INSTRUMENTAL-3SG-POSSESSIVEt'alwagwayu = club"the man clubbed the otter with his club."That is, to the speaker of Kwak'wala, the sentence does not contain the "words"'him-the-otter' or'with-his-club' Instead, the markers -i-da, referring to "man", attaches not to the noun bəgwanəma but to the verb.
Andalusia is an autonomous community in southern Spain. It is the most populous, the second largest autonomous community in the country; the Andalusian autonomous community is recognised as a "historical nationality". The territory is divided into eight provinces: Almería, Cádiz, Córdoba, Huelva, Jaén, Málaga and Seville, its capital is the city of Seville. Andalusia is located in the south of the Iberian peninsula, in south-western Europe south of the autonomous communities of Extremadura and Castilla-La Mancha. Andalusia is the only European region with both Atlantic coastlines; the small British overseas territory of Gibraltar shares a three-quarter-mile land border with the Andalusian province of Cádiz at the eastern end of the Strait of Gibraltar. The main mountain ranges of Andalusia are the Sierra Morena and the Baetic System, consisting of the Subbaetic and Penibaetic Mountains, separated by the Intrabaetic Basin. In the north, the Sierra Morena separates Andalusia from the plains of Extremadura and Castile–La Mancha on Spain's Meseta Central.
To the south the geographic subregion of Upper Andalusia lies within the Baetic System, while Lower Andalusia is in the Baetic Depression of the valley of the Guadalquivir. The name "Andalusia" is derived from the Arabic word Al-Andalus; the toponym al-Andalus is first attested by inscriptions on coins minted in 716 by the new Muslim government of Iberia. These coins, called dinars, were inscribed in both Arabic; the etymology of the name "al-Andalus" has traditionally been derived from the name of the Vandals. Halm in 1989 derived the name from a Gothic term, *landahlauts, in 2002, Bossong suggested its derivation from a pre-Roman substrate; the region's history and culture have been influenced by the native Iberians, Carthaginians, Romans, Visigoths, Jews, Muslim Moors and the Castilian and other Christian North Iberian nationalities who reconquered and settled the area in the latter phases of the Reconquista. Andalusia has been a agricultural region, compared to the rest of Spain and the rest of Europe.
However, the growth of the community in the sectors of industry and services was above average in Spain and higher than many communities in the Eurozone. The region has a strong identity. Many cultural phenomena that are seen internationally as distinctively Spanish are or Andalusian in origin; these include flamenco and, to a lesser extent and Hispano-Moorish architectural styles, both of which are prevalent in other regions of Spain. Andalusia's hinterland is the hottest area of Europe, with cities like Córdoba and Seville averaging above 36 °C in summer high temperatures. Late evening temperatures can sometimes stay around 35 °C until close to midnight, with daytime highs of over 40 °C common. Seville has the highest average annual temperature in mainland Spain and mainland Europe followed by Almería, its present form is derived from the Arabic name for Muslim Iberia, "Al-Andalus". However, the etymology of the name "Al-Andalus" is disputed, the extent of Iberian territory encompassed by the name has changed over the centuries.
The Spanish place name Andalucía was introduced into the Spanish languages in the 13th century under the form el Andalucía. The name was adopted to refer to those territories still under Moorish rule, south of Castilla Nueva and Valencia, corresponding with the former Roman province hitherto called Baetica in Latin sources; this was a Castilianization of Al-Andalusiya, the adjectival form of the Arabic language al-Andalus, the name given by the Arabs to all of the Iberian territories under Muslim rule from 711 to 1492. The etymology of al-Andalus is itself somewhat debated, but in fact it entered the Arabic language before this area came under Muslim rule. Like the Arabic term al-Andalus, in historical contexts the Spanish term Andalucía or the English term Andalusia do not refer to the exact territory designated by these terms today; the term referred to territories under Muslim control. In the Estoria de España of Alfonso X of Castile, written in the second half of the 13th century, the term Andalucía is used with three different meanings: As a literal translation of the Arabic al-Ándalus when Arabic texts are quoted.
To designate the territories the Christians had regained by that time in the Guadalquivir valley and in the Kingdoms of Granada and Murcia. In a document from 1253, Alfonso X styled himself León y de toda Andalucía. To designate the territories the Christians had regained by that time in the Guadalquivir valley but not the Kingdom of Granada; this was the most common significance in Early modern period. From an administrative point of view, Granada remained separate for many years after the completion of the Reconquista due, above all, to its emblematic character as the last territory regained, as the seat of the important Real Chancillería de Granada, a court of last resort. Stil
Province of Almería
Almería is a province of the Autonomous Community of Andalusia, Spain. It is bordered by the provinces of Granada and the Mediterranean Sea, its capital is the homonymous city of Almería. Almería has an area of 8,774 km². With 701,688 inhabitants, its population density is 79.96/km² lower than the Spanish average. It is divided in 102 municipalities; the highest mountain range in the Province of Almería is the 50 km long Sierra de Los Filabres. Europe's driest area is part of the Cabo de Gata-Níjar Natural Park; the arid landscape and climate of the province have made it an ideal setting for Western films during the 1960s. Because of the demand for these locations, quite a number of Western towns were built near the Tabernas Desert. Films such as A Fistful of Dollars, For a Few Dollars More, The Good, The Bad, The Ugly were shot here. Years the film of 800 Bullets was filmed in the same place. Large sections of Conan the Barbarian, Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade, Lawrence of Arabia and Patton were shot there as well.
The main river is the Andarax River, located near Granada in the Alpujarras. The Beninar Reservoir, located near Darrical, provides part of the water needed in the production in greenhouses. Interesting and unique species of animals native to the Alto Almanzora are in the process of extinction; the most important economic activity is greenhouse farming. Millions of tons of vegetables are exported to other European countries and other parts of the world each year. See Intensive farming in Almería Tourism is a key sector of the economy, due to the sunny weather and attractive areas such as Roquetas de Mar, Almerimar, Vera or Cabo de Gata; the principal industrial activity is in the Macael canteras marble quarrying area in the Sierra de los Filabres region from Macael Viejo to Chercos and Cobdar which produce in excess of 1.3 million tons. The Cantoria, Olula del Rio and Purchena area of the Alto Almanzora valley is fast becoming the regional megalopolis through high imports and exports and employment in local and international marble processing.
All the tourist accommodations and construction throughout coastal Spain has driven high demand and brought huge modernisation. Small pueblos of agriculturalists have given rise to computerised machining factories; the German-Spanish Calar Alto Observatory is one of the most important observatories of Spain. In Tabernas there is the Plataforma Solar de Almería. France's Michelin operates an industrial research centre in Cabo de Gata; the Paleolithic Age of Almería was characterized by small hunter-gatherer groups. The oldest Paleolithic site is Zájara Cave I in the Caves of the Almanzora; the first villages and spaces dedicated to burials appear by the Neolithic Age, before the Upper Paleolithic Age. The cave paintings of the Cave of the Signs and twenty other caves and shelters of Los Vélez are dated to this era, were designated a World Heritage site by Unesco in 1989. In one of the shelters of the first settlers of the peninsula, the Coat of the Beehives, there remains a human figure with arms outstretched holding an arc above its head.
According to legend, this picture represents a covenant made by prehistoric man with the gods to prevent future floods. It is the earliest depiction of the Almerían Indalo, named in memory of Saint Indaletius, means Indal Eccius in the Iberian language. Over the years, the Indalo has become the best known symbol of Almería; some see this figure as a man holding a rainbow, but it might be an archer pointing a bow towards the sky. The Indalo lent its name to the artistic and intellectual movement of the Indalianos led by Jesús de Perceval and Eugenio d'Ors, a movement of nostalgic attraction by the people of Mojácar; the people of Mojácar painted Indalos with chalk on the walls of their houses to guard against storms and the Evil Eye. It was Luis Siret y Cels, an eminent Belgium archaeologist, that described the rich prehistoric wealth of Almería that of the Metal Age. Siret said that Almería was like "an open-air museum". Indeed, Almería is home to two of the most important cultures of the Metal Age in the peninsula: Los Millares and El Argar.
The earliest known city, Los Millares, dates to the Copper Age and is strategically located on a spur of rock between the Andarax River and the Huéchar Ravine, in the southern part of the province. It was a down of more than a thousand inhabitants, protected by three lines of walls and towers, had an economy based on copper metallurgy, animal husbandry, hunting on a moderate scale. Furthermore, they constructed a large necropolis and exported metal figures and pottery to a large part of the peninsula; the influential culture of El Argar appeared during the Bronze Age. They developed a characteristic form of pottery, the vaso campaniforme that spread throughout all of Northern Spain, their cemeteries were more advanced with respect to the culture of Los Millares and they had diverse agricultural production and animal husbandry. The rich customs and Fiestas of the denizens retain links deep into the past, unto the Moors, the Romans, the Greeks, the Phoenicians. During the taifa era, it was ruled by the Moor Banu al-Amiri from 1012 to 1038 annexed by Valencia given by Zaragoza to the Banu Sumadih dynasty until its conquest by the Almoravids in 1091.
Some centuries it became part of the kingdom of Granada. List of municipalitie