Peace camps are a form of physical protest camp, focused on anti-war activity. They are set up outside military bases by members of the peace movement who oppose either the existence of the military bases themselves, the armaments held there, or the politics of those who control the bases, they began in the 1920s and became world-famous in 1982 due to the tremendous worldwide publicity generated by the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp. They were a phenomenon of the United Kingdom in the 1980s where they were associated with sentiment against American imperialism but Peace Camps have existed at other times and places since the 1920s. In the United Kingdom, people came to live outside military bases at protest camps in order to witness their opposition to and nonviolently protest against the presence of nuclear weapons in Europe that were directed against the Soviet Union by the United States, calling for nuclear disarmament; the women at Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp were against the placing of US cruise missiles there, something they claimed made the area a direct target of Soviet Union aggression.
During the 1980s the United States Air Force had land-based cruise missiles at several of the above locations, not only Greenham Common. Due to these factors the concept of the peace camp remains alive today; the first peace camps are known to have originated in the 1920s. The first modern peace camps were the various women-only peace camps at the military base at Greenham Common, set up in 1981. Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp maintained a presence at the camp until 2000. Women-only peace camps were based at Waddington, Lincs from April – September 1982 and Capenhurst October 1982 – March 1983. Other, mixed-sex, peace camps sprang up at the military bases of Upper Heyford, Daws Hill in High Wycombe, RAF Molesworth, Lakenheath and Faslane. Faslane Peace Camp, established in 1982, is still in existence today. A bunker was constructed for RAF Strike Command on National Trust land near High Wycombe, England between 1983 and 1985. Naphill Peace camp oppose this construction; the Angry Pacifist magazine was produced out of Naphill Peace camp.
Thomas and Concepcion Picciotto are founders of the longest running peace vigil in the US. The White House Peace Vigil has been located opposite the White House at Lafayette Square on the 1600 block of Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, D. C. since June 3, 1981. The Brambles Farm Peace Camp was set up in 1982 on the site of a research and development facility for the production of the Spearfish 7525 torpedo for the Royal Navy; the camp, although anti-war and anti-nuclear in its beliefs, was supported and attended by local people demonstrating against the loss of green space and the lack of public consultation. The protesters held up the construction work for a number of months and was visited by some 3,000 people from this country and abroad. A Torpedo Town festival was held in the area for a number of years afterwards, the largest in 1991 at Liphook in Hampshire when some 25,000 people danced to the Spiral Tribe sound system; these festivals fell foul of the rave party and free festival crackdown in the early 1990s by the Tory government.
In 1983, feminists established the Seneca Women's Encampment for a Future of Peace and Justice in Romulus, New York, the site of the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention, to demand the abolition of nuclear weapons. In 2001 Brian Haw set up the Parliament Square Peace Campaign outside the Houses of Parliament in London. In August 2007 others who had joined him were evicted. There has been a women's peace camp at Aldermaston for one weekend a month since 1985 that continues to meet. A peace camp was set up at Fairford on 17 February 2003. On May 13, 2005, protesters set up a peace camp on Drake's Island, just off Plymouth. In February 2005, peace activists and residents began a peace camp at the village of Daechuri, South Korea, in opposition to the expansion of Camp Humphreys, which declared autonomy from Korea on February 7, 2006; as of October 2006, resisting residents remain on-site, despite demolition of homes owned by residents who have accepted compensation. In August 2005, Cindy Sheehan set up Camp Casey, a peace camp named after her son, outside the Texas ranch of United States President George W. Bush, through which she has attracted considerable media attention.
The term peace camp is used for a form of anti-war protest camp prevalent in the UK in the 1980s, however, it is sometimes used to describe political factions before or during wartime that are opposed to a particular war. These are not a physical camps but political alliances. There is an Israeli peace camp. In addition, the term is sometimes used for summer camps that bring together youth from different groups in conflict to work towards transformation and improvement of mutual relations. While the organizers of such camps support peaceful solutions, participants may not do so or at least not to the same extent. In addition, these camps are not intended as a "protest camp", but rather to constructively work towards their goals and bring about change in the participants, which are intended to serve as disseminators of peaceful attitudes in their home communities. In the early 19th Century, "Apaches de Paz" or Apache peace camps were established for the purpose of religious conv
Appeasement in an international context is a diplomatic policy of making political or material concessions to an aggressive power in order to avoid conflict. The term is most applied to the foreign policy of the British governments of Prime Ministers Ramsay MacDonald, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain towards Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy between 1935 and 1939. At the beginning of the 1930s, such concessions were seen as positive due to the trauma of World War I, second thoughts about the treatment of Germany in the Treaty of Versailles, a perception that Fascism was a useful form of anti-communism. However, by the time of the Munich Pact—concluded on 30 September 1938 among Germany, Britain and Italy—the policy was opposed by most of the British left and Labour Party, by Conservative dissenters such as Winston Churchill and Duff Cooper, by Anthony Eden, a former proponent of appeasement; as alarm grew about the rise of fascism in Europe, Chamberlain resorted to news censorship to control public opinion.
Nonetheless, Chamberlain confidently announced after Munich that he had secured "peace for our time". The policies have been the subject of intense debate for more than seventy years among academics and diplomats; the historians' assessments have ranged from condemnation for allowing Adolf Hitler's Germany to grow too strong, to the judgment that Germany was so strong that it might well win a war and that postponement of a showdown was in their country's best interests. Chamberlain's policy of appeasement emerged from the failure of the League of Nations and the failure of collective security; the League of Nations was set up in the aftermath of World War I in the hope that international cooperation and collective resistance to aggression might prevent another war. Members of the League were entitled to the assistance of other members; the policy of collective security ran in parallel with measures to achieve international disarmament and where possible was to be based on economic sanctions against an aggressor.
It appeared to be ineffectual when confronted by the aggression of dictators, notably Germany's Remilitarization of the Rhineland, Italian leader Benito Mussolini's invasion of Abyssinia. In September 1931, Japan, a member of the League of Nations, invaded Manchuria in northeast China, claiming that its population was not only Chinese, but was a multi-ethnic region. China appealed to the United States for assistance; the Council of the League asked the parties to withdraw to their original positions to permit a peaceful settlement. The United States reminded them of their duty under the Kellogg–Briand Pact to settle matters peacefully. Japan went on to occupy the whole of Manchuria; the League set up a commission of inquiry that condemned Japan, the League duly adopting the report in February 1933. In response Japan continued its advance into China. However, the U. S. issued the Stimson Doctrine and refused to recognize Japan's conquest, which played a role in shifting U. S. policy to favour China over Japan late in the 1930s.
Some historians, such as David Thomson, assert that the League's "inactivity and ineffectualness in the Far East lent every encouragement to European aggressors who planned similar acts of defiance". In this 1935 pact, Britain permitted Germany to begin rebuilding its navy, including its U-boats, in spite of Hitler having violated the Treaty of Versailles. Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini had imperial ambitions in Abyssinia. Italy was in possession of neighboring Eritrea and Somalia. In December 1934 there was a clash between Italian and Abyssinian troops at Walwal, near the border between British and Italian Somaliland, in which Italian troops took possession of the disputed territory and in which 150 Abyssinians and 50 Italians were killed; when Italy demanded apologies and compensation from Abyssinia, Abyssinia appealed to the League, Emperor Haile Selassie famously appealing in person to the assembly in Geneva. The League persuaded both sides to seek a settlement under the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928 but Italy continued troop movements and Abyssinia appealed to the League again.
In October 1935 Mussolini launched an attack on Abyssinia. The League declared Italy to be the aggressor and imposed sanctions, but coal and oil were not included. Albania and Hungary refused to apply sanctions; the Italian economy suffered. The League considered closing off the Suez Canal which would have stopped arms to Abyssinia, thinking it would be too harsh a measure, they did not do so. Earlier, in April 1935, Italy had joined France in protest against Germany's rearmament. France was anxious to placate Mussolini so as to keep him away from an alliance with Germany. Britain was less hostile to Germany and set the pace in imposing sanctions and moved a naval fleet into the Mediterranean, but in November 1935, the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Samuel Hoare and the French Prime Minister, Pierre Laval, had secret discussions in which they agreed to concede two-thirds of Abyssinia to Italy. However, the press leaked the content of the discussions and a public outcry forced Hoare and Laval to resign.
In May 1936, undeterred by sanctions, Italy captured Addis Ababa, the Abyssinian capital, proclaimed Victor Emmanuel III the Emperor of Ethiopia. In July the League abandoned sanctions; this episode, in which sanctions were incomplete and appeared to be given up discredited the League. Under the Versailles Settlement, the Rhineland was demilitarized. Germany accepted this arrangemen
Christian anarchism is a movement in political theology that claims anarchism is inherent in Christianity and the Gospels. It is grounded in the belief that there is only one source of authority to which Christians are answerable—the authority of God as embodied in the teachings of Jesus, it therefore rejects the idea. Christian anarchists denounce the state, believing it is violent, deceitful and, when glorified, idolatrous. Christian anarchists hold that the "Reign of God" is the proper expression of the relationship between God and humanity. Under the "Reign of God", human relationships would be characterized by divided authority, servant leadership, universal compassion—not by the hierarchical, authoritarian structures that are attributed to religious social order. Most Christian anarchists are pacifists—they reject war and the use of violence. More than any other Bible source, the Sermon on the Mount is used as the basis for Christian anarchism. Leo Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God Is Within You is regarded as a key text for modern Christian anarchism.
Jacques Ellul, a French philosopher and Christian anarchist, notes that the final verse of the Book of Judges states that there was no king in Israel and that "everyone did as they saw fit". Subsequently, as recorded in the first Book of Samuel the people of Israel wanted a king "so as to be like other nations". God declared, he warned that a human king would lead to militarism and taxation, that their pleas for mercy from the king's demands would go unanswered. Samuel passed on God's warning to the Israelites but they still demanded a king, Saul became their ruler. Much of the subsequent Old Testament chronicles the Israelites trying to live with this decision. More than any other Bible source, the Sermon on the Mount is used as the basis for Christian anarchism. Alexandre Christoyannopoulos explains that the Sermon illustrates Jesus's central teaching of love and forgiveness. Christian anarchists claim that the state, founded on violence, contravenes the Sermon and Jesus' call to love our enemies.
The gospels tell of Jesus's temptation in the desert. For the final temptation, Jesus is taken up to a high mountain by Satan and told that if he bows down to Satan he will give him all the kingdoms of the world. Christian anarchists use this as evidence that all Earthly kingdoms and governments are ruled by Satan, otherwise they would not be Satan's to give. Jesus refuses the temptation, choosing to serve God instead, implying that Jesus is aware of the corrupting nature of Earthly power. Christian eschatology and various Christian anarchists, such as Jacques Ellul, have identified the state and political power as the Beast in the Book of Revelation. Friedrich Nietzsche and Frank Seaver Billings criticize Christianity and anarchism by arguing that they are the same thing. According to Alexandre Christoyannopoulos, several of the Church Fathers' writings suggest anarchism as God's ideal; the first Christians opposed the primacy of the State: "We must obey God as ruler rather than men". Some early Christian communities appear to have practised anarchist communism, such as the Jerusalem group described in Acts, who shared their money and labour and among the members.
Roman Montero claims that using an anthropological framework, such as that of anarchist David Graeber, one can plausibly reconstruct the communism of these early Christian communities and that these practices were widespread, long-lasting and substantial. Christian anarchists, such as Kevin Craig, insist that these communities were centred on true love and care for one another rather than liturgy, they allege that the reason the early Christians were persecuted was not because they worshipped Jesus Christ, but because they refused to worship human idols claiming divine status. Given that they refused to worship the Roman Emperor they refused to swear any oath of allegiance to the Empire. For example, when requested that he swear by the emperor, spokesperson of the Scillitan Martyrs, said in 180ce, "I recognize not the empire of this world... because I know my Lord, the King of kings and Emperor of all nations. Thomas Merton in his introduction to a translation of the Sayings of the Desert Fathers describes the early monastics as "Truly in certain sense'anarchists,' and it will do no harm to think of them as such."During the Ante-Nicene Period there were several independent sects who took a radically different approach to Christianity than the Proto-Orthodox Church and displayed anarchist tendencies by relying on direct Revelation rather than scripture.
For example: Gnosticism – 2nd to 4th centuries – reliance on revealed knowledge from a transcendant, unknowable God, a distinct divinity from the Demiurge who created and oversees the material world. Montanism – 2nd century – relied on prophetic revelations from the Holy Spirit. For Christian anarchists the moment which epitomises the degeneration of Christianity is the conversion of Emperor Constantine after his victory at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312. Following this event Christianity was legalized under the Edict of Milan in 313, hastening the Church's transformation from a humble bottom-up sect to an authoritarian top-down organization. Christian anarchists point out that this marked the beginning of the "Constantinian shift", in which Christianity came to be identified with the will of the ruling elite, becomin
Antimilitarism is a doctrine that opposes war, relying on a critical theory of imperialism and was an explicit goal of the First and Second International. Whereas pacifism is the doctrine that disputes should be settled without recourse to violence, Paul B. Miller defines anti-militarism as "ideology and activities...aimed at reducing the civil power of the military and preventing international war". Cynthia Cockburn defines an anti-militarist movement as one opposed to "military rule, high military expenditure or the imposition of foreign bases in their country". Martin Ceadel points out that anti-militarism is sometimes equated with pacificism—general opposition to war or violence, except in cases where force is deemed necessary to advance the cause of peace. Pacifism is the belief that disputes between nations should be settled peacefully, it is the use of violence as a means of settling disputes. It can include the refusal to participate in military action. Antimilitarism does not reject war in all circumstances, but rejects the belief or desire to maintain a large and strong military organization in aggressive preparedness for war.
Anarcho-syndicalist Georges Sorel advocated the use of violence as a form of direct action, calling it "revolutionary violence", which he opposed in Reflections on Violence to the violence inherent in class struggle. Similarities are seen between Sorel and the International Workingmens' Association theorization of propaganda of the deed. Walter Benjamin, in his Critique of Violence demarcates a difference between "violence that founds the law", "violence that conserves the law", on one hand, on the other hand, a "divine violence" that breaks the "magic circle" between both types of "state violence". What distinguishes these two kinds of violence fundamentally is their mode of operation; the example Benjamin provides in his essay is that of a General Strike, the latter of, a key element of Sorel's Reflections on Violence. The "violence that conserves the law" is equivalent to the state's monopoly of legitimate violence; the "violence that founds the law" is the original violence necessary to the creation of a state.
"Revolutionary violence" removes itself from the sphere of the law by shattering its instrumental logic of violence. Giorgio Agamben showed the theoretical link between the law and violence permitted Nazi-thinker Carl Schmitt to justify the "state of exception" as the characteristic of sovereignty, thus indefinite suspension of the law may only be blocked by breaking this link between violence and right. Henry David Thoreau's 1849 essay "Civil Disobedience" titled "Resistance to Civil Government", can be considered an antimilitarist point of view, his refusal to pay taxes is justified as an act of protest against slavery and against the Mexican–American War, in accordance to the practice of civil disobedience.. He writes in his essay. Instead the individual should "break the law" if the law is "of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another." Capitalism has been thought by antimilitarist literature to be a major cause of wars, an influence, theorized by Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg under the name of "imperialism".
The military-industrial complex has been accused of "pushing for war" in pursuit of private economic or financial interests. The Second International was opposed to the participation of the working classes in war, analyzed as a competition between different national bourgeois classes and different state imperialisms; the assassination of French socialist leader Jean Jaurès days before the proclamation of World War I resulted in massive participation in the coming war. In Mars. After World War II, US President Eisenhower's 1961 issued a warning on the influence of the "military-industrial complex". American right-wing antimilitarists draw upon the statements of Thomas Jefferson and other Founding Fathers condemning standing armies and foreign entanglements. Jefferson's beliefs on maintaining a standing army are as follows: "There are instruments so dangerous to the rights of the nation and which place them so at the mercy of their governors that those governors, whether legislative or executive, should be restrained from keeping such instruments on foot but in well-defined cases.
Such an instrument is a standing army."Right-wing antimilitarists in the United States believe that "A well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the best and most natural defense of a free country", as stated by James Madison. To this end, there is much overlap between the Militia movement and right-wing antimilitarists, although the two groups are not mutually inclusive; the term "well regulated" in the above quote is taken by such antimilitarists not to mean "regulated by the state" but rather "well equipped" and "in good
Code Pink: Women for Peace is an internationally active NGO that describes itself as a "grassroots peace and social justice movement working to end U. S.-funded wars and occupations, to challenge militarism globally and to redirect our resources into health care, green jobs and other life-affirming activities". In addition to its focus on anti-war issues, it has taken action on issues such as drones, Guantanamo Bay prison, Palestinian statehood, the Iran nuclear deal, Saudi Arabia, Women Cross DMZ; the organization characterizes itself as women-initiated. It has regional offices in Los Angeles and Washington, D. C. and many more chapters in the U. S. as well as several in other countries. With members wearing the group's signature pink color, Code Pink has conducted marches and high-visibility actions in order to promote its goals. Although women initiated and lead the group, Code Pink encourages people of all genders to participate in its activities. Code Pink was founded on November 17, 2002 by Americans Jodie Evans, Medea Benjamin and other activists.
The group's name is a play on the United States Department of Homeland Security's color-coded alert system in which, for example, Code Orange and Code Red signify the highest levels of danger. In February 2003, just weeks before the invasion of Iraq, Code Pink organized its first trip to that nation, subsequently led five delegations there; these delegations included parents who had lost their children in Iraq, parents of active soldiers. Additionally, they brought six Iraqi women on a tour of the United States, published a report about how the U. S. occupation affected the status of Iraqi women. On its website, Code Pink lists allegations of U. S. war crimes, states that thousands of civilians were killed in Fallujah in 2004 due to the actions of the U. S. military. Along with other groups, they gave over $600,000 worth of humanitarian aid to refugees of Fallujah in 2004. Code Pink has joined in vigils at the Walter Reed Medical Center in Washington, D. C; the group has been criticized for actions at the vigils: the criticism has centered on tactics such as displaying coffins and chanting aggressive slogans.
Speaking about the display of coffins, Kevin Pannell, an amputee and former patient at the hospital, said it "was the most distasteful thing I had seen. Ever. We went by there one day and I drove by and had a bunch of flag-draped coffins laid out on the sidewalk. You know that 95 percent of the guys in the hospital bed lost guys whenever they got hurt and survivors' guilt is the worst thing you can deal with." To those that faulted aggressive chants and signs, Code Pink responded that certain of the disruptive protesters were not part of their group and that they have asked these protesters to be respectful. Code Pink says that the purpose of the vigils is to highlight the lack of care for veterans and claims that the vigils have helped spur improvements in that care. Conservative talk-show host Tucker Carlson criticized Pink leader Medea Benjamin for her support of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. Benjamin was quoted as saying that the charge in sections of the US media that Chávez had cracked down on free speech and civil rights in Venezuela was a myth.
In an interview on Carlson's MSNBC show, Benjamin was asked, "Do you want to revise that given the news that Hugo Chávez has closed the last nationally broadcast opposition television station for criticizing him?" Benjamin replied that it was not true and that Chávez did not renew the license because the station "participated in a coup against a democratically elected government, his government." Benjamin said "Peru did not renew a license. Uruguay didn't renew a license. Why do you hold Venezuela to a different standard?"Carlson responded that a 360-page Venezuelan government-published book accused RCTV of showing lack of respect for authorities and institutions. Carlson asked Benjamin, "I would think, as a self-described liberal, you would stand up for the right of people to'challenge authorities and institutions.' And yet you are apologizing for the squelching of minority views. Why could that be?" Benjamin replied, "They falsified information. They got people out on the street, they falsified footage.
They refuse to cover any of the pro-Chavez demonstrations." In the summer of 2009, Code Pink began their "Ground the Drones" campaign. This campaign was a response to the Obama administration's continued and increased use of unmanned drones in the "war on terror," in regions surrounding Pakistan and Afghanistan. Code Pink claimed that many of the drone strikes intended to target terrorist leaders and strongholds miss their targets, causing the unnecessary deaths of innocent civilians."Ground the Drones" was fashioned as a form of non-violent, civil disobedience, similar to protests earlier that spring, by groups such as Voices for Creative Non Violence. Code Pink targeted Creech Air Force base in Indian Springs, claiming it was the “epicenter” for controlling drone activity; the goal of the protest was "halting unmanned aircraft strikes controlled via satellite links from Creech and other bases." The group continued protesting at Creech AFB through November and December 2009. Code Pink returned to Creech A