Social Democrats (Ireland)
The Social Democrats is a political party in Ireland. The party was launched on 15 July 2015 by three independent TDs, Stephen Donnelly, Catherine Murphy, Róisín Shortall; the Social Democrats was established with a co-leadership arrangement between its three founding members. Róisín Shortall is a former Labour Party TD and former Minister of State for Primary Care, she resigned from the role and from Labour in September 2012, citing lack of support and the lack of an explanation from then-Minister for Health James Reilly concerning his controversial decision to locate a new primary care centre in his own constituency. Catherine Murphy was successively a member of the Workers' Party, Democratic Left and the Labour Party before being elected as an independent TD in 2005, she became known for her work as a TD in 2014, when she revealed irregularities within the Irish Bank Resolution Corporation, a bad bank, in its dealings with businessman Denis O'Brien. Stephen Donnelly first entered politics as an independent TD in the 2011 general election, having worked as a consultant for McKinsey and Company.
Both Murphy and Donnelly were members of the Technical Group in the 31st Dáil, with Murphy having served as its Chief Whip. The party ran fourteen candidates in the 2016 general election, including its three incumbent TDs, former Labour Party Senator James Heffernan, county councillors Gary Gannon and Cian O'Callaghan. In May 2016, the party formed a technical group within the Dáil with the Green Party. On 5 September 2016, Stephen Donnelly resigned as joint leader and left the party, stating that he was doing so "with great sadness, having vested so much together with my parliamentary colleagues and Roisin, a small core team and many volunteers across the country, into the establishment of the Social Democrats over the last 20 months", but referring to his relationship with his fellow leaders, that "some partnerships don't work". On 2 February 2017, he joined Fianna Fáil and became the party's Brexit spokesman. Through 2017, the Social Democrats recruited several sitting county councillors, including Jennifer Whitmore, Joe Harris, Dermot Looney, Paul Mulville.
In February 2018, June Murphy joined the party. At the party's launch, its three TDs stated their support for the Nordic model of social democracy, backed the repeal of the Eighth Amendment and the Official Secrets Act, stated their opposition to domestic water charges; the party's manifesto for the 2016 general election listed commitments to "three core areas": Policies that support a healthy and progressive society Policies that ensure a strong and vibrant economy, support Ireland’s SMEs with the same vigour, applied to the multinational sector Policies that make politics and government more transparent and responsive to public, rather than party needIt supports Irish membership of the European Union. The party is in favour of a directly elected mayor of Dublin. One of the core policies put forward by the party is that of Sláintecare, an Irish national health service. Sláintecare is a costed plan for a universal, single-tier public health service that would join up health and social care in the Republic of Ireland.
The Sláintecare policy plan includes: a legal entitlement to homecare packages for older people reducing prescription charges and lowering costs for medicines, providing access to basic procedures at a local level, improved funding for mental health, including counselling, community programmes, adult mental health teams. Catherine Murphy TD - Kildare North Róisín Shortall TD - Dublin North-West Cllr. Gary Gannon - Dublin City Council - North Inner City Cllr. Joe Harris - Cork County Council - Ballincollig-Carrigaline Cllr. Dermot Looney - South Dublin County Council - Templeogue-Terenure Cllr. Paul Mulville - Fingal County Council - Swords Cllr. June Murphy - Cork County Council - Fermoy Cllr. Cian O’Callaghan - Fingal County Council - Howth-Malahide Cllr. Jennifer Whitmore - Wicklow County Council - Greystones Cllr. June Murphy - Cork East Sinéad Halpin - Cork North-Central Ciarán McCarthy - Cork North-West Patricia O'Dwyer - Cork South-Central Cllr. Cian O'Callaghan - Dublin Bay North Sarah Durcan - Dublin Bay South Cllr.
Gary Gannon - Dublin Central Tracy Carey - Dublin Fingal Anne-Marie McNally - Dublin Mid-West Róisín Shortall TD - Dublin North-West Tara Deacy - Dublin South-Central Carly Bailey - Dublin South-West Aengus Ó Maoláin - Dublin West Sinéad Gibney - Dún Laoghaire Peter Reid - Galway East Niall Ó Tuathail - Galway West Catherine Murphy TD - Kildare North Linda Hayden - Kildare South Sarah Jane Hennelly - Limerick City Ronan Moore - Meath West Ken Campbell - Roscommon-Galway Jennifer Whitmore - Wicklow Ennis - Chris Kirwan Killaloe - Beckha Doyle Shannon - Betty Walsh Macroom - Síle Ní Dhubhghaill Cobh - Ken Curtin Fermoy - Cllr. June Murphy Bantry - Holly McKeever Cairns Clonakilty-Skibbereen - Evie Evans Nevin Cork City North East - Sinéad Gibney Cork City South Central - Patricia O'Dwyer Cork City South East - Cllr. Joe Harris Cork City South West - Ciarán McCarthy Ballymun-Finglas - Mary Callaghan Artane-Whitehall - Patricia Roe Donaghmede - Paddy Monahan Cabra-Glasnevin - Cllr. Gary Gannon Clontarf - Catherine Stocker Kimmage-Rathmines - Tara Deacy North Inner City - Ellie Kisyombee - Carol Deans South West Inner City - J
Sinn Féin is a left-wing Irish republican political party active in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. The original Sinn Féin organisation was founded in 1905 by Arthur Griffith, it took its current form in 1970 after a split within the party and has been associated with the Provisional Irish Republican Army. Mary Lou McDonald has been party president since February 2018. Sinn Féin is one of the two largest parties in the Northern Ireland Assembly holding the same number of seats there as the Democratic Unionist Party. Sinn Féin is the largest nationalist party in that assembly, it held four ministerial posts in the most recent power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive. In the UK House of Commons, Sinn Féin holds seven of Northern Ireland's 18 seats—the second-largest bloc after the DUP. There it follows a policy of abstentionism, refusing to attend vote on bills. In the Oireachtas, Sinn Féin is the largest on the left; the phrase "Sinn Féin" is Irish for "Ourselves" or "We Ourselves", although it is mistranslated as "ourselves alone".
The meaning of the name itself is an assertion of self-determination. Around the time of 1969–1970, owing to the split in the republican movement, there were two groups calling themselves Sinn Féin; the latter became known as Sinn Féin or Provisional Sinn Féin, the former became known as Sinn Féin or Official Sinn Féin. As the "Officials" dropped all mention of Sinn Féin from their name in 1982, instead calling itself the Workers' Party of Ireland, the Provisionals were now known as Sinn Féin. Supporters of Republican Sinn Féin, which came from a 1986 split, still use the term "Provisional Sinn Féin" to refer to the party led by Mary Lou McDonald. Sinn Féin members have been referred to as Shinners, a term intended as a pejorative. Sinn Féin was founded on 28 November 1905, when, at the first annual Convention of the National Council, Arthur Griffith outlined the Sinn Féin policy, "to establish in Ireland's capital a national legislature endowed with the moral authority of the Irish nation".
The party contested the 1908 North Leitrim by-election. Thereafter, both support and membership fell. At the 1910 Ard Fheis the attendance was poor, there was difficulty finding members willing to take seats on the executive. In 1914, Sinn Féin members, including Griffith, joined the anti-Redmond Irish Volunteers, referred to by Redmondites and others as the "Sinn Féin Volunteers". Although Griffith himself did not take part in the Easter Rising of 1916, many Sinn Féin members did, as they were members of both the Volunteers and the Irish Republican Brotherhood. Government and newspapers dubbed the Rising "the Sinn Féin Rising". After the Rising, republicans came together under the banner of Sinn Féin, at the 1917 Ard Fheis the party committed itself for the first time to the establishment of an Irish Republic. In the 1918 general election, Sinn Féin won 73 of Ireland's 105 seats, in January 1919, its MPs assembled in Dublin and proclaimed themselves Dáil Éireann, the parliament of Ireland; the party supported the Irish Republican Army during the War of Independence, members of the Dáil government negotiated the Anglo-Irish Treaty with the British government in 1921.
In the Dáil debates that followed, the party divided on the Treaty. Anti-Treaty members led by Éamon de Valera walked out, pro- and anti-Treaty members took opposite sides in the ensuing Civil War. Pro-Treaty Dáil deputies and other Treaty supporters formed a new party, Cumann na nGaedheal, on 27 April 1923 at a meeting in Dublin, where delegates agreed on a constitution and political programme. Cumann na nGaedheal went on to govern the new Irish Free State for nine years. Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin members continued to boycott the Dáil. At a special Ard Fheis in March 1926, de Valera proposed that elected members be allowed to take their seats in the Dáil if and when the controversial Oath of Allegiance was removed; when his motion was defeated, de Valera resigned from Sinn Féin. He took most Sinn Féin TDs with him. De Valera's resignation meant the loss of financial support from America; the rump Sinn Féin party could field no more than fifteen candidates, won only six seats in the June 1927 general election, a level of support not seen since before 1916.
Vice-President and de facto leader Mary MacSwiney announced that the party did not have the funds to contest the second election called that year, declaring "no true Irish citizen can vote for any of the other parties". Fianna Fáil came to power at the 1932 general election and went on to long dominate politics in the independent Irish state. An attempt in the 1940s to access funds, put in the care of the High Court led to the Sinn Féin Funds case, which the party lost and in which the judge ruled that it was not the legal successor to the Sinn Féin of 1917. At the United Kingd
Conradh na Gaeilge
Conradh na Gaeilge is a social and cultural organisation which promotes the Irish language in Ireland and worldwide. The organisation was founded in 1893 with Douglas Hyde as its first president, when it emerged as the successor of several 19th century groups such as the Gaelic Union; the organisation would be the spearhead of Gaeilgeoir activism. The organisation intended to be apolitical, but many of its participants became involved in Irish nationalism. Bruce Stewart suggests that an address by Douglas Hyde "led to the formation of the Gaelic League" with Hyde as the president; the address titled ‘The Necessity for De-Anglicising Ireland’ was delivered by Hyde to the Irish National Literary Society, on 25 November 1892. Conradh na Gaeilge was founded in Dublin on 31 July 1893 by Douglas Hyde, the son of a Church of Ireland rector from Frenchpark, County Roscommon with the aid of Eugene O'Growney, Eoin MacNeill, Thomas O'Neill Russell and others; the organisation developed from Ulick Bourke's earlier Gaelic Union and became the leading institution promoting the Gaelic Revival, carrying on efforts like the publishing of the Gaelic Journal.
The League's first newspaper was An Claidheamh Soluis and its most noted editor was Pádraig Pearse. The motto of the League was Sinn Féin amháin; the League encouraged female participation from the start and a number of women played a prominent role. They were not restricted to subordinate roles, but played an active part in leadership, although males were in the overwhelming majority. Local notables, such as Lady Gregory in Galway, Lady Esmonde in County Wexford, Mary Spring Rice in County Limerick, others such as Norma Borthwick and led branches in their communities. At the annual national convention in 1906 women were elected to seven of the forty-five positions on the Gaelic League executive. Executive members included Máire Ní Chinnéide, Úna Ní Fhaircheallaigh, Bean an Doc Uí Choisdealbha, Máire Ní hAodáin, Máire de Buitléir, Nellie O'Brien, Eibhlín Ní Dhonnabháin and Eibhlín Nic Néill. Though apolitical, the organisation attracted many Irish nationalists of different persuasions, much like the Gaelic Athletic Association.
It was through the League that many future political leaders and rebels first met, laying the foundation for groups such as the Irish Volunteers. However, Conradh na Gaeilge did not commit itself to the national movement until 1915, whereupon Douglas Hyde resigned as president, feeling that the culture of language should be above politics. Most of the signatories of the 1916 Proclamation were members, it still continued to attract many Irish Republicans. Seán MacStiofáin, the first chief of staff of the Provisional IRA was a prominent member in his life. After the foundation of the Irish Free State in 1922, the organisation had a less prominent role in public life as Irish was made a compulsory subject in state-funded schools, it did unexpectedly badly in the Irish Seanad election, 1925, when all the candidates it endorsed were defeated, including Hyde. In 1927, An Coimisiún Le Rincí Gaelacha was founded as a subcommittee of the League to investigate the promotion of traditional Irish dance. CLRG became a independent organisation, though it is required by its constitution to share 3 board members with the League.
Conradh na Gaeilge, in alliance with other groups such as Gluaiseacht Chearta Sibhialta na Gaeltachta, was instrumental in the community campaigns which led to the creation of RTÉ Raidió na Gaeltachta, Údarás na Gaeltachta, TG4. The organisation campaigned for the enactment of the Official Languages Act, 2003 which gave greater statutory protection to Irish speakers and created the position of An Coimisinéir Teanga. Conradh na Gaeilge was among the principal organisations responsible for co-ordinating the successful campaign to make Irish an official language of the European Union. In 2008 during the presidency of Dáithí Mac Cárthaigh, Conradh na Gaeilge adopted a new constitution reverting to its pre 1915 non-political stance restating its aim as that of an Irish-speaking Ireland "Is í aidhm na hEagraíochta an Ghaeilge a athréimniú mar ghnáththeanga na hÉireann" and dropping any reference to Irish freedom. In recent years Conradh na Gaeilge has remained central to campaigns to protect language rights throughout Ireland.
This strategy encompasses the promotion of increased investment in Gaeltacht areas, advocacy for increased provision of state services through Irish, the development of Irish language hubs in urban areas, the Acht Anois campaign for the enactment of legislation to protect the Irish language in Northern Ireland. The organisation has branches in several parts of Ireland and overseas and is involved in the development of the Seachtain na Gaeilge promotional campaign. Conradh na Gaeilge has opened free legal advice centres in Dublin and Galway in partnership with Free Legal Advice Centres; the Gaelic League publishes a magazine called Feasta, founded in 1948. This magazine, while it promotes the aims of the League has an important role in promoting new writing in Irish. 1893–1915, Douglas Hyde 1916–1919, Eoin Mac Néill 1919–1922, Seán Ua Ceallaigh 1922–1925, Peadar Mac Fhionnlaoich 1925–1926, Seán P. Mac Énrí 1926-1928, Cormac Breathnach 1928–1933, Mac Giolla Bhríde 1933–1940, Peadar Mac Fhionnlaoich 1940–1941, L
RTÉ News and Current Affairs
RTÉ News and Current Affairs, is a major division of Raidió Teilifís Éireann and provides a range of national and international news and current affairs programming for RTÉ television and online and for the independent Irish language broadcaster TG4. It is, by far, the largest and most popular news source in Ireland – with 77% of the Irish public regarding it as their main source of both Irish and international news, it broadcasts in English and Irish Sign Language. The organisation is a source of commentary on current affairs; the division is based at the RTÉ Television Centre in Donnybrook, however, the station operates regional bureaux across Ireland and the world. On 1 January 1926, 2RN started broadcasting, it was Ireland's first radio station. On 24 May 1926, there was the first advertised news bulletin on 2RN. On 26 February 1927, the first daily news report was broadcast on the station. During the Second World War, referred to in Ireland as The Emergency, because of the Emergency Powers Act 1939, media censorship of radio broadcasts affected news bulletins.
Before all news bulletins were broadcast, the scripts of the bulletins were read over the phone to Head of the Government Information Bureau, Frank Gallagher. Censorship brought in under the Act was lifted on 11 May 1945. On 31 December 1961 Ireland's first national television station, Telefís Éireann, was launched. A new Television Complex was built at Donnybrook in Dublin and the news service was the first to move in. On 1 January 1962 Charles Mitchel read the first television news bulletin at 6:00 pm. Andy O'Mahony was the station's other chief newsreader in the early days of the new service; the new studios were still being completed, so construction work was heard during news bulletins. On Telefís Éireann's first full day of broadcasting Broadsheet made its debut; this programme provided a more detailed analysis of current affairs. There was a mixture of incisive and light-hearted items, unscripted studio interviews and filmed reports. Presented by John O'Donoghue, Brian Cleeve and Brian Farrell, some of these men would continue broadcasting with the station until the new century.
Telefís Éireann's first full day saw the first broadcast of the Nine O'Clock News, a half-hour bulletin including news, newsview and sports results. Broadsheet was broadcast for the last time in 1964, it was replaced by Frank Hall's Newsbeat, a news and current affairs programme that focused more on the light-hearted stories from around the country. In 1966 Maurice O'Doherty joined the newsroom as a newsreader; that same year the station's new flagship news programme was broadcast for the first time. Seven Days had a production team with people such as Eoghan Harris, Brian Cleeve, Brian Farrell, John O'Donoghue. In 1967 the programme merged with another and became 7 days; when Radio Éireann and Telefís Éireann merged, RTÉ News was expanded, providing coverage to new stations RTÉ Raidió na Gaeltachta and RTÉ Radio 2. In the 1970s News moved from the original White picture format to color on television. In the early 1980s, in the space of two years, there were three general elections; this demanded a larger schedule of current affairs.
New programmes Morning Today Tonight were launched. The current set of TV News programmes began in 1988. Seán Duignan and Eileen Dunne were the first presenters of Six-One, which began in October 1988 In 1991, RTÉ News appointed its first legal affairs correspondent, Kieron Wood. In the 1990s, the first Washington DC correspondent Mark Little was appointed, Teilifís na Gaeilge, RTÉ lyric fm and RTÉ.ie were established. In 1992 RTÉ launched. Other notable current affairs programmes from the 1990s include The Week in Politics & Oireachtas Report Much of RTÉ's News output remained the same throughout the start of the 21st Century. In 2003 RTÉ's news department was merged with its Current Affairs department to form RTÉ News and Current Affairs. In September 2003, all RTÉ news reports in English on all networks were rebranded to RTÉ News, ending the separate branding of News 2 and 2FM News. In December 2008, RTÉ News moved out of their usual studio 3 in the Television Centre at Donnybrook and moved into a temporary studio while work was carried out in studio 3 for the relaunch.
The new look was unveiled at the One O'Clock news programme on Monday 9 February 2009. Due to RTÉ cutbacks, instead of using satellite, reporters on foreign assignments were asked to send reports by internet link. RTÉ's Beijing bureau was closed in June 2009. 2009 brought major changes the current affairs schedule with the axing of the long-running Questions and Answers, replaced by The Frontline. The 2010s opened with what has since been commemorated as "one of the most memorable moments of Irish television" being shown on RTÉ's televised news bulletins. On 24 October 2012, RTÉ News & Current Affairs announced some major changes to its output from 2013. Prime Time relaunched with additional presenters Claire Byrne and George Lee; the Frontline was brought under the Prime Time brand with the programme now airing 3 times a week. In 2012, RTÉ announced it was moving some of its regional newsrooms to local Institute of Technology as a cost saving arrangement; the affected areas are Sligo, Galway and Waterford.
RTÉ will retain the Limerick bureaux. In January 2013, RTÉ launched a new morning news programme Morning Edition which airs weekdays between 09:00–11:00 on RTÉ One and RTÉ Ne
Éirígí (Irish pronunciation: or, is a socialist republican political party in Ireland, registered since 2010 to contest local elections only. The party name, "Éirígí", means "Arise" or "Rise Up" in the Irish language, a reference to a famous speech by trade union leader James Larkin. Éirígí was formed in 2006 by a group of community and political activists who believed a new political movement was needed to challenge injustice and to build support for a new society and economy anchored in the Republican principles of Liberty, Democracy and Community. Éirígí was formed by a small group of group of community and political activists who had left Sinn Féin in Dublin on 24 April 2006, shortly before the 90th anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising, as a political campaigns group. On 12 May 2007, at the party's first Ardfheis, its members voted to become a full-fledged political party, at its 2009 conference passed a motion to register as a political party in the Republic of Ireland, it gained its first local councillors in 2009, when two former Sinn Féin councillors, Dungannon councillor Barry Monteith and Dublin City Councillor Louise Minihan, joined the organisation.
Former Wexford county councillor for Sinn Féin and New Ross town councillor John Dwyer joined Éirígí. In the 2014 local elections, it didn't succeed in getting any of its eight candidates elected, leaving it without elected representation; the party has become known for the use of nonviolent direct action and regular protests in Belfast and elsewhere. It has launched a mobile app aimed at telling people their rights when they are stopped by the police. Éirígí has organised protests against the visits of Britain's Queen Elizabeth and Princess Anne to Ireland. The party stood for election in Northern Ireland for the first time in the 2011 local elections, citing dissatisfaction with Sinn Féin's involvement in the Northern Ireland Executive, claiming there was "a real appetite for a radical voice" in Northern Irish politics, it registered with the Electoral Commission a month before the 2011 elections. Out of the two candidates Éirígí put forward in the 2011 elections, neither was elected, with Pádraic Mac Coitir securing 1415 votes in the Upper Falls ward and John McCusker securing 647 votes in the Lower Falls ward.
The party seeks the removal of Northern Ireland from the United Kingdom, the establishment of a 32-county republic based on socialist principles. Éirígí has participated in a range including Shell to Sea and Reclaim the Republic. The Right2Water Campaign, the campaign to Repeal The 8th Amendment, their Public Housing For all campaign, which calls for the state to introduce a housing system where all citizens have the legal right to rent a high-quality, affordable home regardless of their income, they actively promote the restoration of the An Teanga to widespread everyday use across Ireland The party opposes the Israeli occupation of Palestine, supports the Boycott and Sanctions movement. The twentieth Independent Monitoring Commission report said the group is "a small political grouping based on revolutionary socialist principles". While it continues to be a political association, with aggressive protest activities, it was not seen as paramilitary in nature. However, in November 2012, a prominent member of éirígí was arrested in County Offaly and remanded in custody for possession of two handguns and ammunition.Éirígí campaigned for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union, describing the EU as "very much anchored in Neo-Liberal policies such as privatisation and austerity and programmes that have been enforced on countries such as Greece and Spain".
It campaigned for a No vote in Ireland's Lisbon Treaty referendum in 2009. For its emblem, the party uses a green star as it incorporates both the national colour of Ireland and an international symbol of socialist struggle; the full national colours of the Irish Republic are achieved when the green star is combined with the word Éirígí in the colour orange set on to a white background, it sometimes uses the same emblem but with a yellow logo on a red background surrounded by the words'Equality','Liberty','Community'. Éirígí's Ciorcal Náisiúnta is responsible for the day-to-day running of the party between meetings of An Ard-Fheis. It is elected by the membership annually on a'one member – one vote' basis; the chairpersons of each Ciorcal are members of An Ciorcal Náisiúnta. The current office-bearers are: An Cathaoirleach: Brian Leeson An Rúnaí Ginearálta: Mickey Moran In the 2011 local election in Belfast — the only council the party contested during the local elections in Northern Ireland — the party stood in the Lower Falls and Upper Falls electoral areas, receiving over 2,000 first preference votes, but failing to elect any councillors.
The party unsuccessfully stood two candidates in the 2014 Belfast City Council election: Máire Drumm in the Collin electoral area, Pádraic Mac Coitir in the Black Mountain electoral area polling a total of 1,756 first preference votes. The party unsuccessfully stood three candidates in Dublin, two candidates in Wexford, one candidate in Wicklow for the 2014 local elections polling a total of 3,120 first preference votes between all six southern candidates. In 2012, Ursula Ní Shionnain, a member of Éirígí, was among four people charged under the Offences against the State Act with possessing weapons at Tullybeg, County Offaly, following an investi
Ardèche is a department in the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region of Southeastern France. It is named after the Ardèche River and had a population of 320,379 as of 2013, its largest cities are Aubenas, Guilherand-Granges, Tournon-sur-Rhône and Privas. The area has been inhabited by humans at least since the Upper Paleolithic, as attested by the famous cave paintings at Chauvet Pont d'Arc; the plateau of the Ardèche river has extensive standing stones, erected thousands of years ago. The river has the largest canyon in Europe and the caves that dot the cliffs—which go as high as 300 metres —are known for signs of prehistoric inhabitants; the Vivarais, as the Ardèche is still called, takes its name and coat-of-arms from Viviers, the capital of the Gaulish tribe of Helvii, part of Gallia Narbonensis, after the destruction of their previous capital at Alba-la-Romaine. Saint Andéol, a disciple of Polycarp, is supposed to have evangelized the Vivarais during the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus, was martyred in 208.
Legend tells of Andéol's burial by Amycia Eucheria Tullia. In 430, Auxonius transferred the see to Viviers as a result of the problems suffered at its previous site in Alba Augusta; the area of the Vivarais suffered in the 9th century with raids from Magyar and Saracen slavers operating from the coast of Provence resulting in an overall depopulation of the region. In the early 10th century, economic recovery saw the building of many Romanesque churches in the region including Ailhon, Saint Julien du Serre, Balazuc, Niègles and Rochecolombe; the medieval county of Viviers or Vivarais at this time was administratively a part of the Kingdom of Arles, formed in 933 with the fusion by Rudolph II of Burgundy of the realms of Provence and Burgundy and bequeathed by its last monarch Rudolph III of Burgundy to the Holy Roman Emperor Conrad II in 1032. Locally throughout this period, the Church played an important role. John II, Cardinal and Bishop of Viviers, accompanied Pope Urban II to the Council of Clermont.
It was held in fief by the Counts of Toulouse, who lost it to the French crown in 1229. In 1284, with the Cistercian Abbey of Marzan, Philip IV established Villeneuve de Berg, by the treaty of 10 July 1305 Philip IV of France obliged the bishops of Vivarais to admit the sovereignty of the Kings of France over all their temporal domain; the realm was ignored by the Emperors and was granted to France as part of the domain of the Dauphin, the future Charles VII of Valois in 1308. During this period, the Maillard family, as Counts of Tournon, were influential in the Ardèche. During the Hundred Years War, the area maintained its loyalty to the French crown, despite frequent attacks from the west; as a result of the reformation of John Calvin in Geneva, the Vivarais Ardèche was one of the areas which embraced Protestantism as a result of the missionary activity of 1534 by Jacques Valery. During the following Wars of Religion, the Ardèche was considered a strategically important location between Protestant Geneva and Catholic Languedoc.
The region had prospered with the introduction of tobacco growing from America, the agrarian experiments of Olivier de Serres, father of modern French agriculture. The influence of Protestant Lyon, the growth of the silk industry, thanks to the planting of mulberry trees, had given the burghers of the Vivarais towns a certain independence of thinking, with the support of powerful Protestant Huguenots, the Vivarais became a Protestant stronghold; as a result, it suffered many attacks and eight pitched battles between 1562 and 1595. In 1598, the Edict of Nantes put an end to these struggles. At that time, the Vivarais had over 75 Protestant churches and five fortified strongholds with permanent garrisons. However, the problems of the area were not over. In 1629, Paule de Chambaud, daughter of the Huguenot lord of Privas, chose instead to marry a Catholic, the Vicomte de l'Estrange, who supported the persecution of Protestants by Cardinal Richelieu. Privas, with a majority of the population Protestant, refused to submit, as a centre of the revolt of the Benjamin de Rohan, duc de Soubise, was burned to the ground by the forces of Louis XIII, sent to support the Vicomte de l'Estrange.
As a result, one-fifth of the Protestant population of the Vivarais emigrated. The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, which outlawed Protestantism, resulted in the peasant family of Marie and Pierre Durand leading a revolt against royal authority; this led to the Camisard revolt of the Ardèche prophets. Louis XIV responded by dispatching Dragoons, who brutalised the population by "dragonnades", destroying a number of communities; the brutality of those years was enormous and peace was only restored in 1715. As a result of brutality on both sides, a further 50,000 Archèche Protestants left France, many fleeing to Switzerland, whilst others were forced into abjuration. In the following century, despite the growth of the community of Annonay, an increasing polarisation between the upper nobility families such as Rohan Soubise, Vogue, Count of Aubenas, possessing huge financial fortunes, the lesser nobility, the village clergy and the bourgeoisie of the Vivarais paralleled developments elsewhere in France.
Despite this, the sons of a local Annonay paper-maker and Jacques Etienne Montgolfier ascended in the first hot air balloon over the town on 4 June 1783. The firm of Canson Mongolfier continues making paper to this day and on the anniversary every year on the first weekend in June a large
Democratic Unionist Party
The Democratic Unionist Party is a unionist political party in Northern Ireland. Ian Paisley founded the DUP in 1971, during the Troubles, led the party for the next 37 years. Now led by Arlene Foster, it is equal with Sinn Féin in having the most seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly, it is the sixth-largest party in the House of Commons. Following the 2017 general election, the party agreed to support a Conservative minority government on a case-by-case basis on matters of mutual concern; the DUP evolved from the Protestant Unionist Party and has strong links to the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster, the church Paisley founded. During the Troubles, the DUP opposed attempts to resolve the conflict that would involve sharing power with Irish nationalists or republicans, rejected attempts to involve the Republic of Ireland in Northern Irish affairs, it campaigned against the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. In the 1980s, the party was involved in setting up the paramilitary movements Third Force and Ulster Resistance.
The party has been described as right-wing and conservative, being anti-abortion and opposing same-sex marriage. The DUP sees itself as defending Britishness and Ulster Protestant culture against Irish nationalism; the party is Eurosceptic and during the UK European Union referendum it supported the UK's withdrawal from the EU. For most of the DUP's history, the Ulster Unionist Party was the largest unionist party in Northern Ireland, but by 2004 the DUP had overtaken the UUP in terms of seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly and Parliament. Following the St Andrews Agreement in 2006, the DUP agreed to enter into power-sharing devolved government in Northern Ireland with Sinn Féin. Despite reports of divisions within the party, a majority of the party executive voted in favour of power-sharing in 2007. However, the DUP's sole Member of the European Parliament, Jim Allister, seven DUP councillors left the party in opposition to its plans to share power with Sinn Féin, founding the Traditional Unionist Voice.
Peter Robinson became DUP leader in 2008. The Democratic Unionist Party evolved from the Protestant Unionist Party, which itself grew out of the Ulster Protestant Action movement; the DUP was founded on 30 September 1971 by Ian Paisley, leader of the Protestant Unionist Party, Desmond Boal of the Ulster Unionist Party. Paisley, a well-known Protestant fundamentalist minister, was the founder and leader of the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster, he would lead both the DUP and the Free Presbyterian Church for the next 37 years, his party and church would be linked. When the DUP formed, Northern Ireland was in the midst of an ethnic-nationalist conflict known as the Troubles, which began in 1969 and would last for the next thirty years; the conflict began amid a campaign to end discrimination against the Catholic/Irish nationalist minority by the Protestant/unionist government and police force. This protest campaign was opposed violently, by unionists who viewed it as an Irish republican front. Paisley had led the unionist opposition to the civil rights movement.
The DUP were more hardline or loyalist than the UUP and its founding arguably stemmed from worries of the Ulster Protestant working class that the UUP was not paying them enough heed. The DUP opposed the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973; the Agreement was an attempt to resolve the conflict by setting up a new assembly and government for Northern Ireland in which unionists and Irish nationalists would share power. The Agreement proposed the creation of a Council of Ireland, which would facilitate co-operation between the governments of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland; the DUP won eight seats in the 1973 election to the Assembly. Along with other anti-Agreement unionists, the DUP formed the United Ulster Unionist Council to oppose the Agreement. In the February 1974 UK election, the UUUC won 11 out of 12 Northern Ireland seats, while the pro-Agreement unionists failed to win any. On 15 May 1974, anti-Agreement unionists called a general strike aimed at bringing down the Agreement; the strike coordinating committee included DUP leader Paisley, the other UUUC leaders, the leaders of the loyalist paramilitary groups.
The strike brought Northern Ireland to a standstill. Loyalist paramilitaries helped enforce the strike by blocking roads and intimidating workers. On the third day of the strike, loyalists detonated four car bombs in Dublin and Monaghan, killing 33 civilians; the strike led to the downfall of the Agreement on 28 May. Following the downfall of the Agreement, in 1975 the British government set up a Constitutional Convention, an elected body of unionists and nationalists which would seek agreement on a political settlement for Northern Ireland. In the election to the Convention, the UUUC won 53% of the vote; the UUUC recommended only a return to majority rule. As this was unacceptable to nationalists, the Convention was dissolved; the DUP opposed UK membership of the European Economic Community. In June 1979, in the first election to the European Parliament, Paisley won one of the three Northern Ireland seats, he topped the poll, with 29.8% of the first preference votes. He retained that seat in every European election until 2004, when he was replaced by Jim Allister, who resigned from the DUP in 2007 while retaining his seat.
During 1981, the DUP opposed the then-ongoing talks between British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Taoiseach Charles Haughey. That year and other DUP members attempted to create a Protestant loyalist volunteer militia—called the Third Force—which would work alongside t