The Ezeiza massacre took place on June 20, 1973 near Ezeiza International Airport in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Peronist masses, including many young people, had gathered there to acclaim Juan Perón's definitive return from an 18-year exile in Spain; the police estimated a half million people had gathered at the airport. In his plane, Perón was accompanied by president Héctor Cámpora, a representative of the Peronists' left wing, who had come to power on May 25, 1973, amid popular euphoria and a period of political turmoil. Cámpora was opposed to the Peronist right wing, declaring during his first speech that "the spilled blood will not be negotiated". From Perón's platform, camouflaged snipers from the right-wing of Peronism opened fire on the crowd; the left-wing Peronist Youth and the Montoneros were trapped. At least 13 bodies were subsequently identified, 365 were injured during the massacre. According to Clarín newspaper, the real number must have been much higher. No official investigation was performed to confirm these higher estimates.
The Ezeiza massacre marked the end of the alliance of left and right-wing Peronists which Perón had managed to form. Héctor Cámpora represented the main figure of the left-wing and José López Rega, Perón's personal secretary who had accompanied Perón during his exile in Francoist Spain, was the right-wing's representative. López Rega would be the founder of the Alianza Anticomunista Argentina right-wing terrorist gang. A populist and a nationalist, Perón was popular from the far left to the far-right, but this conjunction of forces ended that day. During his exile, Perón himself had supported both young left-wing Peronists, whose icons included Che Guevara and right-wing Peronists composed "Special Formations", gathering radicals such as the Guardia de Hierro or the Movimiento Nacionalista Tacuara; the tribune had been set up by Lieutenant-Colonel Jorge Manuel Osinde and other far-right figures of Peronism, such as Alberto Brito Lima and Norma Kennedy. Lorenzo Miguel, Juan Manuel Abal Medina and José Ignacio Rucci, general secretary of the CGT — controlled by the Peronist right-wing — had the responsibility of organizing the Peronists' mobilization to Ezeiza.
Members of the Unión Obrera Metalúrgica trade union, the Juventud sindical peronista and other right-wing sectors were on Perón's tribune, facing the left-wing groups in the crowds. Italian terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie, who worked in Operation Gladio but maintained links with the Chilean DINA and Turkish Grey Wolves member Abdullah Çatlı, was present at Ezeiza, according to investigations by Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón. Carlos "El Indio" Castillo, member of the Concentración Nacionalista Universitaria took part in the massacre; the massacre had been planned to effect the removal of president Héctor Cámpora, a moderate of the left-wing, from power. During Cámpora's first month of governing 600 social conflicts and factory occupations had taken place. Workers managed to obtain better working conditions; the workers' movement had gathered the sympathy of large sectors, sometimes anti-Peronist, of the middle classes. On June 2, 1973, José Ignacio Rucci, general secretary of the CGT, had responded to a Cuban delegate to the CGT congress asking for a toast in honour of Che Guevara, that they were against left-wing imperialism.
The Peronist right-wing took control of the whole of the trade union organization, placing people close to the leader José Ignacio Rucci. The battle near the Ezeiza airport marked the end of the transition period of Cámpora, who had succeeded the military dictatorship of general Alejandro Lanusse. According to Hugo Moreno, "if October 17, 1945 may be considered as the founding act of Peronism, by the general strike and the presence of the masses imposing their will of support to Perón, the June 20, 1973 massacre marks the entrance on the scene of the late right-wing Peronism." List of massacres in Argentina Ezeiza, Buenos Aires, 1985 by Horacio Verbitsky La masacre de Ezeiza, El Litoral, Santa Fe, 23 June 2010 El hombre que fue izado de los pelos, ElArgentino.com, 2008
Basilio Lami Dozo
Brigadier General Basilio Arturo Ignacio Lami Dozo was a member of the Argentine Air Force. He participated in the military dictatorship known as the National Reorganisation Process and, along with Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri and Jorge Isaac Anaya, was a member of the Third Military Junta that ruled Argentina between 1981 and 1982. Alongside Reynaldo Bignone and Omar Graffigna he was one of the last surviving members of the dictatorship. In the 1985 Trial of the Juntas he was charged with, acquitted of, acts of torture, making false declarations, kidnappings. In 1989 he was sentenced to an eight-year prison term in the criminal proceedings that arose from the 1982 Falklands War, in which he had served as commander-in-chief of the Air Force. In 1990 he received a presidential pardon from Carlos Menem and was allowed to keep his military rank. In 2003 the Spanish justice system sought his extradition in order to stand trial in Spain for crimes against humanity committed during the dictatorship.
The government of Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar ruled the extradition inadmissible but, in 2005, the Supreme Court overturned that decision and ordered extradition proceedings to go ahead. Basilio Lami Dozo Arturo Ignacio was born into a traditional family in the province of Santiago del Estero who are descendants of immigrants from Syria and Lebanon who came to the Republic of Argentina before the disappearance of the Ottoman Empire after the World War, he died on 1 February 2017, on his 88th birthday. "La Corte, contra un pedido de Graffigna y Lami Dozo" Clarín, 13 April 2006
History of Chile
The territory of Chile has been populated since at least 3000 BC. By the 16th century, Spanish conquistadors began to subdue and colonize the region of present-day Chile, the territory was a colony between 1540 and 1818, when it gained independence from Spain; the country's economic development was successively marked by the export of first agricultural produce saltpeter and copper. The wealth of raw materials led to an economic upturn, but led to dependency, wars with neighboring states. Chile was governed during most of its first 150 years of independence by different forms of restricted government, where the electorate was vetted and controlled by an elite. Failure to address the economic and social increases and increasing political awareness of the less-affluent population, as well as indirect intervention and economic funding to the main political groups by the CIA, as part of the Cold War, led to a political polarization under Socialist President Salvador Allende; this in turn resulted in the 1973 coup d'état and the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet, whose subsequent 17-year regime was responsible for both numerous human rights violations and deep market-oriented economic reforms.
In 1990, Chile made a peaceful transition to democracy. About 10,000 years ago, migrating Native Americans settled in the fertile valleys and coastal areas of what is present day Chile. Pre-Hispanic Chile was home to over a dozen different Amerindian societies; the current prevalent theories are that the initial arrival of humans to the continent took place either along the Pacific coast southwards in a rather rapid expansion long preceding the Clovis culture, or trans-Pacific migration. These theories are backed by findings in the Monte Verde archaeological site, which predates the Clovis site by thousands of years. Specific early human settlement sites from the early human habitation in Chile include the Cueva del Milodon and the Pali Aike Crater's lava tube. Despite such diversity, it is possible to classify the indigenous people into three major cultural groups: the northern people, who developed rich handicrafts and were influenced by pre-Incan cultures. No elaborate, sedentary civilization reigned supreme.
The Araucanians, a fragmented society of hunters and farmers, constituted the largest Native American group in Chile. A mobile people who engaged in trade and warfare with other indigenous groups, they lived in scattered family clusters and small villages. Although the Araucanians had no written language, they did use a common tongue; those in what became central Chile were more settled and more to use irrigation. Those in the south combined slash-and-burn agriculture with hunting. Of the three Araucanian groups, the one that mounted the fiercest resistance to the attempts at seizure of their territory were the Mapuche, meaning "people of the land." The Inca Empire extended their empire into what is now northern Chile, where they collected tribute from small groups of fishermen and oasis farmers but were not able to establish a strong cultural presence in the area. As the Spaniards would after them, the Incas encountered fierce resistance and so were unable to exert control in the south. During their attempts at conquest in 1460 and again in 1491, the Incas established forts in the Central Valley of Chile, but they could not colonize the region.
The Mapuche fought against his army. The result of the bloody three-day confrontation known as the Battle of the Maule was that the Inca conquest of the territories of Chile ended at the Maule river, which subsequently became the boundary between the Incan empire and the Mapuche lands until the arrival of the Spaniards. Scholars speculate that the total Araucanian population may have numbered 1.5 million at most when the Spaniards arrived in the 1530s. During the conquest, the Araucanians added horses and European weaponry to their arsenal of clubs and bows and arrows, they became adept at raiding Spanish settlements and, albeit in declining numbers, managed to hold off the Spaniards and their descendants until the late 19th century. The Araucanians' valor inspired the Chileans to mythologize them as the nation's first national heroes, a status that did nothing, however, to elevate the wretched living standard of their descendants; the Chilean Patagonia located south of the Calle-Calle River in Valdivia was composed of many tribes Tehuelches, who were considered giants by Spaniards during Magellan's voyage of 1520.
The name Patagonia comes from the word patagón used by Magellan to describe the native people whom his expedition thought to be giants. It is now believed the Patagons were Tehuelches with an average height of 1.80 m compared to the 1.55 m average for Spaniards of the time. The Argentine portion of Patagonia includes the provinces of Neuquén, Río Negro and Santa Cruz, as well as the eastern portion of Tierra del Fuego archipelago; the Argentine politico-economic Patagonic Region includes the Province of La Pampa. The Chilean part of Patagonia embraces the southern part of Valdivia, Los Lagos in Lake Llanquihue, Chiloé, Puerto Montt and the Archaeological site of Monte Verde the fiords and islands south to the regions of Aisén and Magallanes, including the west side of Tierra del Fuego and Cap
Alfredo Ignacio Astiz is a former commander, intelligence officer and naval commando who served in the Argentine Navy during the military dictatorship of Jorge Rafael Videla during the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional. He was known as El Ángel Rubio de la Muerte, had a reputation as a notorious torturer, he was discharged from the military in 1998 after defending his actions in a press interview. He was a member of GT 3.3.2 based in the Naval Mechanics School in Buenos Aires during the Dirty War of 1976–1983. The school torture center for political prisoners; as many as 5,000 political prisoners were interrogated and murdered in the ESMA during those years. GT3.3.2 was involved in some of the 8,961 deaths and other crimes documented by a national commission after the restoration of democratic government in Argentina in 1983. Astiz, a specialist in the infiltration of human rights organizations, was implicated in the December 1977 kidnapping of twelve human rights activists, including Azucena Villaflor and two other founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, two French nationals, Léonie Duquet and Alice Domon, who were Catholic nuns.
None of the twelve was seen alive again outside detention and all were believed killed, rumored to be among the bodies washed up on beaches south of Buenos Aires in late 1977. At the beginning of the 1982 Falklands War, Astiz surrendered with his team to British forces. Sweden and France wanted to question him about "disappearances" of their nationals at his hands but, considering issues of the Geneva Conventions, the United Kingdom had him questioned by a British policeman. Astiz refused to answer any questions; the UK did not think it had grounds to hold or prosecute him, as he was suspected for crimes committed in Argentina that were not defined as against international law, repatriated him. In 1986 and 1987, Argentina passed the Pardon Laws, providing a kind of amnesty to military and security officers for crimes committed during the Dirty War. In 1990, a French court convicted Astiz in absentia for the kidnapping of Duquet and Domon, sentenced him to life imprisonment. After the Argentine Supreme Court's 2005 ruling that the Pardon Laws were unconstitutional, the government re-opened prosecution of war crimes cases.
That year Astiz was detained on charges of torture. A mass grave with several unidentified bodies was found in July 2005 in a cemetery about 400 kilometers south of Buenos Aires; the prosecution of charges against Astiz included murder. Together with numerous other defendants associated with ESMA, Astiz was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment in Argentina for crimes against humanity on 26 October 2011. Under Lieutenant Commander Jorge Eduardo Acosta, the GT 3.3.2 was based in the Naval Mechanics School in Buenos Aires during the Dirty War. About 5,000 political prisoners were interrogated and murdered in the ESMA, or elsewhere by its personnel, during those years. GT332 was involved in some of the 8,961 deaths and other crimes documented by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons after the restoration of democratic government in Argentina in 1983. During the Dirty War, Astiz specialized as an intelligence officer with GT 3.3.2 in infiltrating human rights groups in Argentina those active in Buenos Aires.
He used the false name of "Gustavo Niño." He stayed with a group long enough to identify key members and organized their abductions by his military forces. Prisoners were taken to the secret detention camp at ESMA and interrogated under torture for information about other members and activities. Most detainees were murdered by the military or death squads. Astiz was believed to have kidnapped and tortured hundreds of people during 1976 and 1977. Among these were several nationals of other countries, whose cases received international attention as their governments tried to find them and to prosecute suspects. In 1976 and 1977, Astiz' team kidnapped and "disappeared" three Italian nationals: Angela Maria Aieta in 1976, Giovanni Pegoraro and his pregnant daughter Susana Pegoraro in 1977. Susana was believed to have given birth in prison before her death, it was suspected her child was given illegally for adoption by a military family. On 27 January 1977 Dagmar Hagelin, a 17-year-old girl holding Swedish citizenship through her father Ragnar Hagelin, was shot and wounded by Astiz while attempting to escape capture.
From the early 1980s, Ragnar Hagelin battled tirelessly to bring Astiz to justice. His wife and Dagmar's mother was an Argentine citizen named Buccicardi. Dagmar Hagelin was never found. In 2000 the Argentine government paid compensation to his wife for their loss, it was reported at the time that Astiz mistook Dagmar Hagelin for a Montonero activist to whom she bore some physical resemblance, and, a mutual acquaintance of fellow-activist Norma Susana Burgos. Witnesses testified to having seen Hagelin at the ESMA secret detention and torture center, alleged that Astiz was in charge of her interrogation, she was never again seen alive. According to the Argentine Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, tasked with following up Swedish complaints at the time of Hagelin's shooting and abduction, Lieutenant Commander Jorge Eduardo Acosta, commander of GT3.3.2, said that "setting her free is out of the question. We must not give in to public opinion. We must appear strong."His resistance was believed to be related to the severity of the injuries she suffered in the shoot
Villa Grimaldi is considered the most important of DINA’s many complexes that were used for the interrogation and torture of political prisoners during the governance of Augusto Pinochet. It is located at Avenida José Arrieta 8200 in Peñalolén, on the outskirts of Santiago, was in operation from mid-1974 to mid-1978. About 4,500 detainees were brought to Villa Grimaldi during this time, at least 240 of whom "disappeared" or were killed by DINA, it was the location of the headquarters of the Metropolitan Intelligence Brigade. The head of Villa Grimaldi during the Pinochet dictatorship, Marcelo Moren Brito, was convicted of crimes against humanity and sentenced to more than 300 years in prison. For most of the 19th and 20th centuries, the three-acre estate was a gathering place for many of Chile's artists and intellectuals. Over the years Villa Grimaldi's various owners hosted cultural events; the structures included meeting rooms, entertainment halls, a theater, as well as a school, open to the entire community.
It was a gathering place for many left wing and progressive cultural and political figures during the Popular Unity years, the period associated with the election of Salvador Allende, a Socialist, to Chile’s presidency in 1970. This liberal atmosphere changed when General Augusto Pinochet seized power in a military coup d’etat on September 11, 1973. Chile's wealthy oligarchy, the Nixon administration, the Central Intelligence Agency, were among the supporters of Allende's overthrow; the owner of Villa Grimaldi at the time of the coup, Emile Vassallo, was pressured to sell the estate to the new government in order to protect his family. This is one of the first examples of the state of siege, enforced under Pinochet for the next 17 years, his regime began to detain thousands of political activists, workers, trade unionists, any other subversive individuals who spoke out against his military government. Villa Grimaldi was taken over by the DINA, Pinochet's secret police, under Colonel Manuel Contreras and became an interrogation center under the cover of an electrical utility company.
It was referred to by the government as Cuartel Terranova, but continued to be referred to as Villa Grimaldi by the greater population. An estimated 4,500 people were detained at Villa Grimaldi, of those at least 226 "disappeared" forever. Victims included Carlos Lorca, the British physician Sheila Cassidy, the MAPU leader Juan Maino, the CEPAL diplomat Carmelo Soria, future Chilean President Michelle Bachelet, tortured with her mother. Prisoners were detained for interrogation but their detention lasted for long periods of time without explanation and many prisoners were subject to torture. According to the Rettig Report, they were kept in several different living situations: The Tower, a tall structure containing ten narrow spaces measuring 70 x 70 centimetres and two metres high in which multiple prisoners were held; the tower contained a torture chamber. People brought to the tower were detainees considered to be of some importance and whose stage of intense interrogation had finished. Many prisoners who went to the tower were never seen again.
Chile Houses were wooden structures designed for solitary confinement. They consisted of vertical sections similar to closets in which the person had to remain standing in darkness for several days. Corvi Houses were small wooden rooms built inside each containing a bunkbed; this was where prisoners stayed while they were undergoing intense interrogation and torture. The forced voyeurism exercised at Villa Grimaldi has been likened to places like Abu Ghraib. Electric shock was the most common form of torture used by agents at Villa Grimaldi. Agents tied naked prisoners to a bare metal bed known as la parilla, or the grill, shock devices were attached to sensitive parts of the body such as the lips or genitals. Other torture methods included hanging, underwater asphyxiation, burning, verbal abuse and general degradation. Detainees were sometimes hypnotized during interrogations. By 1978, Villa Grimaldi was no longer a detention center, it was sold to a construction company which demolished the buildings with the intentions of redeveloping the estate into housing complex.
La Asamblea Permanente por los Derechos Humanos de Peñalolén y La Reina was a community led movement that found out about these plans and initiated a campaign to redevelop the land into a memorial of the lives lost there in the name of human rights and the preservation of historical memory. Villa Grimaldi as a memorial site was first opened to the community on December 10, 1994; the Villa Grimaldi Peace Park was subsequently opened in March 1997. The property that houses Villa Grimaldi was once owned, featuring a main estate and several smaller buildings, including a water tower, barracks for domestic help, a pool. In its current state, many of the historic features have been removed, but the remnants have been incorporated into the construction of the peace park. Visitors to the current site note being struck by the design’s open space. A new building has been reconstructed to resemble The Tower, a multi-tier fifty foot oak building containing replicas of a series of torture spots, including isolation cells smaller than 3 feet by 7 feet in size.
These holding areas are smaller than the quarters for solitary confinement, referred to as las perras that were used for prisoners who did not “collaborate enough”. Features of the peace park are oriented in a “+” shape, dividing the park into four corners. In the center there i
Admiral Jorge Isaac Anaya was a Commander-in-Chief of the Argentine Navy. He was born in the province of Buenos Aires, he participated in the Right-wing military dictatorship known as the National Reorganisation Process and, along with Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri and Basilio Lami Dozo, was a member of the Third Military Junta that ruled Argentina between 1981 and 1982. He was the main architect and supporter of a military solution for the long-standing claim over the Falkland Islands that led to the Falklands War. In 1955, Ship-of-the-Line Lieutenant Anaya participated in the coup against president Juan Domingo Perón, he was known to torture dissidents and new conscripts, was recruited by the CIA for a covert anti-Communist programme in 1962. He served as Argentina's naval attaché in London, United Kingdom between 1964 and 1967, he commanded an anti-Submarine Frigate between 1967 and 1970, a Destroyer Escort Squadron between 1970 and 1972, a Guided Missile Frigate Squadron between 1972 and 1974.
Between 1974 and 1976 he was the Chief of the Naval Police and Naval Intelligence In 1976, during the first part of the new military regime, Anaya was Chief of Naval Operations. In December 1981, there was a change in the dictatorship bringing to office a new junta headed by General Leopoldo Galtieri. Anaya as commander-in-chief of the navy, ordered Vice-Admiral Juan Lombardo to create a plan to seize the Falkland Islands which both presented to the new acting president. During the 1982 war he devised and commanded Operation Algeciras, in which Argentine commandos were to sabotage a Royal Navy warship harboured in Gibraltar. In the 1985 Trial of the Juntas he was acquitted of charges of kidnapping, enslavement, concealing the truth, usurpation of power, false declarations. In 1997, Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón requested the arrest and extradition of 45 members of the Argentine military, one civilian, for crimes of genocide, state terrorism, torture committed during the "Dirty War" period of the de facto regime, including Anaya.
The request was denied on several occasions by the democratically elected Argentine government, which argued that it was inadmissible on grounds of inapplicable jurisdiction. On 27 July 2003, by means of Decree 420/03, President Néstor Kirchner amended the criteria under which the extraditions had been refused, ordering that the legal proceedings requested by the Spanish courts go ahead and thus enabling the extraditions to proceed. In August 2003, Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar ordered the cessation of the extradition proceedings for crimes committed in Argentina under the de facto regime; that decision was overturned by the Supreme Court in 2005, which ordered that Garzón's requested extraditions continue. In November 2006, while waiting to be interrogated by an examining magistrate, he suffered a heart attack and was rushed to the naval hospital, he died on 9 January 2008 while under house arrest on charges of human rights violations. Translated, in part, from the corresponding article on the Spanish-language Wikipedia.
"La Corte, contra un pedido de Graffigna y Lami Dozo" Clarín, 13 April 2006 Obituary
National Reorganization Process
The National Reorganization Process was the name used by its leaders for the military dictatorship that ruled Argentina from 1976 to 1983. In Argentina it is known as última junta militar, última dictadura militar or última dictadura cívico-militar, because there have been several in the country's history; the Argentine military seized political power during the March 1976 coup, as part of the Operation Condor over the presidency of Isabel Perón, widow of former President Juan Domingo Perón. After losing the Falklands War to the United Kingdom in 1982, the military junta faced mounting public opposition and relinquished power in 1983. All of the Junta members are serving sentences for crimes against humanity and genocide; the military has always been influential in Argentine politics, Argentine history is laced with frequent and prolonged intervals of military rule. The popular Argentine leader, Juan Perón, three-time President of Argentina, was a colonel in the army who first came to political power in the aftermath of a 1943 military coup.
He advocated a new policy dubbed Justicialism, a nationalist policy which he claimed was a "Third Position," an alternative to both capitalism and communism. After being re-elected to the office of president by popular vote, Perón was deposed and exiled by the Revolución Libertadora in 1955. After a series of weak governments, a seven-year military government, Perón returned to Argentina in 1973, following 18 years exile in Francoist Spain, amidst escalating political unrest, divisions in the Peronist movement, frequent outbreaks of political violence, his return was marked by June 20, 1973 Ezeiza massacre, after which the right-wing Peronist movement became dominant. Peron was democratically elected President in 1973, but died in July 1974, his vice president and third wife, Isabel Martínez de Perón, succeeded him, but she proved to be a weak, ineffectual ruler. A number of revolutionary organizations – chief among them Montoneros, a group of far-left Peronists – escalated their wave of political violence against the campaign of harsh repressive and retaliatory measures enforced by the military and the police.
In addition, right-wing paramilitary groups entered the cycle of violence, such as the Triple A death squad, founded by José López Rega, Perón's Minister of Social Welfare and a member of the P2 masonic lodge. The situation escalated, she was replaced on March 24, 1976 by a military junta led by Lieutenant General Jorge Rafael Videla. Official investigations undertaken after the end of the Dirty War by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons documented 8,961 desaparecidos and other human rights violations, noting that the correct number is bound to be higher. Many cases were never reported, when whole families were disappeared, the military destroyed many of its records months before the return of democracy. Among the "disappeared" were pregnant women, who were kept alive until giving birth under primitive circumstances in the secret prisons; the infants were illegally adopted by military or political families affiliated with the administration, the mothers were killed. Thousands of detainees were drugged, loaded into aircraft, stripped naked and thrown into the Rio de la Plata or the Atlantic Ocean to drown in what became known as "death flights."
The film The Official Story, which won the Oscar for the Best Foreign Film category in 1985, addresses this situation. The Argentine secret service SIDE cooperated with the DINA in Pinochet's Chile and other South American intelligence agencies. Eight South American nations supported endeavours to eradicate left-leaning terrorist groups on the continent, known as Operation Condor, it is estimated to have caused the deaths of more than 60.000 people. SIDE trained – for example in the Honduran Lepaterique base – the Nicaraguan Contras who were fighting the Sandinista government there; the regime shut down the legislature and restricted both freedom of the press and freedom of speech, adopting severe media censorship. The 1978 World Cup, which Argentina hosted and won, was used as a means of propaganda and to rally its people under a nationalist pretense. Corruption, a failing economy, growing public awareness of the harsh repressive measures taken by the regime, the military defeat in the Falklands War, eroded the public image of the regime.
The last de facto president, Reynaldo Bignone, was forced to call for elections by the lack of support within the Army and the growing pressure of public opinion. On October 30, 1983, elections were held, democracy was formally restored on December 10 with President Raúl Alfonsín being sworn into office. Videla appointed José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz as Minister of Economy, charged with stabilizing and privatizing state-owned companies, along what would be known as neoconservative lines; the Junta borrowed money abroad for social welfare spending. Martínez de Hoz was forced to rely on high interest rates and an over-valued exchange rate to control inflation, which hurt Argentine industry and exports. Before the military government took office, 9% of the population lived in poverty while the unemployment rate