Anarchism in Argentina
The Argentinian anarchist movement was the strongest such movement in South America. It was strongest between 1890 and the start of a series of military governments in 1930. During this period, it was dominated by anarchist anarcho-syndicalists; the movement's theories were a hybrid of European anarchist thought and local elements, just as it consisted demographically of both European immigrant workers and native Argentinians. The first Argentinian anarchist groups appeared in the 1870s. A section of the First International was founded in the Argentinian capital of Buenos Aires in either 1871 or 1872, but at first it was explicitly part of neither the International's anarchist nor its Marxist wing. By 1879, there were several sections in Argentina, with anarchists in control of all of them. In 1876, adherents of Bakunin's ideals founded the Center for Workers' Propaganda; the well-known Italian anarchist Errico Malatesta was in Argentina from 1885 to 1889. With his help, the first anarchist trade union was started in 1887.
In 1890, El perseguido became the first anarchist organ in the country. During this time the Argentinian anarchist movement was split over the question of organization. There was a communist anarchist, wing advocating workers' organizations, deeming them the natural weapon for the anarchist struggle; the opponents of organizations, both communist and individualist anarchists, in turn claimed organizations forced those working within them to become reformists and give up their revolutionary stance. Until his departure in 1889, Malatesta helped bridge this gap and minimize the tensions and rivalries between the two wings, but after he left, they broke out once again; the pro-organizers were strengthened in 1891 by the arrivals of the Spanish anarchist Antoni Pellicer in 1891 and the Italian Pietro Gori in 1898. In 1897, the proponents of trade unions founded the weekly newspaper La Protesta Humana. In 1900, Paraire published a series of articles in La Protesta Humana under the title "Labor Organization" advocating a dual organization concept: a militant labor federation for economic, a genuinely anarchist organization for political matters.
In 1901, Argentina's first national labor confederation, the Argentine Workers' Federation, was founded. Although its founding principles were influenced by Paraire and Gori, it was at first a joint project with the socialists. In 1902, the first general strike in Argentinian history took place, it led to the passing of the Residence Law, which gave the government the power to deport "subversive foreigners". This law was used to expel hundreds of anarchists, while a great number of them fled to Montevideo in Uruguay only to reenter the country afterwards. In 1903, La Protesta Humana was renamed as the name under it which exists to this day. In the same year, the moderate wing of the FOA left the federation to form the General Workers' Union, thus leaving the hegemony in the FOA to the anarchists, they renamed the union as Argentine Regional Workers' Federation as a sign of the organization's internationalism in 1904. In 1905, at the FORA's fifth congress, its adherence to anarchism was formalized.
In a resolution, it declared that it should "inculcate in the workers the economic and philosophical principles of anarchocommunism". This resolution became the basic policy for the following years; the FORA disagreed with the revolutionary syndicalists over the question of the unions' role after a revolution. While the anarcho-communists viewed labor unions as a by-product of capitalist society, which would have to be dissolved with the establishment of an anarchist society, the syndicalists viewed their unions' democratic structure as a model for the society they envisioned and wanted the unions to be the basis of such a new society. A series of strikes, many of them instigated by the anarchists, followed in 1905. During this period the anarchist movement experienced rapid growth. 50 to 70% of the males in the working class were disenfranchised, because they were not native Argentinians. Hence the legal political framework was not an option for them and anarchism gained appeal; the movement's strength and its relationship to the state is demonstrated by the events on May 1, 1904.
70,000 anarchist workers marched in the streets of La Boca. Proscribed by Roca's government, the demonstration ended in the death of a teenager. In 1909, police fired on a May Day demonstration in the Plaza Lorea in Buenos Aires organized by FORA. Several workers were killed; the anarchists responded by declaring a general strike leading the government to shut down the workers' centers and arrest 2,000 people. This strike lasted nine days; as the Chief of Police Ramón Falcón was blamed for the killing, the young Jewish anarchist Simón Radowitzky killed him and his secretary by throwing a bomb at the car they were in on November 13. An unprecedented repression against the anarchist movement ensued. Martial law was declared and remained in place until January 1910; the offices of La Protesta were raided and its machinery destroyed, as were the workers' centers. Within 48 hours thousands were arrested, many sent to Ushuaia prison in Tierra del Fuego. Non-Argentinian activists were deported. Although martial law was lifted in January 1910, this year saw the next major clash between the government and the anarchists.
1910 was the hundredth anniversary of the May Revolution of 1810, which led to Argentinian independence. Anarchist agitation was on the rise, a new anarchist daily newspaper, La Batalla, was founded in March, the FORA planned protests against the Residence Law, but was somewhat hesitant as it scented a lack of militancy among workers; the moderate syndicalist Argentine Regional Workers' Confederation, t
Nacionalismo (Argentine political movement)
Nacionalismo was a far-right Argentine nationalist movement that around 1910 grew out of the "traditionalist" position, based on nostalgia for feudal economic relations and a more "organic" social order. It became a significant force in Argentine politics beginning in the 1930s. Nacionalismo was centred upon support of order, corporatism, militant Catholicism, support of the landed estates, combined with the hatred of liberalism, Freemasonry, feminism and foreigners, it denounced democracy as the prelude to communism. Nacionalismo was influenced by Maurrassism and Spanish clericalism as well as by Italian Fascism and Nazism. After the 1930 Argentine coup d'etat, Nacionalistas supported the entrenchment of an authoritarian corporatist state led by a military leader. Nacionalistas refused to take part in elections because of their opposition to elections as derivative of liberalism, its advocates were writers, journalists, a few politicians and many colonels and other junior military officers. Nacionalismo supported a "return to tradition, to the past, to sentiments authentically Argentine... the reintegration of the nation with these essential values", these essential values included Roman Catholicism, claiming that to the Church "the Nation should be linked as the body to the soul".
Nacionalismo opposed secular education, accusing it of being "Masonic laicism", supported clerical control of education. Nacionalismo based its twin policy of opposition to liberalism and socialism along with promotion of social justice on the papal encyclicals of 1891 and 1931. Nacionalismo supported improving relations between the social classes to achieve the Catholic ideal of an organic, "harmonious" society. Beginning in the mid-1930s, Nacionalistas declared their concern for the working-class and support for social reform, with the newspaper La Voz Nacionalista declaring "The lack of equity, of welfare, of social justice, of humanity, has made the proletariat a beast of burden... unable to enjoy life or the advances of civilization". By the late 1930s, with industrial development increasing in the country, Nacionalistas promoted a policy of progressive income redistribution to allow more money to be with wage-earners and thus allowing them to invest and widen the economy and increase industrial growth.
In the 1940s, the Nacionalistas rose from a fringe group to be a substantial political force in Argentina. In the 1940s, the Nacionalistas emphasized the need for economic sovereignty, requiring greater industrialization and the take-over of foreign companies. By the 1940s, the Nacionalistas was run by the military clique known as the Grupo Oficiales de Unidos; the GOU was suspicious about the threat of communism and along with the Nacionalistas supported the revolution of 1943. Nacionalistas took control of President Pedro Pablo Ramírez's junta in October 1943, changing Argentina's foreign policy by refusing to permit any further discussion with the United States on the issue of breaking Argentina's relations with the Axis powers; the United States government responded by freezing assets of Argentine banks in their country. In power, the Nacionalistas pursued a policy of social justice by supporting the appointment of Juan Perón as the head of the department of labour on 28 October 1943. Perón declared that the Nacionalista government was committed to a "revolution" that would keep national wealth in Argentina, give workers their dues, improving living standards without provoking class conflict, attacked both communism and international capitalism.
Facing pressure from the United States for Argentina to dissolve relations with the Axis powers, President Ramírez yielded on 26 January 1944 and this was followed by Nacionalistas protesting this action and Ramírez banning all Nacionalista organizations in February. Nacionalista cabinet ministers resigned in protest and the Nacionalistas subsequently overthrew Ramírez, retaining their hold on power of the government; as an ideology, Nacionalismo was militarist and sympathetic to the rule of a modern caudillo, who the Nationalists were either hoping for or reinterpreting history to locate in the past. Along these lines, a major part of the intellectual work of Nacionalismo was the creation of historical revisionism as an academic movement in Argentina. Nationalist historians published a number of works challenging the work of the liberal historians who had forged the dominant historical narrative of Argentina, presented 19th century dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas as the kind of benevolent authoritarian leader that the country still needed.
While the nationalists themselves never managed to maintain political power despite participating in a handful of successful coups throughout the 20th century. Their lasting legacy, however is twofold: first, their enormous influence over the political discourse of contemporary Argentina, where right and center have all been influenced by their discourse, in part through second-hand clerical and military influences, in part through Perón's adoption of some of their ideas and language. Second, the most recent military coup in Argentina was directed and conducted by Nationalists in the Argentine armed forces, most dictated by their ideological legacy. With hindsight, the ironic part of this enormous slaughter was that the main guerrilla group that the government was attempting to undermine and exterminate wa
The American Historical Review
The American Historical Review is the official publication of the American Historical Association. It targets readers interested in all facets of history, it has been described as the premier journal of American history in the world, is highly respected as a general historical journal. It was established in 1895 as a joint effort between the history department at Cornell University and its counterpart at Harvard, modeled on The English Historical Review and the French Revue historique, "for the promotion of historical studies, the collection and preservation of historical documents and artifacts, the dissemination of historical research." The journal is published in February, June and December as a book-like academic publication with research papers and book reviews, among other items. Each year 25 articles and review essays and 1,000 book reviews are published; the editorial offices are located at Indiana University Bloomington, where a small staff produces the publication under the guidance of a 12-member advisory board.
From the October 2007 issue until 2011, the journal was published by the University of Chicago Press. In September 2011, it was announced that the journal would be published by Oxford University Press, beginning in 2012. Stieg, Margaret F.. "The Spread of Scholarly Historical Periodicals: France, Great Britain, the United States". The Origin and Development of Scholarly Historical Periodicals. Tuscaloosa: University Alabama Press. Pp. 39–81. ISBN 0-8173-0273-5. Official website
Politics of Argentina
The politics of Argentina take place in the framework of what the Constitution defines as a federal presidential representative democratic Republic, where the President of Argentina is both Head of State and Head of Government. Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of the Argentine National Congress; the Judiciary is independent of the Legislature. Elections take place on a multi-party system; the government structure of Argentina is a democracy. The current Chief of State and Head of Government is President Mauricio Macri. Legislative Branch is a bicameral Congress, which consists of the Senate, presided by the Vice-President, the Chamber of Deputies presided by Emilio Monzó of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires; the General Auditing Office of the Nation and the Ombudsman are part of this branch. Deputies serve for 4 years; the Judiciary Branch is composed of federal judges and others with different jurisdictions, a Supreme Court with five judges, appointed by the President with approval of the Senate, who may be deposed by Congress.
Further information: Government of Argentina Argentina is divided into 23 Provinces, the equivalent of States, one autonomous district, CABA, inside the Buenos Aires province. Because of its federal government, every province has its own constitution, authorities; each province, except for Buenos Aires Province, is divided into departments, or disctricts, which are in turn divided into municipalities. The Buenos Aires Province is different, its territory is divided into 134 districts called partidos, not municipalities. Argentina's first government, autonomous from the Spanish Crown, can be traced back to May 1810 and the May Revolution, where an assembly of Argentines, called Primera Junta, took power; because at the time it was difficult to find the right form of government, more difficult to consolidate a Republic, Argentina experimented with different forms of assembly, like juntas and triumvirates. The 9th of July 1816, half of Argentina's provinces signed a declaration of independence.
The beginnings of Argentine state building were rough and many provinces refused to answer to a central government and sign the first constitution of 1826. In 1853, after several years of centralist power, a new constitution was passed, this one consolidated fully, the Argentine Nation. Buenos Aires, still refused to be considered part of the country. However, after the battle of Pavon in 1861, Buenos Aires set terms for its inclusion in the Constitution and the Republic of Argentina was born, with Bartolome Mitre as the President. From 1852 until 1930 Argentina experienced liberal government with first oligarchic and democratic tendencies. From 1852-1916 the government, run by the landowning elite, controlled the outcome of elections by committing fraud; this was contested by working-class sectors. This fueled the creation of more unions and political parties, including the Radical Civil Union, which represented the emergent middle-class. In 1912, Law 8871, or the Sáenz Peña Law established universal and obligatory male suffrage, which marked the middle classes entering the government, displacing the landowning elite.
Since the 1930s coups d'état have disrupted this democracy. After World War II and Juan Perón's presidency, recurring economic and institutional crises fostered the rise of military regimes. In 1930, the elected president Hipolito Yrigoyen was ousted by a right-wing led coup. In 1931 the new government held controlled elections and blocked the participation of Yrigoyen's party; this alleged elections gave way to the Concordancia, a three-party regime. They controlled the Argentine government, through fraud and rigged elections, until 1943. Several factors, including the deaths of the most prominent leaders and World War II, led to another coup that ended the Concordancia regime; this coup was led by the army, which supported the Axis powers, modeled the new government after Italy's fascist regime. Among the military leaders was Juan Domingo Perón, in charge of the Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare, he veered off the path set by the conservative army and set forth to improve the living and working conditions of workers, including giving Labor Unions support and governmental positions.
He was jailed but after mass protests, he became president in the elections of 1946. His regime is known as a populist one, aided by the figure of his first wife Eva Duarte de Perón or “Evita”, their regime produced economic growth and improvements on working conditions. It passed female suffrage, nationalized the central bank and gas, urban transport and the telephone. After the death of his wife, Perón started losing support, he was ousted in 1955 by another coup. However, Peronism continues to live on in Argentina; the next stage of the Social State was one characterized by both political instability. Peron died a year later, his second wife, became president. However, she was not capable of running the country and the military took power once again in 1976. Jorge Rafael Videla's dictatorship began in 1976 but fell into decline in 1982 after a defeat in the Falklands War, ended in 1983 with the democratic election of President Raúl Alfonsín of the Radical Civic Union party. Alfonsín faced significant challenges, including a military uprising, resigned in 1989, six months before the end of his term, but the country was not in clear danger of becoming subject to a dictatorship again.
Carlos Menem of th
Anti-communism is opposition to communism. Organized anti-communism developed after the 1917 October Revolution in Russia and it reached global dimensions during the Cold War, when the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in an intense rivalry. Anti-communism has been an element of movements holding many different political positions, including nationalist, social democratic, libertarian, fascist, capitalist and socialist viewpoints; the first organization dedicated to opposing communism was the Russian White movement, which fought in the Russian Civil War starting in 1918 against the established Communist government. The White movement was supported militarily by several allied foreign governments, which represented the first instance of anti-communism as a government policy; the Communist Red Army defeated the White movement and the Soviet Union was created in 1922. During the existence of the Soviet Union, anti-communism became an important feature of many different political movements and governments across the world.
In the United States, anti-communism came to prominence with the First Red Scare of 1919–1920. During the 1920s and 1930s, opposition to communism in Europe was promoted by conservatives, social democrats and fascists. Fascist governments rose to prominence as major opponents of communism in the 1930s and they founded the Anti-Comintern Pact in 1936 as an anti-communist alliance. In Asia, the Empire of Japan and the Kuomintang were the leading anti-communist forces in this period. After World War II, fascism ceased to be a major political movement due to the defeat of the Axis powers; the victorious Allies were an international coalition led by the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, but after the war this alliance broke down into two opposing camps: a Communist one led by the Soviet Union and a capitalist one led by the United States. The rivalry between the two sides came to be known as the Cold War and during this period the United States government played a leading role in supporting global anti-communism as part of its containment policy.
There were numerous military conflicts between Communists and anti-Communists in various parts of the world, including the Chinese Civil War, the Korean War, the Vietnam War and the Soviet–Afghan War. NATO was founded as an anti-communist military alliance in 1949 and continued throughout the Cold War. With the Revolutions of 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, most of the world's Communist governments were overthrown and the Cold War ended. Anti-communism remains an important intellectual element of many contemporary political movements and organized anti-communism is a factor in the domestic opposition found to varying degrees within the People's Republic of China and other countries governed by Communist parties. Since the split of the Communist parties from the socialist Second International to form the Communist Third International, social democrats have been critical of Communism for its anti-democratic nature. Examples of left-wing critics of Communist states and parties are such as Friedrich Ebert, Boris Souveraine, Bayard Rustin, Irving Howe and Max Shachtman.
The American Federation of Labor has always been anti-communist. The more leftist Congress of Industrial Organizations purged its Communists in 1947 and has been staunchly anti-communist since. In Britain, the Labour Party strenuously resisted Communist efforts to infiltrate its ranks and take control of locals in the 1930s; the Labour Party became anti-communist and Labour Prime Minister Clement Attlee was a staunch supporter of NATO. Although most anarchists describe themselves as communists, most anarchists criticize authoritarian Communist parties and states. Many argue that Marxist concepts such as dictatorship of the proletariat and state ownership of the means of production are anathema to anarchism; some anarchists criticize communism from an individualist point of view. Anarchists participated in and rejoiced over the 1917 February Revolution as an example of workers taking power for themselves. However, after the October Revolution it became evident that the Bolsheviks and the anarchists had different ideas.
Anarchist Emma Goldman, deported from the United States to Russia in 1919, was enthusiastic about the revolution, but was left sorely disappointed and began to write her book My Disillusionment in Russia. Anarchist Peter Kropotkin proffered trenchant criticism of the emergent Bolshevik bureaucracy in letters to Vladimir Lenin, noting in 1920 that " is positively harmful for the building of a new socialist system. What is needed is local construction by local forces. Russia has become a Soviet Republic only in name". Many anarchists fought against Russian and Greek Communists—many were killed by them, such as Lev Chernyi, Camillo Berneri and Konstantinos Speras. In The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels outline some provisional short-term measures that could be steps towards communism, they note: "These measures will, of course, be different in different countries. In most advanced countries, will be pretty applicable". Ludwig von Mises described this as a "10-point plan" for the redistribution of land and production and argues that the initial and ongoing forms of redistribution constitute direct coercion.
Neither Marx's 10-point plan nor the rest of the manifesto say anything about who has the right to carry out the plan. Milton Friedman argued that the absence of voluntary economic activity makes it too easy for repressive political leaders to grant themselves coercive powers. Friedman's view was shared by Friedrich
Radical Civic Union
The Radical Civic Union is a centrist social-liberal political party in Argentina. The party has been ideologically heterogeneous; the UCR is a member of the Socialist International. Founded in 1891 by radical liberals, it is the oldest political party active in Argentina after the Liberal Party of Corrientes. For many years the party was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule; the UCR's main support comes from the middle class. Throughout its history the party has stood for free elections, supremacy of civilians over the military and liberal democratic values. During the 1970s and 1980s it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights. By May 2014, the UCR had 14 Senators; the party was a breakaway from the Civic Union, led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem. The term'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage, considered radical at the time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors.
The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park. A compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew, the young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1893 and 1905 the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912 the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president; as well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle the country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; the Radical Civic Union remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930 and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from the United States' Great Depression.
From 1930 to 1958 the Radical Civic Union was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi; the growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned; the outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of the votes. Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" - was being criticized at the time.
During the 1970s Peronist government, the Radical Civic Union was the second-most supported party, but this didn't grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party; the UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín, saluted Peron's coffin with the famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions; the subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime many members of the UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989 its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín, was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone.
Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party. In 1997 the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity, itself an alliance of many smaller parties; this strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections. During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government, President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats, it campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronis
Nationalist Liberation Alliance
The Nationalist Liberation Alliance known as the Argentine Civic Legion from 1931 to 1937, the Alliance of Nationalist Youth from 1937 to 1943, using its final name from 1943 to 1955, was a Nacionalista and fascist movement. The movement was influenced by fascism, with its members utilizing the Roman salute, wearing fascist-style uniforms, marching in military formation; the movement's declaration of principles in 1931 attacked Marxism and democracy and declared support for the creation of a corporatist state like that of Fascist Italy. It cooperated with the Argentine Fascist Party in the Córdoba region of Argentina. In Córdoba in 1935, the local militia allied with the Argentine Fascist Party and Argentine Nationalist Action to form the Frente de Fuerzas Fascistas de Córdoba, replaced by the National Fascist Union in 1936. In 1936, its leader General Juan Bautista Molina reorganized the militia to be based upon the organization of the Nazi Party. General Molina wanted an Argentina based on Nazi lines, presenting himself as an Argentine Hitler, having close relations with Nazi Germany.
The movement called for "hierarchy and order" in society, various xenophobic and anti-Semitic themes, the demand for "social justice" and "revolutionary" land reform to destroy the "oligarchy" in Argentina. Juan Bautista Molina wanted the creation of an Argentina based on Nazi lines, presenting himself as an Argentine Hitler, having close relations with Nazi Germany, it was violently anti-Semitic, with its journal Combate issuing a "commandment" to its members: "War against the Jew. Hatred towards the Jew. Death to the Jew." It was recognized as a political entity on 20 May 1931 and received juridical personality on 11 January 1932. The movement was formed by Argentine President General José Félix Uriburu as a reserve for Argentina's armed forces; the movement's members were authorized to receive military training. The Legion declared itself to be made up of "patriotic men" who embodied "the spirit of the September revolution and who morally and materially were ready to cooperate in the institutional reconstruction of the country".
The Legion was the largest nationalist organization in Argentina in the early 1930s. The movement is known to have committed acts of violence against its political opponents and tortured those that were captured, it collapsed in 1955 after anti-Peronist forces seized control of Argentina with its leader fleeing the country. It had a student wing called the Nationalist Union of Secondary Students. Unlike other Argentine nationalist organizations of the time, the Legion had a women's section, while other nationalist groups excluded women from their organizations; the Legion's women section called Agrupación Femenina de la LCA promoted women to love the armed forces and respect for order and hierarchy in the home and school. These women were to provide aid to the poor to assist in establishing social peace. During the 1946 Argentine elections, the ALN was the largest Nacionalista movement but only gained 25,000 votes in a few areas in which it fielded candidates; this coincided with the election of Juan Perón as President of Argentina.
Following the 1946 election, ALN members attacked the headquarters of several liberal and leftist newspapers, including La Hora, the Communist Party newspaper, as well as attacking a bar in downtown Buenos Aires, frequented by Spanish republican refugeees. In 1953, the ALN condemned the nationalist newspaper La Prensa for publishing too many articles by Jewish writers. ALN leader Juan Queraltó was ousted from leadership of the party in 1953. Queraltó was succeeded by Guillermo Patricio Kelly. Kelly sought to distance the party from its anti-Semitic past and met with Israel's ambassador to Argentina, Dr. Arie Kubovy during which Kelly informed Dr. Kubovy that the ALN had forsworn anti-Semitism. In 1954, anti-Semitism was dropped from the party. Kelly was arrested after the anti-Perónist Revolución Libertadora of 1955 by Argentine authorities for having used a forged passport, but managed to escape and flee the country in 1957; the Nationalist Liberation Alliance used the Andean condor as the symbol of the movement.
The Andean condor is a national symbol of Argentina