Israeli Labor Party
The Israeli Labor Party known as HaAvoda, is a social democratic and Zionist political party in Israel. The Israeli Labor Party was established in 1968 by a merger of Ahdut HaAvoda and Rafi; until 1977, all Israeli Prime Ministers were affiliated with the Labor movement. The current party leader and candidate for prime minister is Avi Gabbay; the Labor Party is associated with supporting the Israeli–Palestinian peace process, pragmatic foreign affairs policies and social democratic economic policies. The party is a member of the Progressive Alliance and an observer member of the Party of European Socialists; the party was a member of the Socialist International until suspending its membership in 2018 over the Socialist International's decision to join the Boycott and Sanctions campaign. The foundations for the formation of the Israeli Labor Party were laid shortly before the 1965 Knesset elections when Mapai, the largest left-wing party in the country and the dominant partner in every government since independence, formed an alliance with Ahdut HaAvoda.
Mapai's Arab satellite lists followed the merger. The alliance was an attempt by Mapai to shore up the party's share of the vote following a break-away of eight MKs led by former Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion to form a new party, Rafi, in protest against Mapai's failure to approve a change to the country's proportional representation voting system; the alliance, called the Labor Alignment won 45 seats in the elections, was able to form the government in coalition with the National Religious Party, the Independent Liberals, Poalei Agudat Yisrael and Development and Cooperation and Brotherhood. After the Six-Day War broke out and Gahal joined the coalition. On 21 January 1968, Ahdut HaAvoda and Rafi merged into one body, creating the Israeli Labor Party. On 28 January 1969, the party allied itself with Mapam, the alliance becoming known as the Alignment; as the largest faction within the Alignment, Labor came to dominate it. Mapam rejoined shortly afterwards. During the 1970s, the welfare state was expanded under successive Labor governments, with increases in pension benefits and the creation of new social security schemes such as disability insurance and unemployment insurance in 1970, children’s insurance in 1975, vacation pay for adopting parents in 1976, a Family Allowance for Veterans in 1970, a benefit for Prisoners of Zion in 1973, a mobility benefit and a Volunteers' Rights benefit in 1975.
During 1975–76, a modest program of housing rehabilitation was launched in a dozen or so older neighbourhoods, while the Sick Leave Compensation Law of 1976 provided for compensation in cases when employees were absent from work because of illness. In the 1977 elections, Labor ended up in opposition for the first time. In the 1984 elections, Labor joined a national unity government with Likud, with the post of Prime Minister rotating between the two parties. Mapam broke away again during the eleventh Knesset, angry at Shimon Peres's decision to form a national unity government with Likud. Although the Independent Liberals merged into the Alignment in the 1980s, they had no Knesset representation at the time. On 7 October 1991, the Alignment ceased to exist, with all factions formally merged into the Labor Party. At this time, the Likud Government faced numerous problems, such as economic problems, the challenge of assimilating a large influx of immigrants from the former Soviet Union, serious tensions with the American government led by President George H.
W. Bush and internal division. Led by Yitzhak Rabin, Labor won the 1992 elections and formed the government together with Meretz and Shas. In domestic policy, the Labor-led government introduced various measures to improve levels of social protection. Better provisions were introduced for single parents and people with disabilities, while income support entitlements were liberalised; the 1994 Law to Reduce Poverty and Income Inequality increased income maintenance grants to needy families benefitting those sections of society most vulnerable to poverty. In 1995, a national health insurance policy was implemented, making access to health care a right for all Israelis. Various measures were introduced to bring greater progressivity into the system of collection of national insurance contributions. A maternity grant for adopting mothers was introduced, together with old-age insurance for housewives, a minimum unemployment allowance, a partial injury allowance. In addition, investments were made in numerous development projects while affirmative action programmes were launched to hire Palestinian citizens in the public sector, the Ministry of Interior increased the budgets for Arab local councils, the Ministry of Education increased the budget for Arab education.
The subsequent role of Labor became to a large extent tied to the Oslo Accords, based on the principle "land for peace". The Oslo Accords led to a vote of confidence, which the Government won with a margin of 61–50. Several MKs from the Government parties declined to support the Government, but on the other hand, the Arab parties came to its rescue. Due to the lack of a constitution in Israel, the Government was able to implement the accords with a thin margin. Rabin's decision to advance peace talks with the Palestinians to the point of signing the Oslo Accords led to his assassination by Yigal Amir in 1995. Peres decided to call early elections in 1996 to give him a mandate for advancing the peace p
World Federation of Trade Unions
The World Federation of Trade Unions was established in 1945 to replace the International Federation of Trade Unions. Its mission was to bring together trade unions across the world in a single international organization, much like the United Nations. After a number of Western trade unions left it in 1949, as a result of disputes over support for the Marshall Plan, to form the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the WFTU was made up of unions affiliated with or sympathetic to communist parties. In the context of the Cold War, the WFTU was portrayed as a Soviet front organization. A number of those unions, including those from Yugoslavia and China, left when their governments had ideological differences with the Soviet Union; the WFTU declined as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union and socialist governments in Eastern Europe, in particular in Europe, with many of its former constituent unions joining the ICFTU. That fall seems to have come to an end since the congress in Havana in 2005 where a new leadership was elected with Georges Mavrikos, a Greek union activist from PAME, leading member of the Communist Party of Greece, at its head.
In January 2006 it moved its headquarters from Prague, Czech Republic to Athens and reinvigorated its activity by putting focus on organizing regional federations of unions in the Third World, by organizing campaigns against imperialism, poverty, environmental degradation and exploitation of workers under capitalism and in defense of full employment, social security, health protection, trade union rights. The WFTU devotes much of its energy to organizing conferences, issuing statements and producing educational materials and courses for trade union leaders. In recent years, the WFTU has managed to recruit several trade unions of importance in Europe, amongst which the Rail Maritime Trade Union in Great Britain, the Unione Sindicale di Base in Italy. In France, the CGT federation of food processing industry has maintained its affiliation with the WFTU; the CGT federation of Chemical industries sent delegates to the last congress in Athens in 2011. In 2013, two local CGT railway workers branches have taken steps to become affiliates with the WFTU.
The different offices of the WFTU across the different continents organize regular exchanges and militant visits of trade union activists from an affiliate to another in order to further discussions, foster internationalist ties, establish an international activity of its affiliates around shared objectives and campaigns, against common adversaries. In Africa, unions of major importance such as COSATU in South Africa have affiliated with the WFTU; as part of its efforts to advance its international agenda, the WFTU develops working partnerships with national and industrial trade unions worldwide as well as with a number of international and regional trade union organizations including the Organization of African Trade Union Unity, the International Confederation of Arab Trade Unions, the Permanent Congress of Trade Union Unity of Latin America, the General Confederation of Trade Unions of CIS countries. The WFTU holds consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations, the ILO, UNESCO, FAO, other UN agencies.
It maintains permanent missions in New York and Rome. Example of National affiliates of the WFTU include: General Federation of Trade Unions of Korea All-Workers Militant Front Zenroren Unione Sindicale di Base Bangladesh Trade Union Kendra Vietnam General Confederation of Labour National Union of Rail and Transport Workers Congress of South African Trade Unions Bolivian Workers' Center Workers' Central Union of Cuba General Union of Palestinian Workers Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú General Federation of Trade Unions All India Trade Union Congress Centre of Indian Trade Unions Intersindical-CSC Coordinadora Obrera Sindical Coordinadora Sindical de Clase Frente Sindical Obrero de Canarias Confederation Intersindical Galega Langile Abertzaleen Batzordeak Workers' House Unidade Classista Trade Union Organization Sloga 2 national federations of the French CGT are affiliated to the WFTU: Food and wood processing federation and oil federation; the TUI system has gone through a number of transformations in its over 60 years of existence.
The earliest TUI was the. The following Trade Unions Internationals are constituted within the WFTU:. During the late 1940s, the WFTU unsuccessfully tried to reach an agreement with existing international trade secretariats; when the Union split in 1949 they were left without an organization at the level of specific industries. Therefore, they created the: World Federation of Teachers Unions – known by its French acronym FISE, this is the earliest affiliated union, founded in 1946, it maintained a degree of independence from the WFTU not exercised by the other TUIs. In 1949, the 2nd World Congress decided to create a series of sectoral unions, after their negotiations with existing international trade secretariats failed. At first these were known as Trade Departments or International Federations, but they adopted the appellation "Trade Union Internationals" by the mid-1950s; the original TUIs formed in 1949 and 1950 were: The WFTU functioned during the Cold War as a unitary organization, bringing together unions from the Communist bloc and Western unions.
Trade Union International of Agricultural and Forestry Workers Trade Unions I
Employment protection legislation
Employment protection legislation includes all types of employment protection measures, whether grounded in legislation, court rulings, collectively bargained conditions of employment, or customary practice. The term is common among circles of economists. Employment protection refers both to regulations concerning firing. There exist various institutional arrangements that can provide employment protection: the private market, labour legislation, collective bargaining arrangements and not the least, court interpretations of legislative and contractual provisions; some forms of de facto regulations are to be adopted in the absence of legislation because both workers and firms derive advantages from long-term employment relations. According to Barone with the acronym EPL economists refer to the entire set of regulations that place some limits to the faculties of firms to hire and fire workers if they are not grounded in the law, but originate from the collective bargaining of the social partners, or are a consequence of court rulings.
In particular, provisions favouring the employment of disadvantaged groups in society, determining the conditions for the use of temporary or fixed-term contracts, or imposing training requirements on the firm, affect hiring policies, while redundancy procedures, mandated pre-notification periods and severance payments, special requirements for collective dismissals and short-time work schemes influence firing decisions. The nature of these restrictions on the firms’ freedom to adjust the labour input is quite similar in all OECD countries, but the actual procedural details and the overall degree of stringency implied by them varies considerably; these provisions are enforced through the worker’s right to appeal against his lay-off. Some aspects of these regulations, like the length of advance notices or the dimension of severance payments can be measured with precision. Other important features of EPL, like for example the willingness of labour courts to entertain appeals by fired workers, or how judges interpret the concept of “just cause” for termination, are much more difficult to quantify.
One of the more used measures of the strictness of the EPL in each country and through different years is the so-called Employment Protection Legislation Index elaborated by the OECD. This index is calculated along 18 basic items, which can be classified in three main areas: Employment protection of regular workers against individual dismissal; the 18 first-digit inputs are expressed in either of the following forms: Units of time. These different scoring is converted into cardinal scores that are normalized to range from 0 to 6, with higher scores representing stricter regulation. Therefore, each of the different items is normalized according to weighted averages, thus constructing three sets of summary indicators that correspond to successively more aggregated measures of EPL strictness; the last step of the procedure involves computing, for each country, an overall summary indicator based on the three subcomponents: Strictness of regulation for regular contracts, Temporary contracts, Collective dismissals.
The summary measure for collective dismissals is attributed just 40% of the weight assigned to regular and temporary contracts. The rationale for this is that the collective dismissals indicator only reflects additional employment protection triggered by the collective nature of the dismissal. In most countries, these additional requirements are quite modest. Moreover, summary measures for collective dismissals are only available since the late 1990s. An alternative overall index, so-called Version 1, has been thus calculated as an unweighted average of the summary measures for regular and temporary contracts only. While more restrictive than the previous one, this alternative measure of the overall EPL strictness allows comparisons over a longer period of time; some economists have claimed that empirical evidence gives support to their theories, according to which EPL leads to a segmentation in the labour market between the so-called insiders, the workers with a protected job, the outsiders, who are people that are either unemployed or employed with fixed-term, part-time or temporary contracts, or in the black economy, face big difficulties to find a job covered by EPL because of the firms’ reduced propensity to hire.
This latter group is constituted by youths, racial minorities and unskilled workers. Whether EPL has any effect on unemployment is an issue of contention between economists. On the one hand, assuming that the cyclical wage pattern is not affected by mandated firing costs, EPL reduces the propensity to hire by employers, since they fear that such decisions will be difficult to reverse in the future, in case of a recession. On the other hand, EPL leads firms during downswings to keep more workers employed, than they would have otherwise done. Therefore, EPL reduces both job creation and job destruction, so that the net effects on average employment and unemployment are not identifiable a priori. What is instead agreed among economists, is th
Spanish or Castilian is a Romance language that originated in the Castile region of Spain and today has hundreds of millions of native speakers in the Americas and Spain. It is the world's second-most spoken native language, after Mandarin Chinese. Spanish is a part of the Ibero-Romance group of languages, which evolved from several dialects of Vulgar Latin in Iberia after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire in the 5th century; the oldest Latin texts with traces of Spanish come from mid-northern Iberia in the 9th century, the first systematic written use of the language happened in Toledo capital of the Kingdom of Castile, in the 13th century. Beginning in 1492, the Spanish language was taken to the viceroyalties of the Spanish Empire, most notably to the newly-discovered Americas, as well as territories in Africa and the Philippines. Around 75% of modern Spanish vocabulary is derived from Latin and, through Latin, Ancient Greek. Spanish vocabulary has been in contact with Arabic from an early date, having developed during the Al-Andalus era in the Iberian Peninsula.
With around 8% of its vocabulary being Arabic in origin, this language is the second most important influence after Latin. It has been influenced by Basque, Celtiberian, by neighboring Ibero-Romance languages. Additionally, it has absorbed vocabulary from other languages the Romance languages—French, Portuguese, Catalan and Sardinian—as well as from Quechua and other indigenous languages of the Americas. Spanish is one of the six official languages of the United Nations, it is used as an official language by the European Union, the Organization of American States, the Union of South American Nations, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the African Union and many other international organizations. Despite its large number of speakers, the Spanish language does not feature prominently in scientific writing, with the exception of the humanities, it is estimated that more than 437 million people speak Spanish as a native language, which qualifies it as second on the lists of languages by number of native speakers.
Instituto Cervantes claims that there are an estimated 477 million Spanish speakers with native competence and 572 million Spanish speakers as a first or second language—including speakers with limited competence—and more than 21 million students of Spanish as a foreign language. Spanish is the official or national language in Spain, Equatorial Guinea, 19 countries in the Americas. Speakers in the Americas total some 418 million, it is an optional language in the Philippines as it was a Spanish colony from 1569 to 1899. In the European Union, Spanish is the mother tongue of 8% of the population, with an additional 7% speaking it as a second language. Spanish is the most popular second language learned in the United States. In 2011 it was estimated by the American Community Survey that of the 55 million Hispanic United States residents who are five years of age and over, 38 million speak Spanish at home. According to a 2011 paper by U. S. Census Bureau Demographers Jennifer Ortman and Hyon B. Shin, the number of Spanish speakers is projected to rise through 2020 to anywhere between 39 million and 43 million, depending on the assumption one makes about immigration.
Most of these Spanish speakers will be Hispanic, with Ortman and Shin projecting between 37.5 million and 41 million Hispanic Spanish speakers by 2020. In Spain and in some other parts of the Spanish-speaking world, Spanish is called not only español but castellano, the language from the kingdom of Castile, contrasting it with other languages spoken in Spain such as Galician, Asturian, Catalan and Occitan; the Spanish Constitution of 1978 uses the term castellano to define the official language of the whole Spanish State in contrast to las demás lenguas españolas. Article III reads as follows: El castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado.... Las demás lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas Comunidades Autónomas... Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State.... The other Spanish languages shall be official in their respective Autonomous Communities... The Spanish Royal Academy, on the other hand uses the term español in its publications, but from 1713 to 1923 called the language castellano.
The Diccionario panhispánico de dudas states that, although the Spanish Royal Academy prefers to use the term español in its publications when referring to the Spanish language, both terms—español and castellano—are regarded as synonymous and valid. Two etymologies for español have been suggested; the Spanish Royal Academy Dictionary derives the term from the Provençal word espaignol, that in turn from the Medieval Latin word Hispaniolus,'from—or pertaining to—Hispania'. Other authorities attribute it to a supposed mediaeval Latin *hispaniōne, with the same meaning; the Spanish language evolved from Vulgar Latin, brought to the Iberian Peninsula by the Romans during the Second Punic War, beginning in 210 BC. Several pre-Roman languages —unrelated to Latin, some of them unrelated to Indo-European—were spoken in the Iberian Peninsula; these languages included Basque, Iberian and Gallaecian. The first documents to show traces of what is today regarded as the precursor of modern Spanish are from the 9th century.
Throughout the Middle Ages and into the modern era, the most important influences on the Spanish lexicon came from neighboring Romance languages—Mozarabic (Anda
Workweek and weekend
The workweek and weekend are the complementary parts of the week devoted to labor and rest, respectively. The legal working week, or workweek, is the part of the seven-day week devoted to labor. In most of the world, the workweek is from Monday to Friday and the weekend is Saturday and Sunday, but other divisions exist: for example, many countries observing a Sunday to Thursday or Monday to Thursday working week. A weekday or workday is any day of the working week. Other institutions follow this pattern, such as places of education. Sometimes the term "weekend" is expanded to include the time after work hours on the last workday of the week; the weekend has had varying definitions, such as commencing after 5pm on Friday evening and lasting until Sunday 12pm. In some Christian traditions, Sunday is the "day of rest and worship"; the Jewish Shabbat or Biblical Sabbath lasts from sunset on Friday to the fall of full darkness on Saturday. Some Muslim-majority countries have instituted a Thursday–Friday weekend.
Today, many of these countries have shifted from Thursday–Friday to Friday–Saturday, or to Saturday–Sunday. The Christian Sabbath was just one day each week, but the preceding day came to be taken as a holiday as well in the twentieth century; this shift has been accompanied by a reduction in the total number of hours worked per week, following changes in employer expectations. The present-day concept of the "weekend" first arose in the industrial north of Britain in the early part of the nineteenth century; the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America Union was the first to demand a five-day work week in 1929. Some countries have adopted a one-day weekend, i.e. either Sunday only, Friday only, or Saturday only. However, most countries have adopted a two-day weekend, whose days differ according to religious tradition, i.e. either Friday and Saturday, or Saturday and Sunday, or Friday and Sunday, with the previous evening post-work considered part of the weekend. Proposals continue to be put forward to reduce the number of days or hours worked per week, on the basis of predicted social and economic benefits.
A continuous seven-day cycle that runs throughout history, paying no attention whatsoever to the phases of the moon and having a fixed day of rest, was most first practiced in Judaism, dated to the 6th century BC at the latest. In Ancient Rome, every eight days there was a nundinae, it was a market day, during which children were exempted from school and plebs ceased from work in the field and came to the city to sell the produce of their labor or to practice religious rites. The French Revolutionary Calendar had ten-day weeks and allowed décadi, one out of the ten days, as a leisure day. In cultures with a four-day week, the three Sabbaths derive from the culture's main religious tradition: Friday and Sunday; the present-day concept of the longer'week-end' first arose in the industrial north of Britain in the early part of the nineteenth century and was a voluntary arrangement between factory owners and workers allowing Saturday afternoon off from 2pm in agreement that staff would be available for work sober and refreshed on Monday morning.
The Oxford English Dictionary traces the first use of the term weekend to the British magazine Notes and Queries in 1879. In 1908, the first five-day workweek in the United States was instituted by a New England cotton mill so that Jewish workers would not have to work on the Sabbath from sundown Friday to sundown Saturday. In 1926, Henry Ford began shutting down his automotive factories for all of Sunday. In 1929, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America Union was the first union to demand and receive a five-day workweek; the rest of the United States followed, but it was not until 1940, when a provision of the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act mandating a maximum 40-hour workweek went into effect, that the two-day weekend was adopted nationwide. Over the succeeding decades in the 1940s-1960s, an increasing number of countries adopted either a Friday–Saturday or Saturday–Sunday weekend to harmonize with international markets. A series of workweek reforms in the mid-to-late 2000s and early 2010s brought much of the Arab World in synchronization with the majority of countries around the world, in terms of working hours, the length of the workweek, the days of the weekend.
The International Labour Organization defines a workweek exceeding 48 hours as excessive. A 2007 study by the ILO found that at least 614.2 million people around the world were working excessive hours. Actual workweek lengths have been falling in the developed world; every reduction of the length of the workweek has been accompanied by an increase in real per-capita income. In the United States, the workweek length reduced from before the Civil War to the turn of the 20th century. A rapid reduction took place from 1900 to 1920 between 1913 and 1919, when weekly hours fell by about eight percent. In 1926, Henry Ford standardized on a five-day workweek, instead of the prevalent six days, without reducing employees' pay. Hours worked stabilized at about 49 per week during the 1920s, during the Great Depression fell below 40. During the Depression, President Herbert Hoover called for a reduction in work hours in lieu of layoffs. President Franklin Roosevelt signed the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, which established a five-day, 40-hour workweek for many workers.