Feminism in Argentina
Argentine law established a difference between the sexes. The law excluded her from the management of family property; the woman participated in the increase in value of the family property, but received only half the increase. A study in 1919 found great discrimination in the workplace, with women being badly underpaid, having to work long hours with no privileges, receiving less wages than men; this spurred demand for specific laws to protect women's rights. The Female Peronist Party was founded by Eva Perón in the late 1940s. At that time women were not allowed to vote. In the first elections in which women could run for office, 24 were elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, all Peronists, seven female senators were elected, making Argentina the country with the most women representing the government. Following the death of Eva Perón, Delia Parodi, one of those deputies, led the party until the military coup of 1955 Between November 12, 1830 and January 14, 1831—during during the first government of Juan Manuel de Rosas—Uruguayan-born journalist Petrona Rosende de Sierra published what is considered to be the first Argentine publication written by and for women: La Aljaba.
In addition to art and friendship, the newspaper dealt with topics such as the intellectual formation of women, their role in society and their position in relation to men. Rosende de Sierra advocated the adoption of European educational theories, claiming that the government should provide primary and secondary education to women, who must have faith in their own capacity and prove their ability to overcome the resistance to female education. In one of the issues, the writer questioned her readers: "Until when the female sex will be seen plunged into the darkness in which it was locked by the oppressive system of those who denied the simplest knowledges?" Another periodical that argued for women's right to education was La Camelia, edited in 1852 by Rosa Guerra, the principal of a small private girl's school in Buenos Aires. Unlike Rosende de Sierra twenty years earlier, Guerra "believed that women did not need to prove themselves worthy of education, but had a moral and legal right to it".
At the same time, La Camelia warned that women "must not lose their feminine modesty" and avoid coming across as intellectuals as it "could be equated with loose morality." During its brief life, the publication supported dress reform, claiming women dressed as "ornamental dolls". Dress reform was a controversial issue at the time, despite her emphasis on the importance of modesty in dress, Guerra was harshly criticised by influential Catholic women and the Church. In 1854, Guerra started, she was a prolific writer who produced novels, children's books and articles and poetry for the daily newspapers. Despite her liberal politics, Guerra did not depart from the notion of "citizen-training mother" as the main role of women, she believed women were born to suffer for love, with female self-sacrifice being a constant theme in her work. This "romantic concept of womanly martyrdom" was a dominant theme in Argentine women's literature of the mid-19th century, which exalted female virtues at the expense of men's selfishness.
Born in Buenos Aires on June 26, 1819, Juana Manso was a writer, journalist and precursor of feminism in South America. In fact, she is considered by many as the first feminist of Argentina. Manso lived in Rio de Janeiro from 1849 to 1853, where she published The Women's Journal, a periodical modeled on an English magazine of the same name that, "argued against discrimination against women and supported equal education for Latin American women." Back in Buenos Aires, she founded the Ladies' Album, with a similar theme to the Brazilian journal. In her periodicals and novels, Manso advocated her ideas on equality of women, popular education and abolitionism, which were met with resistance by Argentine society, as it remained hostile to any manifestation that meant breaking ties with the colonial era. In a 1853 article titled "The Moral Emancipation of Women", published in the journal The Argentine Enlightenment, Manso wrote: The moral emancipation of women is considered by vulgarity as the apocalypse of the century.
Some run to the dictionary and exclaim: There is no parental authority! Goodbye marital despotism! To emancipate the woman! How! For that junk in the living room, that procreative machine, that golden zero, that frivolous toy, that doll of fashions, will it be a rational being? How! Would she be one day equal to the man in sacred rights that brutality trampled until today without mercy? Unheard-of scandal! What could young people use to pretend the heart of beauties? How after treating women as our property we would have to recognize our equal in it! There will come a day when the code of the peoples will guarantee women the rights of their freedom and their intelligence. Humanity can not be retrograde, her intelligence, will improve the moral faculties and make her exercise the inevitable influence that nature gives her in the great destinies of humanity. Feminism in the country emerged at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, during the consolidation of the modern Argentine State.
There was not a homogenous feminist movement, rather individual struggles carried out by women inserted in diverse political identities and different social classes. Women from the upper and upp
Authentic Socialist Party (Argentina)
The Authentic Socialist Party is a socialist political party in Argentina. Formed in the 1960s as a division of the Popular Socialist Party as the Argentine Socialist Party, it was forced to change its name in 1983 after the prohibition for political parties to have the terms National or Argentine in their names. In 2002 the party refused to join the Popular Socialist Party and the Democratic Socialist Party in the reborn Socialist Party. In 2007, film director Fernando'Pino' Solanas stood for the Party to be President of Argentina; the Party gained one deputy in the Argentine Chamber of Claudio Lozano. Official website
Córdoba is a city in the geographic center of Argentina, in the foothills of the Sierras Chicas on the Suquía River, about 700 km northwest of the Buenos Aires. It is the capital of Córdoba Province and the second most populous city in Argentina after Buenos Aires, with about 1,330,023 inhabitants according to the 2010 census, it was founded on 6 July 1573 by Jerónimo Luis de Cabrera, who named it after Spain. It was one of the first Spanish colonial capitals of the region, now Argentina; the National University of Córdoba is the oldest university of the country and the seventh to be inaugurated in Spanish America. It was founded in 1613 by the Jesuit Order; because of this, Córdoba earned the nickname La Docta. Córdoba has many historical monuments preserved from Spanish colonial rule buildings of the Roman Catholic Church; the most recognizable is the Jesuit Block, declared in 2000 as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO which consists of a group of buildings dating from the 17th century, including the Colegio Nacional de Monserrat and the colonial university campus.
The campus belongs today to the historical museum of the National University of Córdoba, the second-largest university in the country since the early 20th century, in terms of the number of students and academic programs. Córdoba is known for its historical movements, such as Cordobazo and La Reforma del'18. In 1570, Viceroy Francisco de Toledo entrusted the Spanish settler Jerónimo Luis de Cabrera, with the task of populating and founding a settlement in the Punilla Valley. Cabrera sent an expedition of 48 men to the territory of the Comechingones, he divided the principal column that entered through the north of the provincial territory at Villa María. The one hundred man expedition set foot on what today is Córdoba on 24 June 1573. Cabrera called the nearby river San Juan; the settlement was founded on 6 July of the same year and named Córdoba de la Nueva Andalucía in honour of ancestors of the founder's wife from Córdoba, Spain. The foundation of the city took place on the left bank of the river on Francisco de Torres' advice.
The settlement was inhabited by aboriginal people called Comechingones, who lived in communities called Ayllus. After four years, having repelled attacks by the aborigines, the settlement's authorities moved it to the opposite bank of the Suquía River in 1577; the Lieutenant Governor at the time, Don Lorenzo Suárez de Figueroa, planned the first layout of the city as a grid of seventy blocks. Once the city core had been moved to its current location, it acquired a stable population, its economy blossomed due to trade with the cities in the north. In 1599, the religious order of the Jesuits arrived in the settlement, they established a Novitiate in 1608 and, in 1610, the Colegio Maximo, which became the University of Córdoba in 1613, the fourth-oldest in the Americas. The local Jesuit Church remains one of the oldest buildings in South America and contains the Monserrat Secondary School, a church, residential buildings. To maintain such a project, the Jesuits operated five Reducciones in the surrounding fertile valleys, including Caroya, Jesús María, Santa Catalina, Alta Gracia and Candelaria.
The farm and the complex, started in 1615, had to be vacated by the Jesuits following the 1767 decree by King Charles III of Spain that expelled them from the continent. They were run by the Franciscans until 1853, when the Jesuits returned to the Americas; the university and the high-school were nationalized a year later. Each Estancia has its own church and set of buildings, around which towns grew, such as Alta Gracia, the closest to the Block. In 1776, King Carlos III created the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, in which Córdoba stays in 1785 as the Government Intendency of Córdoba, including the current territories of the provinces of Córdoba, La Rioja and the region of Cuyo. According to the 1760 census, the population of the city was 22,000 inhabitants. During the May Revolution in 1810, the widespread opinion of the most notable citizens was of continuing respecting the orders of Fernando VII, attitude assumed by the local authorities, which led to the Liniers Counter-revolution; this position was not shared by the Dean Gregorio Funes, adhering to the revolutionary ideas, beside supporting contact with Manuel Belgrano and Juan José Castelli.
In March 1816, the Argentine Congress met in Tucumán for an independence resolution. Córdoba sent Eduardo Pérez Bulnes, Jerónimo Salguero de Cabrera, José Antonio Cabrera, to the Canon of the cathedral Michael Calixto of the Circle, all of them of autonomous position; the 1820s belonged to caudillos. Until 1820 a central government taken root in Buenos Aires existed, but the remaining thirteen provinces felt that after 9 July 1816 what had happened it was a change of commander; the Battle of Cepeda pitted the commanders of the Littoral against the inland forces. The Federales obtained the victory, for what the country remained since integrated by 13 autonomous provinces, on the national government having been dissolved. From this way the period known like about the Provincial Autonomies began. From this moment the provinces tried to create a federal system, integrating them without coming to good port, this for the regional differences of every province. Two Córdoba figures stood out in this period: Governor Juan Bautista Bustos, an official of the Army o
National Autonomist Party
The National Autonomist Party was a conservative Argentine political party which ruled Argentina during the 1874-1916 period. Created on March 15, 1874 by the union of the Autonomist Party of Adolfo Alsina and the National Party of Nicolás Avellaneda, its principal figure was Julio Argentino Roca, twice president of Argentina. In economic matters it promoted the agricultural exports model, which favored the cattle and cereal producers of the Pampas and was a key in the development of the Argentine Railroad. After the 1890 Revolución del Parque, an opposing movement started inside the PAN opposed to the policies of Roca, which became known as the National Autonomist Party, which proposed and institutional modernization of the country, with goals towards opening up a true democratic system without electoral fraud as a means of perpetuating the party's power. Most preeminent in this political current were Roque Sáenz Peña, Carlos Pellegrini, Ramón J. Cárcano, among others. Under the administration of Roque Sáenz Peña, a law was written to allow for universal suffrage and mandatory, which permitted the free elections of 1916.
Its principal opposition was the Radical Civic Union, created after the 1890 revolution. After the electoral reform of 1912, the presidential elections of 1916, won by the UCR, the PAN disappeared from politics. Presidents from the PAN: Nicolás Avellaneda Julio Argentino Roca Miguel Juárez Celman Carlos Pellegrini Luis Sáenz Peña José Evaristo Uriburu Manuel Quintana José Figueroa Alcorta Roque Sáenz Peña Victorino de la Plaza Following the introduction of the Sáenz Peña Law in 1912, much of PAN would reorganise as the Conservative Party. Another faction would be the descendant of the Democratic Progressive Party which still exists today. In 1931, following the previous year's military coup, the conservatives returned to power under the banner of the National Democratic Party, leading the Concordancia coalition; the traditional conservative forces were politically marginalized following World War II and the rise of Peronism, after 1955 the PDN fell apart. Conservative parties descended. Generation of'80 History of Argentina List of Heads of State of Argentina
In political science, Marxism–Leninism was the official state ideology of the Soviet Union, of the parties of the Communist International, after their Bolshevisation, is the ideology of Stalinist political parties. As Stalin's synthesis of Leninism, the political praxis of Lenin, of Marxism, the politico-economic theories of Karl Marx, the purpose of Marxism–Leninism is the transformation of a capitalist state into a socialist state, by way of two-stage revolution and led by a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries, drawn from the proletariat. To realise the two-stage transformation of the state, the vanguard party establishes the dictatorship of the proletariat, which determines policy with democratic centralism. Politically, the Marxist–Leninist communist party is the vanguard for the organisation of a capitalist society into a socialist society, the lower stage of socio-economic development, progress towards the upper-stage communist society, stateless and classless. In the late 1920s, after the death of Lenin, Stalin established universal ideologic orthodoxy among the Communist Party, the USSR, the Communist International, with his coinage Marxism–Leninism, a term which redefined theories of Lenin and Marx to establish universal Marxist–Leninist praxis for the exclusive, geopolitical benefit of the USSR.
In the late 1930s, Stalin's official textbook The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, made the term Marxism–Leninism common, political-science usage among communists and non-communists. Critical of Stalin's political economy and single-party government in the USSR, the Italian Left-communist Amadeo Bordiga said that Marxism–Leninism was a form of political opportunism, which preserved rather than destroyed capitalism, because of the claim that the exchange of commodities would occur under socialism; the American Marxist Raya Dunayevskaya dismissed Marxism–Leninism as a type of state capitalism because: state ownership of the means of production is a form of state capitalism. In 1929, within five years of the death of Lenin, Stalin was the Government of the Soviet Union, a ruler who flouted and applied the socialist principles of Lenin and Marx as political expediencies used to realise his plans for the USSR and for world socialism. Stalin justified his régime's deviations from Lenin's practices with the book Concerning Questions of Leninism, in which Stalin represented Marxism–Leninism as a separate communist ideology, which featured an omniscient leader, hierarchies of one global communist party and communist vanguard parties in each country of the world.
Stalin's interpretations of Lenin and Marx became Stalinism, the official state ideology of the Soviet Union. As the Left Opposition to Stalin within the Communist Party and the Soviet government, Leon Trotsky and the Trotskyists argued that Stalin's Marxist–Leninist ideology contradicted Marxism and Leninism in theory and in practice, thus was illegitimate socialist philosophy for the practical implementation of Socialism in Russia. Moreover, within the Party, the Trotskyists identified their communist ideology as Bolshevik–Leninism, to politically differentiate their ideology from the ideology Stalin used to justify and implement his theory of Socialism in One Country. In Marxist political discourse the term Marxism–Leninism and connoting the theory and praxis of Stalinism, has two usages: praise of Joseph Stalin, by Stalinists who believe Stalin developed Lenin's legacy. Consequent to the Sino-Soviet split, in each socialist country, the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union each claimed to be the sole heir-and-successor to Stalin, regarding the correct interpretation of Marxism–Leninism, thus ideological leader of world communism.
In that vein, the History of the People's Republic of China represents Maoism as Mao Zedong's fundamental up-dating and adaptation of Leninism to Chinese conditions, in which revolutionary praxis is primary and ideologic orthodoxy is secondary. The Sino-Albanian split was caused by Socialist Albania's rejection of the PRC's Realpolitik of Sino–American rapprochement the Mao–Nixon meeting, which the anti-revisionist Albanian Labor Party perceived as an ideological betrayal of Mao's own Three Worlds Theory, which excluded such political relations of rapprochement. To the Albanians, the Chinese dealings with the U. S. were a lessening of Mao's practical commitments to proletarian internationalism. Enver Hoxha, the head of the Albanian Labor Party, theorised an anti-revisionist Marxism-Leninism referred to as Hoxhaism, which attempted to retain an'authentic' socialism in comparison to the post-Stalinist Soviet Union
Radical Civic Union
The Radical Civic Union is a centrist social-liberal political party in Argentina. The party has been ideologically heterogeneous; the UCR is a member of the Socialist International. Founded in 1891 by radical liberals, it is the oldest political party active in Argentina after the Liberal Party of Corrientes. For many years the party was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule; the UCR's main support comes from the middle class. Throughout its history the party has stood for free elections, supremacy of civilians over the military and liberal democratic values. During the 1970s and 1980s it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights. By May 2014, the UCR had 14 Senators; the party was a breakaway from the Civic Union, led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem. The term'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage, considered radical at the time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors.
The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park. A compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew, the young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1893 and 1905 the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912 the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president; as well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle the country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; the Radical Civic Union remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930 and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from the United States' Great Depression.
From 1930 to 1958 the Radical Civic Union was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi; the growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned; the outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of the votes. Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" - was being criticized at the time.
During the 1970s Peronist government, the Radical Civic Union was the second-most supported party, but this didn't grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party; the UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín, saluted Peron's coffin with the famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions; the subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime many members of the UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989 its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín, was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone.
Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party. In 1997 the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity, itself an alliance of many smaller parties; this strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections. During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government, President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats, it campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronis
National Civic Union (Argentina)
The National Civic Union was an Argentine political party formed in 1891 as the result of a split in the Civic Union, dissolved in 1916. It was based on the personality of its leader, Bartolomé Mitre. See Civic Union of the Youth. On April 13, 1890, supporters of the Civic Union of the Youth established the Civic Union in a ceremony at the Buenos Aires Frontón. Leandro N. Alem was elected president and leaders were drawn from all tendencies within the anti-government movement, including Francisco A. Barroetaveña, José Manuel Estrada, Pedro Goyena, Aristóbulo del Valle, Bernardo de Irigoyen, Juan B. Justo, Lisandro de la Torre, influential ex-president and general Bartolomé Mitre; the same year, supporters of the Civic Union, led by Leandro Alem and Bartolomé Mitre, instigated the Revolution of the Park, an armed uprising that ousted president Juárez Celman and replaced him with vice president Carlos Pellegrini. The Civic Union established a presidential ticket with Bernardo de Irigoyen. However, Julio Argentino Roca, undisputed leader of the pro-government National Autonomist Party, made a deal with Mitre to form a "national unity" ticket headed by Mitre.
After learning of the arrangement on April 16, Leandro Alem opposed it emphatically, splitting the Civic Union and forcing Mitre to abandon his candidacy. On June 26, Alem's supporters formally founded the Radical Civic Union. In response, Mitre's followers formed the National Civic Union. Members of the latter became known as the Civics, while those of the former became known as the Radicals. Apart from Bartolomé Mitre, politicians associated with the National Civic Union included Guillermo Udaondo and Honorio Pueyrredón; the Civics and the Radicals proved to be close on most issues, tended to collaborate. In 1896 the personal link between Mitre and Radical Bernardo de Irigoyen gave rise to the so-called política de las paralelas, whereby the two parties appointed candidates to a common electoral list. In 1897, in opposition to the política de las paralelas, Hipólito Yrigoyen dissolved the Radical Committee of the Province of Buenos Aires. In 1916, when Radical candidate Yrigoyen won the presidential election, Pueyrredón proposed the dissolution of the National Civic Union.
His proposal was accepted, with the majority of the party's members transferring their allegiance to the Radical Civic Union. Luna, Felix. Soy Roca. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. ISBN 987-566-076-0. Luna, Felix. Yrigoyen. Buenos Aires: Desarrollo. Bartolomé Mitre Civic Union Radical Civic Union