Máximo Carlos Kirchner is an Argentine politician, National Deputy for Santa Cruz Province. His parents were the presidents of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández. Máximo Kirchner was born in La Plata, he attended high school República de Guatemala in Rio Gallegos, where his father worked as governor of the province of Santa Cruz. In Buenos Aires, he did not finish either courses. In 2009, he founded La Cámpora, a juvenile political agrupation of supporters of Cristina Fernández government. In 2015, he was elected National Deputy for Santa Cruz province, with his list coming second by 3.3%. Media related to Máximo Kirchner at Wikimedia Commons
La Cámpora is an Argentinepolitical youth organization supporting the governments of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. It is named after former peronist president Héctor José Cámpora, it was established by Máximo Kirchner in 2003 and became politically notorious after the death of former president Néstor Kirchner. La Cámpora was created by son of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández, its origins can be traced back to the 2003 Argentine general election, in order to support Néstor Kirchner, has extended said support to Cristina Fernández de Kirchner during the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector, to counter the opposing demonstrations. The group vindicates the actions of the guerilla group Montoneros, thus was named after Héctor José Cámpora, who had favored them. La Cámpora's methodology bears no similarity to Montoneros though, aiming instead to confront the discourse implemented by the political right wing through what it perceives as their dominance of the Argentine media that opposes any and all changes implemented by the Kirchner administration.
They use new technologies, including blogs, Facebook and other social networks on the internet, La Cámpora confronts the media conglomerates that control the vast majority of Argentine media and work, according to La Cámpora, to undermine the Kirchner administration. The group had the usual low profile of most youth wings. After the death of Néstor Kirchner in 2010, the organization became one of the three factions struggling for power within the Kirchner administration, the others being the General Confederation of Labour and the traditional structure of the Justicialist Party. Cristina Fernández instructed that the lists of candidates for provincial legislators included at least two or three members of the Cámpora among the first eight. In the aftermath of the 2013 Argentina floods, the group sent 1,500 members into the affected areas of La Plata to participate in relief efforts. A violent clash broke out between the group's members and those of the construction workers union UOCRA. Kirchnerism Official site Corruption in La Campora.
Corruption in La Campora
2009 Argentine legislative election
Legislative elections were held in Argentina for half the seats in the Chamber of Deputies and a third of the seats in the Senate on 28 June 2009, as well as for the legislature of the City of Buenos Aires and other municipalities. The elections were due to have been held on 25 October 2009. In March 2009, the Mayor of Buenos Aires, Mauricio Macri, moved to bring forward the date of elections to the Buenos Aires City Legislature to June 28, saying that it would increase transparency and democratic quality. Opposition figures criticised the decision, suggesting Macri was attempting to consolidate his power in the city, building the career of his deputy, Gabriela Michetti, expected to head the list for Macri's coalition in the election. Similar changes to the election date had been introduced in the provinces of Santa Catamarca. Despite the criticism by politicians from Government ranks that Macri had abused the process by unilaterally changing the election date, President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner announced that she too would be introducing legislation to move the date of national elections forward by four months, to June 28.
Despite great debate and the defections of some Peronist legislators, the proposal passed its Congressional stages and the date was changed. The Government claimed it would allow politicians to leave behind campaigning priorities and focus on tackling the ongoing local effect of the international financial crisis. Controversial was a decision by Front for Victory leader Néstor Kirchner to advance stand-in candidates - prominent local lawmakers who, after the election, would be to cede their new seats to down-ticket names; the elections resulted in a setback for the governing, center-left Front for Victory and its allies, which lost their absolute majorities in both houses of Congress. Former President Néstor Kirchner stood as head of his party list in the important Buenos Aires Province. Kirchner's list was defeated, however, by the center-right Republican Proposal list headed by businessman Francisco de Narváez. Buenos Aires Vice Mayor Gabriela Michetti stood as head of the PRO list for the Lower House, defeated four other prominent parties.
The Kirchners' leading opposition on the center-left, the Civic Coalition made significant gains – in the Senate, where they gained 7 seats. The Front for Victory had lost 16 Lower House members and 4 Senators on the heels of the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector over a proposed rise in export tariffs; the crisis was defused by Vice President Julio Cobos' surprise, tie-breaking vote against them on July 16, 2008. One successful ex-Kirchnerist was Santa Fe Province Senator Carlos Reutemann, who after the agrarian conflict formed Santa Fe Federal, his new party narrowly bested local Socialist Party leader Rubén Giustiniani, who would garner one of Santa Fe's three Senate seats. The Front for Victory retained a plurality in both houses, however
Boudougate is a political scandal in Argentina involving Vice President Amado Boudou and the printing house Ciccone Calcográfica. The AFIP, the revenue service of Argentina, requested Ciccone's bankruptcy in July 2010. A shell corporation named "The Old Fund", represented by Alejandro Vandenbroele, gave 2.3 million pesos to Ciccone. Boudou, Minister of Economy at the time, instructed the AFIP to give Ciccone an exceptional moratorium to refinance debts. Boudou denied having any relationship with Vandenbroele, or knowing about him, but it was confirmed that Vandenbroele paid the rent and the cable television bill for an apartment belonging to Boudou; the case began to be investigated when Laura Muñoz, Vandenbroele's ex-wife, accused him of being a mere straw owner of Ciccone and claimed that the real owner was Amado Boudou. She requested protection. However, her testimony had no judicial value, because of her spousal relation with Vandenbroele and her limited knowledge of his ongoing activities.
Boudou denied having any relation with Vandenbroele or knowing about him and said he believed the whole controversy to be staged by the newsdaily Clarín to harm the government. It has been alleged, that his connection to Ciccone was made through César Guido Forcieri, who worked under Boudou. In addition, he accused Interior Minister Florencio Randazzo and a competing printing house, Boldt, of leaking the information about his relationship with Ciccone. Randazzo denied any relation with Boldt; the relationship between Boudou and Vandenbroele was confirmed in April 2012, when the judicial investigation checked an apartment belonging to Boudou and discovered that Vandenbroele had paid the rent and the television cable service. It is suspected that Vandenbroele may have been living there during that time, not Fabián Carosso Donatiello, as had been thought. Donatiello was a friend of Vandenbroele, had moved to Spain many years before, had no ongoing economic activity in Argentina, his most recent registered entry to the country had been in July 2011.
Boudou accused Judge Daniel Rafecas of being part of a "mafia" with the Clarín media group, something denied by Rafecas. Following an August 2013 judicial ruling ordering prosecutors to provide evidence of wrongdoing, their subsequent failure to do so, on September 11 a Federal Court granted a motion by Boudou's attorneys that would allow them to file for a dismissal of charges. Despite the political scandal, the Central Bank of Argentina commissioned Ciccone in March 2012 to print currency notes on its behalf. Ciccone will print 120 million new Argentine peso banknotes; the proposal was resisted in the BCRA as Ciccone's financial instability would not allow it to meet the standards required to work with the state: the company had not made all of its required tax payments, it had faced a bankruptcy a short time before. Central Bank President Mercedes Marcó del Pont blocked the formal writing of any complaints and the deal was approved; the first banknotes from Ciccone were printed on May 2012.
The opposition attempted to impeach Boudou but failed to do so, as both chambers of the Congress have a Kirchnerist majority and Boudou is a Kirchnerist. The constitution requires two-thirds of the Chamber of Deputies to vote for initiating an impeachment process of the vice president, as well as two-thirds of the Senate to convict him as guilty. Opposition politicians Margarita Stolbizer and Eduardo Amadeo believed that Boudou should resign or explain what had happened; as President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner will not be able to run for a third term in 2015, Boudou had considered running for office though Kirchner won the 2011 presidential election. As of April 2012, his public support had decreased by over 11 percentage points since the election, from 43.2% to 31.8%, while his negative image had increased nearly 19 percentage points, from 34.9% to 53.6% and only 15.4% think that he is innocent. Despite this, he has not given up his plan to run
Kirchnerism is an Argentinian political group formed by the supporters of the late Néstor Kirchner, President of Argentina from 2003 to 2007. Although the Kirchners are members of the Justicialist Party, Peronism itself is a broad movement and many Peronists oppose them. Kirchnerism is considered to fall into the category of left-wing populism. Although a faction in the Justicialist Party, Kirchnerism received support from other smaller Argentine political parties and from factions of some traditional parties. In parties which are divided along Kirchnerist/Anti-Kirchnerist lines, the members of the Kirchnerist faction are distinguished with the letter K while the factions opposing Kirchnerism are labeled with the expression "anti-K". In response to the rise of Kirchnerism, the term "anti-Kirchnerism" has arisen to describe those sectors and persons, as much within as without Peronism, who opposed the governments of Kirchner and Fernández. Both Kirchner and Fernández come from the left-wing of Peronism and both began their political careers as members of the Peronist Youth.
Many of the Kirchners' closest allies belong to the Peronist left. Anti-Kirchnerists criticize this ideological background with the term setentista, suggesting that Kirchnerism is overly influenced by the populist struggle of the 1970s. Kirchnerism has shown itself to be concerned with the defense of human rights in prosecuting those who committed human rights violations during the Dirty War and were made immune from prosecution by the governments of Carlos Menem; the willingness of the Kirchner government to revoke these immunities has led many Argentine pressure groups, such as the Madres de Plaza de Mayo and Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, to take an Kirchnerist position. This has led to many controversies and to allegations that the Kirchners were never committed to human rights during the period of the last military dictatorship, that it was only when Kirchner became President and began to make alliances with the left-wing parties in Congress and with the Madres de Plaza de Mayo that he started to campaign about these rights in order to promote his own platform and gain popular favor.
It is documented that the Kirchners did push for trial against human rights violators during the dictatorship, although late in that period in 1983, when its end was in sight. Kirchnerism has shown itself to be expressly opposed to neoliberal policies. However, while governor of the province of Santa Cruz, Kirchner publicly supported neoliberal President Carlos Menem, going as far as claiming that "since the times of that great General there hasn't been a president that has listened so much to the southern Patagonia and Santa Cruz in particular". Economically, Kirchnerism has pursued an economic policy of industrialist developmentalism, they do not allow importation of goods that are produced in Argentina to protect local industry and employment. Kirchnerism has opposed multilateral and bilateral free trade agreements pursued by the United States; the climax of this policy occurred with the confrontation between Kirchner and George W. Bush at the Mar del Plata Summit of the Americas in 2005, which resulted in Argentina's refusal to sign the Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement.
Internationally, Kirchnerism has supported Mercosur and vice versa, to the point that the President of Mercosur, Carlos Álvarez, is a Kirchnerist. One of the most prominent aims of Kirchnerism is to strengthen Argentine relations with the countries of Latin America and to establish a South American economic axis. Recent economic measures posited by Fernández's government have hurt Argentina's relationship with these countries Brazil and Uruguay, whose President José "Pepe" Mujica expressed worries regarding Argentina going towards an "autarchist" form of government and the Kirchnerist economic model "complicating relationships and multiplying difficulties" in bilateral commerce. Kirchnerism, in particular former minister of health Ginés González García, has shown a liberal attitude to birth control and sexuality, including the legalization of same-sex marriage, both of which have provoked the opposition of the Catholic Church and other conservative sectors. Unlike his predecessor Eduardo Duhalde, Kirchner was a Peronist that distrusted the Justicialist Party as a support for his government.
He proposed instead a "transversalist" policy, seeking the support of progressive politicians regardless of their party. Thus he got support from factions of the Justicialist Party, the Radical Civic Union and small centre-left parties. Kirchner neglected the internal politics of the Justicialist Party and kept instead the Front for Victory party, an electoral alliance in his home province of Santa Cruz and in the 2003 elections premiered in the federal political scene; some politicians favored by this policy were Aníbal Ibarra, mayor of Buenos Aires for the Broad Front and supported as Kirchnerist. The transversalist project was dismissed. Kirchner took control of the Justicialist Party and some "Radicales K" returned to the "anti-K" faction of their party, m
2007 Argentine general election
Argentina held national presidential and legislative elections on Sunday, October 28, 2007, elections for provincial governors took place on staggered dates throughout the year. For the national elections, each of the 23 provinces and the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires are considered electoral districts. Voter turnout was 76.2%. Elections for a successor to President Néstor Kirchner were held in October. Kirchner had declined to run for a second term. In addition to the President, each district elected a number of members of the Lower House proportional to their population, eight districts elected members to the Argentine Senate, where each district is entitled to three senators. In most provinces, the national elections were conducted in parallel with local ones, whereby a number of municipalities elect legislative officials and in some cases a mayor; each provincial election follows local regulations and some, such as Tucumán, hold municipal elections on other dates in the year. According to the rules for elections in Argentina, to win the presidential election without needing a "ballotage" round, a candidate needs either more than 45% of the valid votes, or more than 40% of the valid votes with a margin of 10 points from the runner-up.
Following months of speculation, despite high approval ratings, President Kirchner confirmed his decision to forfeit the 2007 race, the ruling Front for Victory, a center-left Peronist Party, nominated the First Lady, Senator Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, on July 19. Acknowledging the support of a growing number of UCR figures to the populist policies advanced by Kirchnerism, the FpV nominated Mendoza Province Governor Julio Cobos as her running mate; the ideologically diverse field included former Economy Minister Roberto Lavagna, Elisa Carrió, numerous conservatives and socialists. The UCR, for the first time since it first ran in a presidential campaign in 1892, joined a coalition rather than nominate its own candidate; the President, who had maintained high approval ratings throughout his term on the heels of a strong recovery in the Argentine economy, was beset by controversies during 2007, including Commerce Secretary Guillermo Moreno's firing of Graciela Bevacqua, allegations of Planning Minister Julio de Vido's involvement in a Skanska bribery case, the "suitcase scandal."
These controversies, did not overshadow positive consumer sentiment and a high presidential job approval. The Front for Victory's candidate and First Lady Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, maintained a comfortable lead in polling during the campaign, her opponents focused on denying her the vote share needed to win outright. However, with 13 challengers splitting the vote, Fernández won a decisive first-round victory with 45.3% of the valid votes, more than 22 percent ahead of runner-up Carrió. She won in every province or district except San Luis, Córdoba, the City of Buenos Aires. Carrió, who obtained 23%, made history as the first runner-up to another woman in a national election in the Americas. A total of 14 candidates were on the presidential ballot, although only 3 or 4 garnered statistically significant amounts of support in polls; the candidates were as follows: Cristina Fernández de Kirchner: A leftist peronist, wife of current president Néstor Kirchner and his chosen successor, since he declined to run for reelection.
She won the presidency in the first round with about 45% of the vote. Elisa Carrió: A former Radical Civic Union lawmaker who left the party after President Fernando de la Rúa abandoned his left-wing allies, she reached fifth place. Close to the influential Catholic Church, she ran a center-left platform with running mate Rubén Héctor Giustiniani and came in second with about 23% of the vote. Roberto Lavagna: Former Minister of Economy under Néstor Kirchner, who broke ranks with the president in late 2005, he received support from moderate Peronists and was endorsed by the centrist Radical Civic Union, in lieu of putting forth a candidate themselves. He came in third, with 17 % of the vote, his running mate was Gerardo Rubén Morales. Alberto Rodríguez Saá: Governor of San Luis Province, he represented conservative Peronists opposed to Néstor Kirchner. His running mate was Héctor María Maya. Fernando Solanas: The renowned film maker represented the Authentic Socialist Party. Running mate: Ángel Francisco Cadelli.
Jorge Omar Sobisch: Governor of Neuquén Province. Representing various conservative regional parties. Running mate: Jorge Asís. Ricardo López Murphy: Representing the center-right Recreate for Growth party, in alliance with the Republican Proposal party of newly elected Buenos Aires mayor Mauricio Macri, he ran in the 2003 election, reaching third place. Running mate: Esteban Bullrich. Vilma Ripoll: Running mate: Héctor Bidonde, both longtime Socialists. Néstor Pitrola: Representing the Trotskyist Workers' Party. Running mate: Gabriela Adriana Arroyo. José Alberto Montes: A Trotskyite who opposed privatizations under Carlos Menem, his running mate was Héctor Antonio Heberling. Luis Alberto Ammann: Representing the Humanist Party-led Broad Front Towards Latin American Unity Alliance. Running mate: Rogelio Deleonardi. Raúl Castells: A piquetero (pove
Presidency of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner
The Presidency of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner began on December 10, 2007, when she became President of Argentina. She was an Argentine Senator for the Buenos Aires Province at the time of her victory in the 2007 Presidential election. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner became the second female president of Argentina, the first one directly elected as such. In elections of November 2015 Kirchner was succeeded as President by Mauricio Macri. With Fernández leading all the pre-election polls by a wide margin, her challengers were trying to force her into a run-off, she needed either more than 45% of the vote, or 40% of the vote and a lead of more than 10% over her nearest rival, to win outright. Fernández won the election in the first round with 45.3% of the vote, followed by 22% for Elisa Carrió and 16% for former Economy Minister Roberto Lavagna. Eleven others split the remaining 15%. Kirchner was popular among the suburban working class and the rural poor, while Carrió received more support from the urban middle class, as did Lavagna.
Of note, Kirchner lost the election in the three largest cities, although she won in most other places elsewhere, including the large provincial capitals such as Mendoza and Tucumán. On November 14, the president-elect publicly announced the names of her new cabinet, sworn in on December 10. Of the 12 ministers appointed, seven were ministers in Néstor Kirchner's government, while the other five took office for the first time. Three other ministries were created afterwards; the president elect began a four-year term on December 10, 2007, facing challenges including inflation, union demands for higher salaries, private investment in key areas, lack of institutional credibility, utility companies demanding authorization to raise their fees, low availability of cheap credit to the private sector, the upcoming negotiation of the defaulted foreign debt with the Paris Club. Kirchner was the second female president of Argentina, after Isabel Martínez de Perón, but unlike Perón, Kirchner was the head of the ballot, whereas Isabel Perón was elected as vice president of Juan Domingo Perón and became president after his death.
The transition from Néstor Kirchner to Cristina Kirchner was the first time when a democratic head of state was replaced by his spouse, without involving the death of any of them. Néstor Kirchner stayed active in politics despite not being the president, worked alongside Cristina Kirchner; the press developed the term "presidential marriage" to make reference to both of them at once. Some political analysts compared this type of government with a diarchy. During the first days of Fernández's presidency, Argentina's relations with the United States deteriorated as a result of allegations made by a United States assistant attorney of illegal campaign contributions, case known as the maletinazo. According to these allegations, Venezuelan agents tried to pressure a Venezuelan American citizen to lie about the origin of $790,550 in cash found in his suitcase on August 4, 2007 at a Buenos Aires airport. U. S. prosecutors allege. Some of the allegations were proven and several individuals received a prison sentence after a reported trial.
Fernández and Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez called the allegations "a trashing operation" and part of a conspiracy orchestrated by the U. S. to divide Latin American nations. On December 19, 2007, she restricted the U. S. ambassador limited his meetings to Foreign Ministry officials. S. Assistant Secretary of State. However, on January 31, in a special meeting with Kirchner, the U. S. Ambassador to Argentina, Earl Anthony Wayne, clarified that the allegations "were never made by the United States government," and the dispute cooled down. Having said that the prosecutors making the charges are part of the independent judicial branch of the U. S. government Elisa Carrió and María Estenssoro, both high-ranking members of the main opposition parties, have claimed that the Argentine government's response to the allegations and its criticism of the U. S. are a "smokescreen", that the U. S. involvement in the affair was symptomatic, the root cause of the scandal is corruption in the Argentine and Venezuelan governments.
Riding a wave of approval during a dramatic economic recovery from a 2001-02 crisis, the Kirchners' FPV had prevailed enjoyed large majorities in Congress, reaching their peak following the 2007 general elections. In March 2008, Kirchner introduced a new sliding-scale taxation system for agricultural exports raising levies on soybean exports from 35% to 44% at the time of the announcement; this led to a nationwide lockout by farming associations, starting on March 12, with the aim of forcing the government to back down on the new taxation scheme. They were joined on March 25 by thousands of pot-banging demonstrators massed around the Buenos Aires Obelisk and in front of the presidential palace. Protests extended across the country. In Buenos Aires, hours after Kirchner attacked farmers for their two-week strike and "abundant" profits, there were violent incidents between government supporters and opponents, to which the police was accused of wilfully turning a blind eye; the media was harshly critical of Luis D'Elía, a former government official who took part in the incidents, with some media sources