In Greenlandic Inuit religion, a tupilaq was an avenging monster fabricated by a practitioner of witchcraft or shamanism by using various objects such as animal parts and parts taken from the corpses of children. The creature was given life by ritualistic chants, it was placed into the sea to seek and destroy a specific enemy. The use of a tupilaq was risky, because if it was sent to destroy someone who had greater magical powers than the one who had formed it, it could be sent back to kill its maker instead, although the maker of tupilaq could escape by public confession of her or his own deed; because tupilaqs were made in secret, in isolated places and from perishable materials, none have been preserved. Early European visitors to Greenland, fascinated by the native legend, were eager to see what tupilaqs looked like so the Inuit began to carve representations of them out of sperm whale teeth. Today, tupilaqs of many different shapes and sizes are carved from various materials such as narwhal and walrus tusk and caribou antler.
They are an important part of Greenlandic Inuit art and are prized as collectibles. The making of a tupilaq started most at night, in secrecy; the shaman would don the anorak backwards, with the hood over his face, engage in sexual contact with the bones used to make a tupilaq and chanting during the entire process, which could take several days. The making of a tupilaq was risky to its own maker if the attacked person made it rebound: in this case, public confession was the only rescue; the magic consequences of situations of concealment, the neutralizing effect of public confession was believed in several other areas of life, this is an example of the more general topic of secrecy versus publicity. Concealment or secrecy could raise magic consequences in several areas of life: Concealed miscarriage or infanticide could give birth to a monster called anngiaq, it could make harm for the community. Secrecy was preliminary for the functioning of so-called formulae. Thus, concealment was a preliminary for several magical effects.
If this was broken, unintentionally or intentionally, the effect could lose its power. Angakkuit in some groups resolved the consequence of taboo breach by achieving public confession of the breacher. Hunting means killing, animals were believed to have souls as well. Efforts were made to please the game symbolically; such would be the danger inherent in the first kill of a boy and it was "neutralized" by a public ritual, in which each adult member of the community had to make an incision into the head of the game, or eat a piece from it. Thus, the belief was, that public partaking in a dangerous thing reduced the danger, that it has a neutralizing effect. Inuit cultures were far from being alike; the tupilaq concept had variants. It might be a ghost-like being or a haunting soul. In some cultures it was the shaman who had to deal with it; such distant groups like the Caribou Inuit, Greenlandic Inuit, Iglulingmiut Inuit and Copper Inuit knew the concept of tupilaq, but the details differed: Igloolik The tupilaq was an invisible ghost.
Only the shaman could notice it. It was the soul of a dead person, it scared game away from the vicinity. Thus, the shaman had to help by scaring it away with a knife. Caribou Inuit The tupilaq was an invisible being. Like a tupilaq of the Iglulik the shaman was the only one who could see it, it was a chimera-like creature, with human head and parts from different species of animals. It was dangerous, it could attack the settlement; the shaman had to combat it and devour it with his/her helping spirits. Greenland The tupilaq was manifested in the human-made object, it was made by people to the detriment of their enemies. It was thought of have magical power onto the victim, it might be made from mixed parts of dead children. Copper Inuit To the Copper Inuit the tupilaq was similar to the Devil of Christianity. Anchimayen Tikoloshe Burch, Ernest S.. The Eskimos. Norman, Oklahoma 73018, USA: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 0-8061-2126-2. Kleivan, Inge. Sonne. Eskimos: Greenland and Canada. Iconography of religions, section VIII, "Arctic Peoples", fascicle 2.
Leiden, The Netherlands: Institute of Religious Iconography • State University Groningen. E. J. Brill. ISBN 90-04-07160-1. Rasmussen, Knud. Across Arctic America. New York • London: G. P. Putnams sons. Rasmussen, Knud. Eskimo Folk-Tales. Edited and rendered into English by W. Worster, with illustrations by native Eskimo artists. London • Copenhagen: Gyldendal. Rasmussen, Knud. Across Arctic America. New York • London: G. P. Putnams sons
The angakkuq is the intellectual and spiritual figure among the Inuit who corresponds to a medicine man. Other Alaskan Native cultures have traditionally had similar spiritual mediators, although Alaskan Native religion has many forms and variants. Both women and men could become an angakkuq; the process for becoming an angakkuq varied widely. The son of a current angakkuq might be trained by his father to become one as well. Alternatively, a young man or woman who exhibited a predilection or power that made them stand out might be trained by an experienced mentor. There are instances of angakkuit claiming to have been called to the role through dreams or visions. Mistreated orphans or people who had survived hard times might become angakkuit with the help of the spirits of their dead loved ones. Training to become an angakkuq consisted of acculturation to the rites and roles necessary for the position, as well as instruction in the special language of the angakkuit, which consisted of an archaic vocabulary and oral tradition, shared across much of the Arctic areas the Inuit occupied.
During their training, the angakkuq would gain a familiar or spirit guide who would be visible only to them. This guide, called a tuurngaq, would at times give them extraordinary powers. Inuit stories tell of agakkuit who could run as fast as caribou, or who could fly, with the assistance of their tuurngaq. In some traditions, the angakkuq would be either stabbed or shot, receiving no wound because of the intervention of their tuurngaq, thus proving their power; until spiritual guidance or assistance was needed, an angakkuq lived a normal life for an Inuit, participating in society as a normal person. But when sickness needed to be cured, or divination of the causes of various misfortunes was needed, the angakkuq would be called on; the services of an angakkuit might be required to interpret dreams. If they were called to perform actions that helped the entire village, the work was done freely, but if they were called to help an individual or family, they would receive remuneration for their efforts.
Amongst the Inuit, there are notions comparable to laws: tirigusuusiit, things to avoid maligait, things to follow piqujait, things to doIf these three are not obeyed the angakkuq may need to intervene with the offending party in order to avoid harmful consequence to the person or group. Breaking these laws or taboos was seen as the cause of misfortune, such as bad weather, accidents, or unsuccessful hunts. In order to pinpoint the cause of such misfortune, the angakkuq would undertake a spirit-guided journey outside of their body, they would discover the cause of the misfortune on this journey. Once they returned from the journey, the angakkuq would question people involved in the situation, under the belief that they knew, responsible, the people being questioned would confess; this confession alone could be declared the solution to the problem, or acts of penance such as cleaning the urine pots or swapping wives might be necessary. The angakkuit of the central Inuit participate in an annual ceremony to appease the mythological figure Sedna, the Sea Woman.
The Inuit believed that Sedna became angry when her taboos were broken, the only way to appease her was for an angakkuq to travel in spirit to the underworld where she lived and smooth out her hair. According to myth, this was of great assistance to Sedna; the angakkuq would beg or fight with Sedna to ensure that his people would not starve, the Inuit believed that his pleading and apologies on behalf of his people would allow the animals to return and hunters to be successful. After returning from this spirit journey, communities in which the rite was practiced would have communal confessions, celebration. E. Haase, Der Schamanismus des Eskimos M. Jakobsen, Shamanism: Traditional and Contemporary Approaches to the Mastery of Spirits and Healing D. Merkur, Becoming Half Hidden: Shamanism and Initiation among the Inuit Shamanism among Eskimo peoples Uvavnuk Qaujimajatuqangit and social problems in modern Inuit society. An elders workshop on angakkuuniq- by Jarich Oosten and Frédéric Laugrand, 2002 Shamanism - the powers of the angakkuq- SILA, 2005
Nuuk is the capital and largest city of Greenland. It is the country's largest cultural and economic centre; the major cities closest to the capital are Iqaluit and St. John's in Canada and Reykjavík in Iceland. Nuuk contains a third of Greenland's population and its tallest building. Nuuk is the seat of government for the Sermersooq municipality. In January 2019, it had a population of 17,984; the city was founded in 1728 by the Dano-Norwegian governor Claus Paarss when he relocated Hans Egede's earlier Hope Colony to the mainland, was named Godthåb. The city adopted its current name in 1979, although the name "Godthåb" remained in use in Danish. "Nuuk" is the Kalaallisut word for "cape". It is so named because of its position at the end of the Nuup Kangerlua fjord on the eastern shore of the Labrador Sea, its latitude, at 64°10' N, makes it the world's northernmost capital, only a few kilometres farther north than the Icelandic capital Reykjavík. The campus of the University of Greenland, hosting Statistics Greenland, the main holdings of the Public and National Library of Greenland are at the northern end of the district, near the road to the Nuuk Airport.
Nuuk receives its electric power from the renewable energy-powered Buksefjord hydroelectric power plant by way of a 132 kV powerline crossing Ameralik fjord over a distance of 5,376 m, the world's longest free span. The site has a long history of habitation; the area around Nuuk was first occupied by the ancient pre-Inuit, Paleo-Eskimo people of the Saqqaq culture as far back as 2200 BC when they lived in the area around the now abandoned settlement of Qoornoq. For a long time, it was occupied by the Dorset culture around the former settlement of Kangeq but they disappeared from the Nuuk district before AD 1000; the Nuuk area was inhabited by Viking explorers in the 10th century, shortly thereafter by Inuit peoples. Inuit and Norsemen both lived with little interaction in this area from about 1000 until the disappearance of the Norse settlement for uncertain reasons during the 15th century; the city proper was founded as the fort of Godt-Haab in 1728 by the royal governor Claus Paarss, when he relocated the missionary and merchant Hans Egede's earlier Hope Colony from Kangeq Island to the mainland.
At that time, Greenland was formally still a Danish colony under the united Dano-Norwegian Crown, but the colony had not had any contact for over three centuries. Paarss's colonists consisted of mutinous soldiers and prostitutes and most died within the first year of scurvy and other ailments. In 1733 and 1734, a smallpox epidemic killed most of the native population as well as Egede's wife. Hans Egede went back to Denmark in 1736 after 15 years in Greenland, leaving his son Poul to continue his work. Godthaab became the seat of government for the Danish colony of South Greenland, while Godhavn was the capital of North Greenland until 1940 when the administration was unified in Godthaab. In 1733, Moravian missionaries received permission to begin a mission on the island; this became the nucleus for present-day Nuuk as many Greenlanders from the southeastern coast left their territory to live at the mission station. From this base, further missions were established at Lichtenfels, Friedrichsthal and Idlorpait, before they were discontinued in 1900 and folded into the Lutheran Church of Denmark.
Around 1850, the area around Nuuk, were in crisis. The Europeans had brought diseases and a culture that conflicted with the ways of the native Greenlanders. Many Greenlanders were living in poverty. In 1853, Hinrich Johannes Rink came to Greenland and perceived the Greenlanders had lost much of their culture and identity under Danish influence. In response, in 1861, he started the Atuagagdliutt, Greenland's first newspaper, with a native Greenlander as editor; this newspaper based in Nuuk became significant for the Greenlandic identity. During World War II, there was a reawakening to Greenlandic national identity. Greenlanders assembled a council under Eske Brun's leadership in Nuuk. In 1940, an American and a Canadian Consulate were established in Nuuk. Under new regulations in 1950, two councils amalgamated into one; this Countryside Council was abolished on 1 May 1979, when the city of Godthåb was renamed Nuuk by the Greenland Home Rule government. The city boomed during the 1950s; as in Greenland as a whole, Nuuk is populated today by both Danes.
Over a third of Greenland's total population lives in the Nuuk Greater Metropolitan area. An article examining indigenous influences on cities worldwide suggested, One city... stands out. Nuuk... has the highest percentage of aboriginal people of any city: 90% of Greenland's population of 58,000 is Inuit, at least eight in 10 live in urban settlements. Nuuk celebrates Inuit culture and history to an extent, unprecedented in many cities with higher total aboriginal populations. By proportion and by cultural authority and impact, it may well be tiny Nuuk, the most indigenous city in the world. Nuuk is located at 64°10′N 51°44′W at the mouth of Nuup Kangerlua, some 10 km from the shores of the Labrador Sea on the southwestern coast of Greenland, about 240 km south of the Arctic Circle. Initially
In Inuit mythology, Negafook represents "the North Wind or, more eloquently, the spirit that likes cold and stormy weather."A mask representing Negafok is held by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City. It was created for use in ceremonies, along with masks that represented the other winds, commemorates a "weather event" in the early 20th century
Malina is a solar deity in Inuit religion. She is found most in the legends of Greenland that link her with the lunar deity Anningan, her brother. Malina is fleeing from Anningan as the result of strife between the two, their constant chase is the traditional explanation for the movement of the sun and moon through the sky. According to Inuit mythology and his sister Malina lived together in a village, they were close when young, but came to live apart as they grew older, in the lodges for women and for men. One day, as Igaluk looked at the women, he found, and so that night, as everyone slept, he crept into the women's dwelling and forced himself upon her. As it was dark, Malina was unable to tell who her attacker was, but the next night, when the same thing happened, she covered her hands with the soot from the oil lamps and smeared the Anningan's face with it. Afterwards, she looked through the skylight of the men's lodge, she was surprised to find that the man was her own brother. So Malina cut off her breasts.
She put them in a bowl and carried this to the men's lodge, presented it to Igaluk, saying "If you enjoy me so much eat these," and ran away out the door, grabbing a torch as she went. Igaluk chased after her taking a torch, was able to follow her path, as her footsteps were marked with great pools of blood. However, he tripped and dropped his torch, the flame was put out, except for a faint glow. However, Igaluk caught up to his sister, the two ran so fast that they took off into the sky and became the moon and the sun. Malina was known for her passion and beauty. Malina and Anningan the Sun and The Moon: An Inuit Sky Tale When Moon Chases Sun
Weather is the state of the atmosphere, describing for example the degree to which it is hot or cold, wet or dry, calm or stormy, clear or cloudy. Most weather phenomena occur in the lowest level of the atmosphere, the troposphere, just below the stratosphere. Weather refers to day-to-day temperature and precipitation activity, whereas climate is the term for the averaging of atmospheric conditions over longer periods of time; when used without qualification, "weather" is understood to mean the weather of Earth. Weather is driven by air pressure and moisture differences between one place and another; these differences can occur due to the sun's angle at any particular spot, which varies with latitude. The strong temperature contrast between polar and tropical air gives rise to the largest scale atmospheric circulations: the Hadley Cell, the Ferrel Cell, the Polar Cell, the jet stream. Weather systems in the mid-latitudes, such as extratropical cyclones, are caused by instabilities of the jet stream flow.
Because the Earth's axis is tilted relative to its orbital plane, sunlight is incident at different angles at different times of the year. On Earth's surface, temperatures range ±40 °C annually. Over thousands of years, changes in Earth's orbit can affect the amount and distribution of solar energy received by the Earth, thus influencing long-term climate and global climate change. Surface temperature differences in turn cause pressure differences. Higher altitudes are cooler than lower altitudes, as most atmospheric heating is due to contact with the Earth's surface while radiative losses to space are constant. Weather forecasting is the application of science and technology to predict the state of the atmosphere for a future time and a given location; the Earth's weather system is a chaotic system. Human attempts to control the weather have occurred throughout history, there is evidence that human activities such as agriculture and industry have modified weather patterns. Studying how the weather works on other planets has been helpful in understanding how weather works on Earth.
A famous landmark in the Solar System, Jupiter's Great Red Spot, is an anticyclonic storm known to have existed for at least 300 years. However, weather is not limited to planetary bodies. A star's corona is being lost to space, creating what is a thin atmosphere throughout the Solar System; the movement of mass ejected from the Sun is known as the solar wind. On Earth, the common weather phenomena include wind, rain, snow and dust storms. Less common events include natural disasters such as tornadoes, hurricanes and ice storms. All familiar weather phenomena occur in the troposphere. Weather does occur in the stratosphere and can affect weather lower down in the troposphere, but the exact mechanisms are poorly understood. Weather occurs due to air pressure and moisture differences between one place to another; these differences can occur due to the sun angle at any particular spot, which varies by latitude from the tropics. In other words, the farther from the tropics one lies, the lower the sun angle is, which causes those locations to be cooler due the spread of the sunlight over a greater surface.
The strong temperature contrast between polar and tropical air gives rise to the large scale atmospheric circulation cells and the jet stream. Weather systems in the mid-latitudes, such as extratropical cyclones, are caused by instabilities of the jet stream flow. Weather systems in the tropics, such as monsoons or organized thunderstorm systems, are caused by different processes; because the Earth's axis is tilted relative to its orbital plane, sunlight is incident at different angles at different times of the year. In June the Northern Hemisphere is tilted towards the sun, so at any given Northern Hemisphere latitude sunlight falls more directly on that spot than in December; this effect causes seasons. Over thousands to hundreds of thousands of years, changes in Earth's orbital parameters affect the amount and distribution of solar energy received by the Earth and influence long-term climate.. The uneven solar heating can be due to the weather itself in the form of cloudiness and precipitation.
Higher altitudes are cooler than lower altitudes, which the result of higher surface temperature and radiational heating, which produces the adiabatic lapse rate. In some situations, the temperature increases with height; this phenomenon is known as an inversion and can cause mountaintops to be warmer than the valleys below. Inversions can lead to the formation of fog and act as a cap that suppresses thunderstorm development. On local scales, temperature differences can occur because different surfaces have differing physical characteristics such as reflectivity, roughness, or moisture content. Surface temperature differences in turn cause pressure differences. A hot surface warms the air above it causing it to expand and lower the density and the resulting surface air pressure; the resulting horizontal pressure gradient moves the air from higher to lower pressure regions, creating a wind, the Earth's rotation causes deflection of this air flow due to the Coriolis effect. The simple systems thus formed can display emergent behaviour to produce more complex systems and thus other weather phenomena.
Large scale examples include the Hadley cell while a small
In the folklore of Nepal, the Yeti or Abominable Snowman is an ape-like creature taller than an average human, said to inhabit the Himalayan and Siberian regions of East Asia. The names Yeti and Meh-Teh are used by the people indigenous to the region, are part of their history and mythology. Stories of the Yeti first emerged as a facet of Western popular culture in the 19th century; the scientific community has regarded the Yeti as a legend, given the lack of evidence of its existence. In one genetic study, researchers matched DNA from hair samples found in the Himalaya with a prehistoric bear from the Pleistocene epoch; the word Yeti is derived from Tibetan: གཡའ་དྲེད་, Wylie: g.ya' dred, ZYPY: Yachê, a compound of the words Tibetan: གཡའ་, Wylie: g.ya', ZYPY: ya "rocky", "rocky place" and "bear". Pranavananda states that the words "ti", "te" and "teh" are derived from the spoken word'tre', Tibetan for bear, with the'r' so pronounced as to be inaudible, thus making it "te" or "teh". Other terms used by Himalayan peoples do not translate the same, but refer to legendary and indigenous wildlife: Michê translates as "man-bear".
Dzu-teh –'dzu' translates as "cattle" and the full meaning translates as "cattle bear", referring to the Himalayan brown bear. Migoi or Mi-go translates as "wild man". Bun Manchi – Nepali for "jungle man", used outside Sherpa communities where yeti is the common name. Mirka – Another name for "wild-man". Local legend holds that "anyone who sees one dies or is killed"; the latter is taken from a written statement by Frank Smythe's sherpas in 1937. Kang Admi – "Snow Man"; the name "Abominable Snowman" was coined in 1921, the same year Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Howard-Bury led the 1921 British Mount Everest reconnaissance expedition which he chronicled in Mount Everest The Reconnaissance, 1921. In the book, Howard-Bury includes an account of crossing the Lhakpa La at 21,000 ft where he found footprints that he believed "were caused by a large'loping' grey wolf, which in the soft snow formed double tracks rather like a those of a bare-footed man", he adds that his Sherpa guides "at once volunteered that the tracks must be that of'The Wild Man of the Snows', to which they gave the name'metoh-kangmi'".
"Metoh" translates as "man-bear" and "Kang-mi" translates as "snowman". Confusion exists between Howard-Bury's recitation of the term "metoh-kangmi" and the term used in Bill Tilman's book Mount Everest, 1938 where Tilman had used the words "metch", which does not exist in the Tibetan language, "kangmi" when relating the coining of the term "Abominable Snowman". Further evidence of "metch" being a misnomer is provided by Tibetan language authority Professor David Snellgrove from the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, who dismissed the word "metch" as impossible, because the consonants "t-c-h" cannot be conjoined in the Tibetan language." Documentation suggests. It has been suggested that "metch" is a misspelling of "metoh"; the use of "Abominable Snowman" began when Henry Newman, a longtime contributor to The Statesman in Calcutta, writing under the pen name "Kim", interviewed the porters of the "Everest Reconnaissance expedition" on their return to Darjeeling.
Newman mistranslated the word "metoh" as "filthy", substituting the term "abominable" out of artistic license. As author Bill Tilman recounts, " wrote long after in a letter to The Times: The whole story seemed such a joyous creation I sent it to one or two newspapers". According to H. Siiger, the Yeti was a part of the pre-Buddhist beliefs of several Himalayan people, he was told. He reported that followers of the Bön religion once believed the blood of the "mi rgod" or "wild man" had use in certain mystical ceremonies; the being was depicted as an apelike creature who carries a large stone as a weapon and makes a whistling swoosh sound. In 1832, James Prinsep's Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal published trekker B. H. Hodgson's account of his experiences in northern Nepal, his local guides spotted a tall, bipedal creature covered with long dark hair, which seemed to flee in fear. Hodgson concluded. An early record of reported footprints appeared in 1899 in Laurence Waddell's Among the Himalayas.
Waddell reported his guide's description of a large apelike creature that left the prints, which Waddell thought were made by a bear. Waddell heard stories of bipedal, apelike creatures but wrote that "none, however, of the many Tibetans I have interrogated on this subject could give me an authentic case. On the most superficial investigation it always resolved into something that somebody heard tell of." The frequency of reports increased during the early 20th century, when Westerners began making determined attempts to scale the many mountains in the area and reported seeing odd creatures or strange tracks. In 1925, N. A. Tombazi, a photographer and member of the Royal Geographical Society, writes that he saw a creature at about 15,000 ft near Zemu Glacier. Tombazi wrote that he observed the creature from about 200 to 300 yd, for about a minute. "Unquestionably, the figure in outline was like a human being, walking upright and stopping to pull at some dwarf rhododendron bushes. It showed up dark against the snow, as far as I could make out, wore no clothes."
About two hours Tombazi and his companions descended