Māori mythology and Māori traditions are the two major categories into which the legends of the Māori of New Zealand may usefully be divided. The rituals and the world view of Māori society were based on an elaborate mythology, inherited from a Polynesian homeland and adapted and developed in the new setting. Few records survive of the extensive body of Māori mythology and tradition from the early years of European contact; the missionaries had the best opportunity to get the information, but failed to do so at first, in part because their knowledge of the language was imperfect. Most of the missionaries who did master the language were unsympathetic to Māori beliefs, regarding them as'puerile beliefs', or even'works of the devil'. Exceptions to this general rule were J. F. Wohlers of the South Island, Richard Taylor, who worked in the Taranaki and Wanganui River areas, William Colenso who lived at the Bay of Islands and in Hawke's Bay. "The writings of these men are among our best sources for the legends of the areas in which they worked".
In the 1840s Edward Shortland, Sir George Grey, other non-missionaries began to collect the myths and traditions. At that time many Māori were literate in their own language and the material collected was, in general, written by Māori themselves in the same style as they spoke; the new medium seems to have had minimal effect on the content of the stories. Genealogies and narratives were written out in full, just as if they were being recited or sung. Many of these early manuscripts have been published, as of 2012 scholars have access to a great body of material containing multiple versions of the great myth cycles known in the rest of Polynesia, as well as of the local traditions pertaining only to New Zealand. A great deal of the best material is found in two books, Nga Mahi a nga Tupuna, collected by Sir George Grey and translated as Polynesian Mythology; the three forms of expression prominent in Māori and Polynesian oral literature are genealogical recital and narrative prose. The reciting of genealogies was well developed in Māori oral literature, where it served several functions in the recounting of tradition.
Firstly it served to provide a kind of time scale which unified all Māori myth and history, from the distant past to the present. It linked living people to the legendary heroes. By quoting appropriate genealogical lines, a narrator emphasised his or her connection with the characters whose deeds were being described, that connection proved that the narrator had the right to speak of them. "In the cosmogonic genealogies, to be described genealogical recital is revealed as a true literary form. What appears at first sight to be a mere listing of names is in fact a cryptic account of the evolution of the universe"'. Māori poetry was always chanted. Rhyme or assonance were not devices used by the Māori; the lines are indicated by features of the music. The language of poetry tends to differ stylistically from prose. Typical features of poetic diction are the use of synonyms or contrastive opposites, the repetition of key words. "Archaic words are common, including many which have lost any specific meaning and acquired a religious mystique.
Abbreviated, sometimes cryptic utterances and the use of certain grammatical constructions not found in prose are common". Prose narrative forms the great bulk of Māori legendary material; some appears to have been sacred or esoteric, but many of the legends were well-known stories told as entertainment in the long nights of winter. "Nevertheless, they should not be regarded as fairy tales to be enjoyed only as stories. The Māui myth, for example, was important not only as entertainment but because it embodied the beliefs of the people concerning such things as the origin of fire, of death, of the land in which they lived; the ritual chants concerning firemaking, death, so on made reference to Māui and derived their power from such reference". Myths are set in the remote past and their content have to do with the supernatural, they present Māori ideas of people. The mythology accounts for natural phenomena, the weather, the stars and the moon, the fish of the sea, the birds of the forest, the forests themselves.
Much of the culturally institutioned behaviour of the people finds its sanctions in myth. "Perhaps the most distinctive feature of myth, as distinct from tradition, is its universality. Each of the major myths is known in some version not only throughout New Zealand but over much of Polynesia as well"; the Māori understanding of the development of the universe was expressed in genealogical form. These genealogies appear in many versions, in which several symbolic themes recur. "Evolution may be likened to a series of periods of darkness or voids, each numbered in sequence or qualified by some descriptive term. In some cases the periods of darkness are succeeded by periods of light. In other versions the evolution of the universe is likened to a tree, with its base, tap roots, branching roots, root hairs. Another theme likens evolution to the development of a child in the womb, as in the sequence “the seeking, the searching, the conception, the growth, the feeling, the thought, the mi
Upolu is an island in Samoa, formed by a massive basaltic shield volcano which rises from the seafloor of the western Pacific Ocean. The island is 75 kilometres long and 1,125 square kilometres in area, making it the second largest of the Samoan Islands geographically. With 145,000 people, it is by far the most populated of the Samoan Islands. Upolu is situated to the southeast of Savai'i, the "big island". Apia, the capital, is in the middle of the north coast, with Faleolo International Airport at the western end of the island; the island has not had any recorded eruptions, although three lava flows date back only a few hundred to a few thousand years. In the Samoan branch of Polynesian mythology, Upolu was the first woman on the island. In 1841, the island was the site of the Bombardment of Upolu, an incident during the United States Exploring Expedition. In the late-19th century, the Scottish writer Robert Louis Stevenson owned a 400-acre estate at Vailima village and died there in 1894, he is buried at the top of Mount Vaea above his former home.
The Vailima estate was purchased in 1900 as the official residence for the German governor and, after British/Dominion confiscation, served successively as residence for the New Zealand administrator and for the Samoan head of state after independence. The island of Upolu was affected by a tsunami at 06:48:11 local time on 29 September 2009. Twenty villages on Upolu's south side were destroyed, including Lepa, the home of Samoa's Prime Minister Tuilaepa Lupesoliai Sailele Malielegaoi. In Lepa, only the church and the village's welcome sign remained standing following the disaster. An small species of spider lives on Upolu. According to the Guinness Book of World Records, the spider is the size of a period on a printed page. Upolu was the filming location for the 1953 South Seas film Return to Paradise, starring Gary Cooper; the island was the filming location for several seasons of the CBS competitive Survivor reality television series: Survivor: Samoa, the nineteenth. Australian Survivor was set on the island in the 2016 third season and 2017 fourth season.
1889 Apia cyclone Archaeology of Samoa Samoa Tourism Authority Samoa Tourism Authority
Samoa the Independent State of Samoa and, until 4 July 1997, known as Western Samoa, is a country consisting of two main islands, Savai'i and Upolu, four smaller islands. The capital city is Apia; the Lapita people settled the Samoan Islands around 3,500 years ago. They developed Samoan cultural identity. Samoa is a unitary parliamentary democracy with eleven administrative divisions; the country is a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. Western Samoa was admitted to the United Nations on 15 December 1976; the entire island group, which includes American Samoa, was called "Navigator Islands" by European explorers before the 20th century because of the Samoans' seafaring skills. New Zealand scientists have dated remains in Samoa to about 2900 years ago; these were found at a Lapita site at Mulifanua and the findings were published in 1974. The origins of the Samoans are studied in modern research about Polynesia in various scientific disciplines such as genetics and anthropology. Scientific research is ongoing.
Intimate sociocultural and genetic ties were maintained between Samoa and Tonga, the archaeological record supports oral tradition and native genealogies that indicate inter-island voyaging and intermarriage between pre-colonial Samoans and Tongans. Notable figures in Samoan history included Queen Salamasina. Nafanua was a famous woman warrior, deified in ancient Samoan religion. Contact with Europeans began in the early 18th century. Jacob Roggeveen, a Dutchman, was the first known European to sight the Samoan islands in 1722; this visit was followed by French explorer Louis-Antoine de Bougainville, who named them the Navigator Islands in 1768. Contact was limited before the 1830s, when English missionaries and traders began arriving. Visits by American trading and whaling vessels were important in the early economic development of Samoa; the Salem brig Roscoe, in October 1821, was the first American trading vessel known to have called, the Maro of Nantucket, in 1824, was the first recorded United States whaler at Samoa.
The whalers came for fresh drinking water and provisions, they recruited local men to serve as crewmen on their ships. Christian missionary work in Samoa began in 1830 when John Williams of the London Missionary Society arrived in Sapapali'i from the Cook Islands and Tahiti. According to Barbara A. West, "The Samoans were known to engage in ‘headhunting', a ritual of war in which a warrior took the head of his slain opponent to give to his leader, thus proving his bravery." However, Robert Louis Stevenson, who lived in Samoa from 1889 until his death in 1894, wrote in A Footnote to History: Eight Years of Trouble in Samoa, "… the Samoans are gentle people." The Germans, in particular, began to show great commercial interest in the Samoan Islands on the island of Upolu, where German firms monopolised copra and cocoa bean processing. The United States laid its own claim, based on commercial shipping interests in Pearl River in Hawaii and Pago Pago Bay in Eastern Samoa, forced alliances, most conspicuously on the islands of Tutuila and Manu'a which became American Samoa.
Britain sent troops to protect British business enterprise, harbour rights, consulate office. This was followed by an eight-year civil war, during which each of the three powers supplied arms, training and in some cases combat troops to the warring Samoan parties; the Samoan crisis came to a critical juncture in March 1889 when all three colonial contenders sent warships into Apia harbour, a larger-scale war seemed imminent. A massive storm on 15 March 1889 destroyed the warships, ending the military conflict; the Second Samoan Civil War reached a head in 1898 when Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States were locked in dispute over who should control the Samoa Islands. The Siege of Apia occurred in March 1899. Samoan forces loyal to Prince Tanu were besieged by a larger force of Samoan rebels loyal to Mata'afa Iosefo. Supporting Prince Tanu were landing parties from four American warships. After several days of fighting, the Samoan rebels were defeated. American and British warships shelled Apia on 15 March 1899, including the USS Philadelphia.
Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States resolved to end the hostilities and divided the island chain at the Tripartite Convention of 1899, signed at Washington on 2 December 1899 with ratifications exchanged on 16 February 1900. The eastern island-group was known as American Samoa; the western islands, by far the greater landmass, became German Samoa. The United Kingdom had vacated all claims in Samoa and in return received termination of German rights in Tonga, all of the Solomon Islands south of Bougainville, territorial alignments in West Africa; the German Empire governed the western Samoan islands from 1900 to 1914. Wilhelm Solf was appointed the colony's first governor. In 1908, when the non-violent Mau a Pule resistance movement arose, Solf did not hesitate to banish the Mau leader Lauaki Namulau'ulu Mamoe to Saipan in the German Northern Mariana Islands; the German colonial administration governed on the principle that "there was only one government in the islands." Thus, there was no Samoan Tupu
The Polynesian narrative or Polynesian mythology encompasses the oral traditions of the people of Polynesia, a grouping of Central and South Pacific Ocean island archipelagos in the Polynesian Triangle together with the scattered cultures known as the Polynesian outliers. Polynesians speak languages that descend from a language reconstructed as Proto-Polynesian, spoken in the Tonga - Samoa area around 1000 BC. Prior to the 15th century AD, Polynesian peoples fanned out to the east, to the Cook Islands, from there to other groups such as Tahiti and the Marquesas, their descendants discovered the islands from Tahiti to Rapa Nui, Hawai‘i and New Zealand. Latest research puts the settlement of New Zealand at about 1300 AD; the various Polynesian languages are all part of the Austronesian language family. Many are close enough in terms of vocabulary and grammar to permit communication between some other language speakers. There are substantial cultural similarities between the various groups in terms of social organisation, childrearing, as well as horticulture and textile technologies.
In some island groups, help is of fishing. There is a story of the marriage between Sky and Earth. There are stories of islands pulled up from the bottom of the sea by a magic fishhook, or thrown down from heaven. There are stories of voyages, migrations and battles, as one might expect. Stories about a trickster, Māui, are known, as are those about a beautiful goddess/ancestress Hina or Sina. In addition to these shared themes in the oral tradition, each island group has its own stories of demi-gods and culture heroes, shading into the firmer outlines of remembered history; such stories were linked to various geographic or ecological features, which may be described as the petrified remains of the supernatural beings. The various Polynesian cultures each have distinct but related oral traditions, that is, legends or myths traditionally considered to recount the history of ancient times and the adventures of gods and deified ancestors; the accounts are characterised by extensive use of allegory, parable and personification.
Orality has an essential flexibility. In an oral tradition, there is no fixed version of a given tale; the story may change within certain limits according to the setting, the needs of the narrator and the audience. Contrary to the Western concept of history, where the knowledge of the past serves to bring a better understanding of the present, the purpose of oral literature is rather to justify and legitimatise the present situation. An example is provided by genealogies, which exist in multiple and contradictory versions; the purpose of genealogies in oral societies is not to provide a'true' account, but rather to emphasise the seniority of the ruling chiefly line, hence its political legitimacy and right to exploit resources of land and the like. If another line should rise to ascendency, it was necessary to bestow upon the new line the most prestigious genealogy if this meant borrowing a few ancestors from the preceding dynasty; each island, each tribe or each clan will have their own version or interpretation of a given narrative cycle.
This process is disrupted when writing becomes the primary means to record and remember the traditions. When missionaries, anthropologists or ethnologists collected and published these accounts, they changed their nature. By fixing forever on paper what had been subject to infinite variation, they fixed as the authoritative version an account told by one narrator at a given moment. In New Zealand, the writings of one chief, Wiremu Te Rangikāheke, formed the basis of much of Governor George Grey's Polynesian Mythology, a book which to this day provides the de facto official versions of many of the best-known Māori legends; some Polynesians seem to have been aware of the danger and the potential of this new means of expression. As of the mid-19th century, a number of them wrote down their genealogy, the history and the origin of their tribe; these writings, known under the name of "pukapuka whakapapa" or in tropical Polynesia as "puta tumu" or "puta tūpuna” were jealously guarded by the heads of households.
Many were destroyed. In the 1890s, Makea Takau, a Rarotongan chief, ordered his tribe to burn all their family books, save his own; as a result, Makea Takau's version became the official history of the chiefly line, removing the possibility of dissent. At his request, extracts were published in the Journal of the Polynesian Society. Beckwith, Hawaiian Mythology, Yale University Press, 1940, as re-issued in 1970, University of Hawaii Press Buck, Sir Peter / Te Rangi Hiroa, Samoan Material Culture. Bishop Museum bulletin. Craig, D. Robert, Dictionary of Polynesian Mythology, 1989, Greenwood Press. Kirch, Patrick,'On the Road of the Winds' 2000, University of California Press. Malo, Hawaiian Antiquities, first published in English in 1898, available as Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication 2, Second Edition, 1951
The Bunun historically known as the Vonum, are a Taiwanese indigenous people and are best known for their sophisticated polyphonic vocal music. They speak the Bunun language. Unlike other aboriginal peoples in Taiwan, the Bunun are dispersed across the island's central mountain ranges. In the year 2000, the Bunun numbered 41,038; this was 8% of Taiwan's total indigenous population, making them the fourth-largest indigenous group. They have five distinct communities: the Takbunuaz, the Takituduh, the Takibaka, the Takivatan, the Isbukun. According to a study published in 2014, the Y-DNA of the Bunun people belongs to haplogroup O1a2-M50 or haplogroup O2a1a-M88, with a single representative of haplogroup P*-M45. Haplogroup O-M88 is rare among other aboriginal peoples of Taiwan and its vicinity, being found more among populations of southwestern China and the northern parts of Mainland Southeast Asia, such as Tai peoples and Vietnamese; until the coming of the Christian missionaries in the beginning of the 20th century, the Bunun were known to be fierce warriors and headhunters.
The Bunun were one of the "high-mountain peoples" who traditionally lived in small family units in Taiwan's Central Mountain Range and were hostile to all outsiders, whether they be Chinese immigrants or surrounding aboriginal peoples. Whereas most other aborigines were quite sedentary and tended to live in lower areas, the Bunun, along with the Atayal and Taroko were on the move in Taiwan's Central Mountain Range, looking for new hunting grounds and practicing slash-and-burn agriculture, their staple foods were millet and game. During the Japanese rule, the Bunun were among the last peoples to be "pacified" by the Japanese government in residence. After an initial period of fierce resistance, they were forced to move down from the mountains and concentrated into a number of lowland villages that were spread across the Island; as a result, the family unit became less important and life centred on individual village units. The Japanese government introduced wet rice cultivation; the Bunun Aboriginals under Chief Raho Ari engaged in guerilla warfare against the Japanese for twenty years.
Raho Ari's revolt was sparked when the Japanese implemented a gun control policy in 1914 against the Aboriginals in which their rifles were impounded in police stations when hunting expeditions were over. The Dafen Incident began at Dafen when a police platoon was slaughtered by Raho Ari's clan in 1915. A settlement holding 266 people called Tamaho was created by Raho Ari and his followers near the source of the Laonong River and attracted more Bunun rebels to their cause. Raho Ari and his followers captured bullets and guns and slew Japanese in repeated hit and run raids against Japanese police stations by infiltrating over the Japanese "guardline" of electrified fences and police stations as they pleased. Many Bunun were recruited as local policemen and during WWII, the Japanese army had Bunun regiments. Throughout the 20th century, several waves of missionaries of various denominations spread across Taiwan, they were successful with the aboriginal inhabitants of the island and after the last missionary wave in the 1940s, that originated in Japan, a majority of aborigines were converted to Christianity.
Today, most Bunun either belong to the local Presbyterian Church. After the arrival of the Chinese Nationalist Kuomintang in October 1945, difficult days began for the aboriginal population; the "one language, one culture" policy of the Nationalist government prohibited to use of any language other than Standard Mandarin, for official use as well as in daily life, indigenous cultures were systematically discriminated against and encouraged to assimilate into mainstream culture. Bunun culture was eroded by the joint pressure of their new faith as well as the government's sinification policies; the situation improved only after two decades of democratic reforms. According to Bunun legend, in times long past, two suns shone down upon the earth and made it unbearably hot. A father and a son endured numerous hardships and shot down one of the suns, which became the moon. In its wrath, the moon demanded that father and son would return to their own people to tell them that they henceforth had to obey three commandments or face annihilation.
The first was that they had to observe the waxing and waning of the moon and conduct all rituals and work according to its rhythm. The second commandment stated that all Bunun had to conduct rituals throughout their lives to honor the spirits of heaven and earth; the third commandment told them of forbidden behaviours, forced them to become an orderly and peaceful people. A variant of the story tells that long, long ago, a mother and father went out working in the field and took their newly born son with them. While working, they put the child in a basket at the side of the field, for a whole day he lay in the unbearable heat of the two suns; when the parents returned in the late afternoon, they found that their son had dried up and turned into a black lizard. Stricken by grief, the father shot down one of the suns; this story illustrates the importance of the sky in traditional Bunun animist religion. The Bunun assumed that the world in which they lived were full of supernatural beings that were associated with particular places.
An important locus of supernatural power was the sky. All supernatural forces seem to have had a abstract character
A tutelary is a deity or spirit, a guardian, patron, or protector of a particular place, geographic feature, lineage, culture, or occupation. The etymology of "tutelary" expresses the concept of safety, thus of guardianship. In late late Greek and Roman religion, one type of tutelary deity, the genius, functions as the personal deity or daimon of an individual from birth to death. Another form of personal tutelary spirit is the familiar spirit of European folklore. Chinese folk religion, both past and present, includes a myriad of tutelary deities. Exceptional individuals may become deified after death. Guan Yu is a well-known tutelary. See City God and Tudigong. In Hinduism, tutelary deities are known as Kuldevi or Kuldevta. Gramadevata are guardian deities of villages. Devas can be seen as tutelary. Shiva is patron of renunciants; the City goddesses include: Mumbadevi Sachchika Kuladevis include: Ambika Mahalakshmi In Korean shamanism and sotdae were placed at the edge of villages to frighten off demons.
They were worshiped as deities. In Philippine animism, Diwata or Lambana are deities or spirits that inhabit sacred places like mountains and mounds and serve as guardians.* Maria Makiling is the deity who guards Mt. Makiling. * Maria Cacao and Maria Sinukuan. In Shinto, the spirits, or kami, which give life to human bodies come from nature and return to it after death. Ancestors are therefore themselves tutelaries to be worshiped. Thai provincial capitals palladiums; the guardian spirit of a house is known as Pra Poom. Every Buddhist household in Thailand has a miniature shrine housing this tutelary deity, known as a spirit house. Tibetan Buddhism has Yidam as a tutelary deity. Dakini is the patron of those. Socrates spoke of hearing the voice of his personal spirit or daimonion: You have heard me speak of an oracle or sign which comes to me …; this sign I have had since I was a child. The sign is a voice which comes to me and always forbids me to do something which I am going to do, but never commands me to do anything, this is what stands in the way of my being a politician.
The Greeks thought deities guarded specific places: For instance, Athena was the patron goddess of the city of Athens. Tutelary deities who guard and preserve a place or a person are fundamental to ancient Roman religion; the tutelary deity of a man was that of a woman her Juno. In the Imperial era, the Genius of the Emperor was a focus of Imperial cult. An emperor might adopt a major deity as his personal patron or tutelary, as Augustus did Apollo. Precedents for claiming the personal protection of a deity were established in the Republican era, when for instance the Roman dictator Sulla advertised the goddess Victory as his tutelary by holding public games in her honor; each town or city had one or more tutelary deities, whose protection was considered vital in time of war and siege. Rome itself was protected by a goddess; the Capitoline Triad of Juno and Minerva were tutelaries of Rome. The Italic towns had their own tutelary deities. Juno had this function, as at the Latin town of Lanuvium and the Etruscan city of Veii, was housed in an grand temple on the arx or other prominent or central location.
The tutelary deity of Praeneste was Fortuna. The Roman ritual of evocatio was premised on the belief that a town could be made vulnerable to military defeat if the power of its tutelary deity were diverted outside the city by the offer of superior cult at Rome; the depiction of some goddesses such as the Magna Mater as "tower-crowned" represents their capacity to preserve the city. A town in the provinces might adopt a deity from within the Roman religious sphere to serve as its guardian, or syncretize its own tutelary with such; each Roman home had a set of protective deities: the Lar or Lares of the household or familia, whose shrine was a lararium. The poet Martial lists the tutelary deities; the architecture of a granary featured niches for images of the tutelary deities, who might include the genius loci or guardian spirit of the site, Silvanus, Fortuna Conservatrix and in the Greek East Aphrodite and Agathe Tyche. The Lares Compitales were the tutelary gods of a neighborhood, each of which had a compitum devoted to these.
During the Republic, the cult of local or neighborhood tutelaries sometimes became rallying points for political and social unrest. Some tutelary deities are known to exist in Slavic Europe, a more prominent example being that of Leshy. Animal spirit Dvarapala Eudaemon Guardian angel Landvættir Nagual National god Patron saint Power animal Totem Tulpa Uay
In Māori mythology, Tū or Tūmatauenga is the god of war, food cultivation and cooking. All war-parties were dedicated to him, he was treated with the greatest respect and awe, he is a son of the primordial parent and earth. Of all the brothers, Tūmatauenga alone fought Tāwhirimātea to a standstill and forced him to withdraw. In a Te Arawa version, Tūmatauenga advises his brothers to kill their parents Rangi and Papa in order to allow light and space into the world, but the kinder proposal of Tāne is accepted and instead the primordial pair are forced apart. Tūmatauenga thinks about the actions of Tāne in separating their parents, makes snares to catch the birds, the children of Tāne, who can no longer fly free, he makes nets, traps the children of Tangaroa. He makes holes to dig the ground, capturing his brothers Rongo and Haumia-tiketike, heaping them into baskets to be eaten; the only brother that Tūmatauenga cannot subdue is Tāwhirimātea, whose storms and hurricanes attack humankind to this day because of his indignation at the actions of his brothers.
Although Rangi and Papa were not human in form, Tūmatauenga and his brothers were. Humankind - the descendants of Tū - increased upon the earth, until the generation of Māui and his brothers. Tūmatauenga's actions provide a pattern for human activities; because Tūmatauenga defeated his brothers, people can now, if they perform the appropriate rituals and eat birds, fish and harvest food plants, harness the resources of the natural world. Tūmatauenga is the originator of warfare, people make war now because Tūmatauenga provided the example; when rituals were performed over warriors before a battle, or when an infant was dedicated to a future role as a fighter, Tūmatauenga was invoked as the source of their duty. The body of the first warrior to fall in a battle was offered up to Tūmatauenga. While Tūmatauenga is the origin of war, powerful local deities such as Kahukura, Maru or Uenuku were called upon in time of war; the New Zealand thrash metal band, Alien Weaponry and their song Kai Tangata refer to the god of war.
After his victories over his brothers, Tūmatauenga or Tū assumed many names, one name for each of the characteristics he displayed in his victories over his brothers, including: Tū-ka-riri Tū-ka-nguha Tū-kai-taua Tū-whakaheke-tangata Tū-mata-whāiti Tū-mata-uenga Kū, Hawaiian war deity. Maru, South Island war deity New Zealand Army, known in Māori as Ngāti Tūmatauenga G. Grey, Polynesian Mythology, Illustrated edition, reprinted 1976. 1956. M. Orbell, The Concise Encyclopedia of Māori Myth and Legend, 1998. E. R. Tregear, Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, 1891