People Against Suffering and Poverty is a community-based, grass roots non-profit organisation devoted to fighting for the rights of asylum seekers and immigrants in Cape Town, South Africa. PASSOP believes in and advocates for equality and justice for people across all societies, irrespective of nationality, gender, creed, disability or sexual orientation. PASSOP creates and strengthens networks of communication and interchange for the advancement of peace and justice in local communities and it is within these local communities where most of their membership resides. PASSOP has expanded in the last couple of years and now offers a range of services including: anti-xenophobia help desks that offer paralegal advice, integration events and workshops, a Disabled Children Support Project, an African Solidarity Education Project, assistance with documentation issues, ZDP Permits and Appeals, monitoring of Internally Displaced Persons camps and other advocacy and education projects. PASSOP was spearheaded by Braam Hanekom.
Though established in response to increased tensions between Zimbabwean foreign nationals fleeing Robert Mugabe's repressive regime and South African citizens who blamed them for crime and unemployment. PASSOP has since become a leading advocate for refugees and immigrants to demand human rights in South Africa. Staffed by volunteers and funded through donations, PASSOP has had a large impact on the debate around the situation of documented and undocumented immigrants in South Africa, vowing to be a “voice for the voiceless.”. Passop is an Afrikaans word meaning beware. PASSOP is unique amongst other South African non-profit organisations in that it is an advocacy and activist organisation that draws the majority of its members and volunteers from the refugee community. By identifying and exposing corruption within the Home Affairs Department's Refugee Reception Centre, PASSOP has helped to increase the number of asylum seekers being served each day. Through protest action, PASSOP has brought the issues of corruption and xenophobia to the public eye.
In November 2007, PASSOP set the tone for its protest activism in its advocacy for the refugees who were forced to wait in massive queues outside of Cape Town's Department of Home Affairs Refugee Center. At that time, the Department of Home Affairs processed only 20 asylum applications daily, while 600 to 2,000 refugees camped outside the department in a queue circling the block. Many foreign nationals waited in the queue for weeks. Following this death, PASSOP lodged a complaint with the South African Human Rights Commission and raised funds to repatriate Musati's body to Zimbabwe. PASSOP members staged several protests at the Refugee Center and lobbied the Parliament on behalf of those refugees still waiting in the queue; as a direct result, Cape Town's Department of Home Affairs now services between 180 and 300 applications daily. There are a large number of immigrants living in South Africa, estimates varying between one and three million. Massive documentation backlogs, poor queue management, a general lack of resources at the Refugee Reception Centres across South Africa, coupled with an incoherent immigration policy in general has led to a situation in which most of immigrants in South Africa are undocumented.
It is these undocumented immigrants, asylum seekers and refugees that are the most vulnerable, most marginalised section of South Africa's population. This group of undocumented immigrants is acutely under-represented in labour unions, civil society and community activism efforts, not represented at all politically; this lack of representation leaves them with compromised access to education, health care, labour rights and the most basic human rights. They are among the most and exploited individuals in South Africa, are made the victims of targeted hate crimes and xenophobic aggression. In 2008, more than 60 immigrants were killed and over 30,000 people were forcefully displaced as a result of xenophobic attacks throughout South Africa. In 2009, the attacks were repeated and over 3,000 people were displaced in the Western Cape alone. PASSOP fights for the rights of this acutely marginalised group of people. For example, following xenophobic attacks in several informal settlements in the Western Cape and Gautang in May and June 2008, PASSOP was a vocal member of the Civil Society Task Team, set up by the SAHRC in response to the massive influx of foreign nationals into refugee camps.
PASSOP worked with both South Africans and foreign nationals to negotiate the refugees' peaceful reintegration into their communities. PASSOP remains a forum in which refugees can speak out about the conditions in which they now live in South Africa. PASSOP works with community leaders in the Zimbabwean and Somali community structures to address issues and problems facing refugees and immigrants within Cape Town. In this, PASSOP advocates for undocumented immigrants who have no civil representation. PASSOP collaborates with students and has many student volunteers from the University of Cape Town who assist and support it in many of its day-to-day functions. Moreover, PASSOP is the beneficiary of the annual Cape Town Zimfest Music festival, first held in the Good Hope centre, Cape Town on 6 September 2008; the musical event features performers including Freshlyground, The Rudimentals, The Dirty Skirts, Ike Moriz, New Altum, Tristan Waterkeyn and Coda. PASSOP believes that South Africans and
Prime Minister of South Africa
The Prime Minister of South Africa was the head of government in South Africa between 1910 and 1984. The position of Prime Minister was established in 1910, he was appointed by the head of state—the Governor-General until 1961 and the State President after South Africa became a republic in 1961. In practice, he was the leader of the majority coalition in the House of Assembly; the first Prime Minister was Louis Botha, a former Boer general and war hero during the Second Boer War. He was the country's leading political figure and de facto chief executive, with powers similar to those of his British counterpart; the position of Prime Minister was abolished in 1984, when the State President was given executive powers after a new constitution was adopted—effectively merging the powers of the Prime Minister with those of the State President. The last Prime Minister, P. W. Botha, became the first executive State President after the constitutional reform. In post-Apartheid South Africa, the Inkatha Freedom Party has called for a return to a Westminster-style split executive with a Prime Minister as the actual head of government, as part of its overarching goal of avoiding a single party South African state.
Parties South African Party United Party National Party State President of South Africa President of South Africa Governor-General of South Africa
Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd was a South African politician and journalist. As leader of South Africa's National Party he served as the last prime minister of the Union of South Africa from 1958 until 1961. In 1961 he proclaimed the founding of the Republic of South Africa, continued as its prime minister from 1961 until his assassination in 1966 by Dimitri Tsafendas. Verwoerd was an authoritarian conservative leader and an Afrikaner nationalist, his goal in founding the Republic of South Africa, thereby leaving the Commonwealth, was to preserve minority rule by white Afrikaners over the various non-white ethnic groups, including Bantu, Khoisan and Indian people, who were the majority of South Africa's population. To that end, he expanded apartheid, the system of forced classification and segregation by race that existed in South Africa from 1948 to 1994. Verwoerd characterised apartheid as "good-neighbourliness", but its practical effects have been condemned and since, as a form of racism. Decisions that Prime Minister Verwoerd made in the areas of legislation, law enforcement and public policy caused the entire non-white population of South Africa to be disenfranchised, lose civil rights, suffer discrimination.
Verwoerd repressed anti-apartheid activism, ordering the detention and imprisonment of tens of thousands of people and the exile of further thousands, while empowering and enlarging the security forces and army. Black-dominated political organisations such as the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress were banned under Verwoerd, ANC leaders including future President of South Africa Nelson Mandela were prosecuted for sabotage in the Rivonia Trial. Although apartheid existed before Verwoerd took office, his efforts to place it on a firmer legal and theoretical footing, in particular his opposition to the limited form of integration known as baasskap, have led him to be dubbed the Architect of Apartheid, it was the actions of Verwoerd that prompted the United Nations in 1962 to pass Resolution 1761 condemning apartheid, which led to international isolation and economic sanctions against South Africa. Prior to entering politics, Verwoerd was considered an exceptional student and achieved great academic success at a young age.
He was appointed a professor of applied psychology at Stellenbosch University in 1927 at the age of 26, became head of the sociology department in 1933. Born in the Netherlands, Verwoerd is South Africa's only foreign-born prime minister, he was the second child of Wilhelmus Johannes Verwoerd. His father was a shopkeeper and a religious man who decided to move his family to South Africa in 1903 because of his sympathy towards the Afrikaner nation in the wake of the Second Boer War. Verwoerd went to a Lutheran primary school in a suburb of Cape Town. By the end of 1912 the Verwoerd family moved to Bulawayo, in what was Rhodesia, where his father became an assistant evangelist in the Dutch Reformed Church. Hendrik Verwoerd attended Milton High School where he was awarded the Beit Scholarship, established by diamond magnate and financier Alfred Beit. Verwoerd received the top marks for English literature in the whole of Rhodesia. In 1917 the family moved back to South Africa because the congregation in Bulawayo appointed a second minister of religion.
His father took up a position in the church in Orange Free State. Due to the worldwide Spanish flu epidemic, the younger Verwoerd only sat for his matriculation exams in February 1919, achieving first position in the Orange Free State and fifth in South Africa. After his schooling, he proceeded to study theology at the University of Stellenbosch, he was known to possess a nearly photographic memory. He was a member of a debating club as well as a hiking club and participated in theatre productions. In 1921 he graduated with honours, he applied for admission to the Theology School. However, he was required to submit a reference from the minister of religion from his home town, Brandfort, on his suitability for such studies. Since the latter did not know him but the university insisted that he should first recommend Verwoerd, Verwoerd withdrew his application for admission, he continued to study psychology and philosophy. He was awarded a master's degree cum laude the next year. During this time he served on the students' council together with Betsie Schoombie his wife, was its president in 1923.
He completed his doctorate in 1924 cum laude. The title of his thesis was "Thought Processes and the Problem of Values"Verwoerd was awarded two scholarships for further post-doctoral studies abroad—one by the Abe Bailey Trust to study at the University of Oxford and another one to continue his studies in Germany, he opted for the latter, although it was not financially as generous, because he wanted to study under a number of famous German professors of the time. Verwoerd left for Germany in 1926 and proceeded to study psychology at the universities of Hamburg and Leipzig each for one semester. In Hamburg he studied under William Stern, in Berlin under Wolfgang Köhler and Otto Lipmann, in Leipzig under Felix Krueger. Most of these professors were not allowed to teach anymore once the Nazis came to power in 1933. Claims that Verwoerd studied eugenics during his German sojourn and based his apartheid policy on Nazi ideology, are still in the process of being evaluated by scholars. Critics contend that eugenics was taught at medical facult
Afrikaans is a West Germanic language spoken in South Africa, Namibia and, to a lesser extent and Zimbabwe. It evolved from the Dutch vernacular of South Holland spoken by the Dutch settlers of what is now South Africa, where it began to develop distinguishing characteristics in the course of the 18th century. Hence, it is a daughter language of Dutch, was referred to as "Cape Dutch" or "kitchen Dutch". However, it is variously described as a creole or as a creolised language; the term is derived from Dutch Afrikaans-Hollands meaning "African Dutch". Although Afrikaans has adopted words from other languages, including German and the Khoisan languages, an estimated 90 to 95% of the vocabulary of Afrikaans is of Dutch origin. Therefore, differences with Dutch lie in the more analytic-type morphology and grammar of Afrikaans, a spelling that expresses Afrikaans pronunciation rather than standard Dutch. There is a large degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages—especially in written form.
With about 7 million native speakers in South Africa, or 13.5% of the population, it is the third-most-spoken language in the country. It has the widest geographical and racial distribution of all the 11 official languages of South Africa, is spoken and understood as a second or third language, it is the majority language of the western half of South Africa—the provinces of the Northern Cape and Western Cape—and the first language of 75.8% of Coloured South Africans, 60.8% of White South Africans. In addition, many native speakers of Bantu languages and English speak Afrikaans as a second language, it is taught with about 10.3 million second-language students. One reason for the expansion of Afrikaans is its development in the public realm: it is used in newspapers, radio programs, TV, several translations of the Bible have been published since the first one was completed in 1933. In neighbouring Namibia, Afrikaans is spoken as a second language and used as a lingua franca, while as a native language it is spoken in 10.4% of households concentrated in the capital Windhoek, Walvis Bay and the southern regions of Hardap and ǁKaras.
It, along with German, was among the official languages of Namibia until the country became independent in 1990, 25% of the population of Windhoek spoke Afrikaans at home. Both Afrikaans and German are recognised regional languages in Namibia, although only English has official status within the government. Estimates of the total number of Afrikaans speakers range between 23 million; the term is derived from the Dutch term Afrikaans-Hollands meaning "African Dutch". An estimated 90 to 95% of the Afrikaans lexicon is of Dutch origin, there are few lexical differences between the two languages. Afrikaans has a more regular morphology and spelling. There is a degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages in written form. Afrikaans acquired some lexical and syntactical borrowings from other languages such as Malay, Khoisan languages and Bantu languages, Afrikaans has been influenced by South African English. Dutch speakers are confronted with fewer non-cognates when listening to Afrikaans than the other way round.
Mutual intelligibility thus tends to be asymmetrical, as it is easier for Dutch speakers to understand Afrikaans than for Afrikaans speakers to understand Dutch. In general, mutual intelligibility between Dutch and Afrikaans is better than between Dutch and Frisian or between Danish and Swedish; the South African poet writer Breyten Breytenbach, attempting to visualize the language distance for anglophones once remarked that the differences between Dutch and Afrikaans are comparable to those between the Received Pronunciation and Southern American English. The Afrikaans language arose in the Dutch Cape Colony, through a gradual divergence from European Dutch dialects, during the course of the 18th century; as early as the mid-18th century and as as the mid-20th century, Afrikaans was known in standard Dutch as a "kitchen language", lacking the prestige accorded, for example by the educational system in Africa, to languages spoken outside Africa. Other early epithets setting apart Kaaps Hollands as putatively beneath official Dutch standards included geradbraakt and onbeschaafd Hollands, as well as verkeerd Nederlands.
Den Besten theorizes that modern Standard Afrikaans derives from two sources: Cape Dutch, a direct transplantation of European Dutch to southern Africa, and'Hottentot Dutch', a pidgin that descended from'Foreigner Talk' and from the Dutch pidgin spoken by slaves, via a hypothetical Dutch creole. Thus in his view Afrikaans is neither a creole nor a direct descendant of Dutch, but a fusion of two transmission pathways. A relative majority of the first settlers whose descendants today are the Afrikaners were from the United Provinces, though up to one-sixth of the community was of French Huguenot origin, a seventh from Germany. African and Asian workers and slaves contributed to the development of Afrikaans; the slave population was made up of people from East Africa, West Africa, India and the Dutch East Indies. A number were indigenous Khoisan people, who were valued as i
People Against Gangsterism and Drugs
People Against Gangsterism and Drugs was a vigilante group formed in 1996 in the Cape Flats area of Cape Town, South Africa. The organization was known for its violence against gangsters, engaging in murder. Although PAGAD is much smaller than in the early years since its formation, the organization has been reported to be growing as of 2014. PAGAD was initiated by a handful of PAC and community members from a Cape Town townships who decided to organize public demonstrations to pressure the government to fight the illegal drug trade and gangsterism more effectively. However, PAGAD took matters into their own hands, believing the police were not taking enough action against gangs; the community and police were hesitant to act against PAGAD activities, recognising the need for community action against crime in the gang-ridden communities of the Cape Flats. Notorious gangsters were asked by PAGAD members to stop their criminal activities or be subject to "popular justice". A common PAGAD modus operandi was to kill gangsters.
PAGAD's campaign came to prominence in 1996 when the leader of the Hard Livings gang, Rashaad Staggie, was beaten and burnt to death by a mob during a march to his home in Salt River. South Africa's police came to regard PAGAD as part of the problem, rather than a partner in the fight against crime and they were designated a terrorist organization by the South African government. Changes within the organisation following the incidences of 1996 increased the influence of more politicised and organisationally experienced people within it associated with radical Islamic groups such as Qibla; this caused a series of changes such as the emergence of new leadership and the development of tighter organisational structures. This succeeded in transforming PAGAD from a non-religious popular mass movement into a smaller, better organised but a religiously radical isolated group; the threat of growing vigilantism in 2000 led the Western Cape provincial government to declare a "war on gangs" that became a key priority of the ANC provincial government at the time.
Although PAGAD's leadership denied involvement, PAGAD's G-Force, operating in small cells, was believed responsible for killing a large number of gang leaders, for a bout of urban terrorism—particularly bombings—in Cape Town. The bombings started in 1998, included nine bombings in 2000. In addition to targeting gang leaders, bombing targets included South African authorities, moderate Muslims, gay nightclubs, tourist attractions, Western-associated restaurants; the most prominent attack during this time was the bombing on 25 August 1998 of the Cape Town Planet Hollywood. In September 2000, magistrate Pieter Theron, presiding in a case involving PAGAD members, was murdered in a drive-by shooting. PAGAD's leaders have become known for making anti-semitic statements. A 1997 incendiary bomb attack on a Jewish bookshop owner was found by police to have been committed with the same material PAGAD has used in other attacks. In 1998, Ebrahim Moosa, a University of Cape Town academic, critical of PAGAD, decided to take a post in the United States after his home was bombed.
Violent acts such as bombings and vigilantism in Cape Town subsided in 2002, the police have not attributed any such acts to PAGAD since the November 2002 bombing of the Bishop Lavis offices of the Serious Crimes Unit in the Western Cape. In 2002, PAGAD leader Abdus Salaam Ebrahim was convicted of public violence and imprisoned for seven years. Although a number of other PAGAD members were arrested and convicted of related crimes, none were convicted of the Cape Town bombings. Today, PAGAD maintains a less visible presence in the Cape Town Cape Muslim community. However, in the run up to the 2014 South African general elections it has been reported that the organisation has been growing in strength, hosting more motorcades and marches in Mitchell’s Plain in February–March 2014 than it has had in the whole of 2013. One of PAGAD's largest marches in 2014 was joined by the EFF, a far left political party who expressed their support for the organisation. People Against Gangsterism and Drugs Gangs, Pagad & the State: Vigilantism and Revenge Violence in the Western Cape - Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, 2001 People Against Gangsterism and Drugs, Center for Defense Information
Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of sub-Saharan African descent. Based on a common fate going back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada, it is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of sub-Saharan African descent. The ideology asserts that the fate of all sub-Saharan African countries are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that “Sub-Saharan African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora; the Organization of African Unity was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations. The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand.
Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance". Pan-Africanism exists as a grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed Sékou Touré, Kwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, others in the diaspora. Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally; the realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political structures...in the Americas". Advocates of Pan-Africanism—i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"—often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent.
Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora; as a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, spiritual, artistic and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism and neo-colonialism. Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 18th century a political movement developed across the Americas and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism. In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery.
The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century; the African Association renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900. With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State. Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa; the Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent". This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions". Nkrumah’s pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality.
Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, adopted a political discourse of regional unity In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra, Ghana. The Conference invited delegates of major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ghana, Libya, Morocco and Sudan; the Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria. Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression.
Poor People's Alliance
The Poor People's Alliance is a network of radical grassroots movements in South Africa. It was formed in 2008 after the Action Alliance, formed in December 2006, was expanded to include two more organisations; the following organisations are members of the alliance: Abahlali baseMjondolo in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. Abahlali baseMjondolo in the province of the Western Cape; the Landless People's Movement in the province of Gauteng. The Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign in the province of the Western Cape; the Rural Network of KwaZulu-Natal. The Poor People's Alliance refuses electoral politics and resolved to boycott the 2009 national elections under the slogan "No Land! No House! No Vote!". The Poor People's Alliance has supported the struggle of the eMacambini Community against mass eviction by Ruwaad Holdings and KwaZulu-Natal Premier S'bu Ndebele and the African National Congress Provincial Government of KwaZulu-Natal; the Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign states that it has been influenced by the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign and the Poor People's Alliance