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Band government

In Canada, an Indian band or band, sometimes referred to as a First Nation band or a First Nation, is the basic unit of government for those peoples subject to the Indian Act. Bands are small groups of people: the largest in the country, the Six Nations of the Grand River First Nation had 22,294 members in September 2005, many have a membership below 100 people; each First Nation is represented by a band council chaired by an elected chief, sometimes a hereditary chief. As of 2013, there were 614 bands in Canada. Membership in a band is controlled in one of two ways: for most bands, membership is obtained by becoming listed on the Indian Register maintained by the government; as of 2013, there were 253 First Nations which had their own membership criteria, so that not all Status Indians are members of a band. Bands can be united into larger regional groupings called tribal councils. There is another kind of organization called a treaty council or treaty association, which in most provinces represents signatory bands of treatied areas.

Another emerging type of organization in British Columbia are chiefs' councils, such as the St'at'imc Chiefs Council, which unites bands not included in tribal councils with those in tribal councils. Bands typically belong to one or more kinds of provincial council or similar organization, the pan-Canadian Assembly of First Nations, chaired by a leader elected with each band having one vote, rather than at large. Bands are, to an extent, the governing body for their Indian reserves. Many First Nations have large off-reserve populations whom the band government represents, may deal with non-members who live on reserve or work for the band. Non-Status Indians, Métis, Inuit people are not part of the system of band governments and reserves, this is one of the major differences between their legal and social situation and those governed by band councils; the courts have ruled that constitutional reference to "Indians" applies to the Inuit as well as Métis and non-Status Indians, but their relations with the federal government are not governed by the terms of the Indian Act.

A Band is but not always, composed of a single community. Many bands in British Columbia, control multiple Indian reserves, that is, multiple parcels of land. Although bands have considerable control over their reserve land speaking neither the band itself nor its members owns the land. Rather, the land is held in trust for the band by the Crown; the term band is related to the anthropological term band society, but as a legal and administrative unit the band need not correspond to a band in this sense. Some bands draw their members from two or more ethnic groups due to the disruption of traditional ways by colonization and/or the administrative convenience of Canada, or by consensual alliances between such groups, some pre-dating the Indian Act; the functioning of a band is controlled by the Indian Act, the legislation that defines the position of status Indians. The band government is controlled by council; the number of councillors is determined by the number of band members, with a minimum of two in addition to the chief councillor.

The Indian Act specifies procedures for the election of the chief council. Some bands make use of a policy provision that allows them to exempt themselves from these requirements in order to follow traditional procedures for the choice of leaders; this is a matter of controversy. Proponents argue that it allows First Nations to adapt the externally defined system to their traditions. Sometimes this means. Opponents argue that custom systems are not traditional and that, traditional or not, they are unfair and undemocratic and have the effect of preserving the power of corrupt cliques and, in many cases, of excluding women; the term "Chief" refers to a chief councillor - this individual is not a hereditary chief or leader, though some are. Although the current policy of the Department of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada is to treat band governments as autonomous, under the Indian Act band council resolutions have no effect unless endorsed by the Minister of AANDC. In addition to the chief and council system mandated by the Indian Act, some bands have a traditional system of government that retains considerable influence.

In some cases the two systems have come to an accommodation, such as the Office of the Hereditary Chiefs of the Wet'suwet'en. In other cases the two are in conflict. Two or more bands may unite to form a tribal council. Tribal councils have no independent status. What powers are delegated to the tribal council and which services are provided centrally by the tribal council varies according to the wishes of the member bands. In addition to tribal councils, bands may create joint organizations for particular purposes, such as providing social services or health care. For example, in the central interior of British Columbia, Carrier Sekani Family Services provides social services for a dozen bands. CSFS was a part of the Carrier Sekani Tribal Council but is now a separate organization and includes among its members bands that a

Pińsk Ghetto

The Pińsk Ghetto was a Nazi ghetto created by Nazi Germany for the confinement of Jews living in the city of Pińsk, Western Belarus. Pińsk, located in eastern Poland, was occupied by the Red Army in 1939 and incorporated into the Byelorussian SSR; the city was captured by the Wehrmacht in Operation Barbarossa in July 1941. In the 5–7 August 1941 massacre, 8,000 Jews were murdered just outside of Pińsk; the subsequent creation of the ghetto was followed – over a year – by the murder of the imprisoned Jewish population of Pińsk, totalling 26,000 victims: men and children. Most killings took place between 29 October and 1 November 1942 by Police Battalion 306 of the German Order Police, other units, it was the second largest mass shooting operation in a single settlement to that particular date during the Holocaust, after Babi Yar where the death toll exceeded 33,000 Jews. The Babi Yar shootings were surpassed only by the Nazi Aktion Erntefest of 3 November 1943 in the Lublin district with 42,000–43,000 Jews murdered at once over execution pits, dug for this purpose.

Poland gained independence at the end of World War I. In the April 1919 Pinsk massacre, during the Polish–Soviet War, the Polish garrison summarily executed 35 Jewish men without due process on the suspicion of plotting a pro-Soviet counterattack, it was a war crime never forgotten by the Jews of Pińsk. In the subsequent decade the city grew to 23,497 inhabitants as part of the Polesie Voivodeship in the Second Polish Republic, it was declared the capital of the province in 1921 but a citywide fire resulted in the transfer of power to Brześć within months. Jews constituted over half the number of Pińsk residents, 17.7% of the general population in the region. New Jewish schools were opened, as well as a clinic, a bank, an old-age home, an orphanage. In 1939, following the Soviet invasion of Poland in accordance with the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, Pińsk and the surrounding territories were taken over by the Soviet Union; the NKVD secret police shut down all synagogues and shops. Mass deportations to Siberia followed.

At that time, the population became over 90% Jewish due to the influx of refugees from German-controlled western Poland. The area was annexed into the Soviet Byelorussian Republic after the Elections to the People's Assemblies of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus conducted in an atmosphere of terror. On 22 June 1941 Germany invaded the Soviet Union in Operation Barbarossa. Advance forces of the Wehrmacht entered Pinsk on 4 July 1941. Christian inhabitants welcomed the German army as liberators from the Soviet regime, greeting them with bread and flowers. Under new anti-semitic regulations, Jews were forbidden to leave the city or shop in the market and were required to wear armbands with the Star of David. Random killings, looting and abduction of Jews for forced labour took place. A Judenrat was formed on 30 July 1941. On the night of 4 August, 300 Jews were detained in order to compel the Council to assemble Jews between the ages of 16 to 60, ostensibly for a labour detail. Thousands of men were shot in prepared trenches.

In the next two days, the Germans rounded up additional Jews, including younger boys and some women, who were shot. By 8 August 1941, 8,000 Jews were murdered in this manner; the ghetto in Pińsk existed only for half a year between 20 April and 29 October 1942, much shorter than most Jewish ghettos in German-occupied Poland. The relocation action took place on 1 May 1942. Food was rationed, a barbed-wire fence erected; the following month, in June 1942, the first murder operation took place there, with 3,500 Jews rounded up in Pińsk and nearby Kobryń, transported to Bronna Góra to be shot. This was the location of secluded massacres of Jews transported by Holocaust trains from the Brześć Ghetto as well; the Pińsk Ghetto's population swelled, with Jews deported en masse from all neighbouring settlements until food ran out. The liquidation of the ghetto began on 28 October 1942; the German motorized battalion met armed resistance from underground fighters, which came as a complete shock to the German police.

The insurgents were shooting from secretly set-up bunkers, so reinforcements were brought in and massacres followed. According to the Nazi-issued final report, 17,000 Jews were killed during the insurgency, bringing the total to 26,200 victims before the ghetto's closure. Ten thousand were murdered in one day and the rest on the next day, with few managing to escape into the forest; the ghetto ceased to exist entirely. Not a single house was burned down. After the war, Poland's borders were redrawn and Pinsk became part of the Soviet Union; some of the Jews who survived the Holocaust returned, but they were prohibited from reopening a synagogue. In the 1970s and 1980s, most of them emigrated. Pinsk became part of independent Belarus in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union. By 1999, only 317 Jews lived in the city. Łachwa Ghetto uprising The emergence of West Belarus Wacław Kopisto 1943 liberation of the Pińsk prison Polesia region of East European Plain Megargee, Geoffrey P. ed.. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945.

Volume II: Ghettos in German-Occupied Eastern Europe. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-00202-0. Pinsk, Belarus at JewishGen

Frontenac, Minnesota

Frontenac is an unincorporated community and census-designated place in Florence Township, Goodhue County, United States, on the Mississippi River. As of the 2010 census, its population was 282. James Wells established a trading post in the location that would become Frontenac before 1850, he dealt with Native Americans until the railroad was built in the early 1870s. In 1854, the Garrard brothers came upon the area during a hunting trip and bought large tracts of land. By 1857, the community was permanently established with the name of Westervelt in 1855 to honor the postmaster, Evert V. Westervelt; the name was changed to Frontenac in 1860 by the Garrard brothers after Frenchman, Louis de Buade de Frontenac, born in 1622. He was the French colonial governor of Canada in 1672–82 and 1689–98, he died in Quebec, Canada on November 28, 1698. There is not a record of him traveling to the Mississippi River. Frontenac housed a station of the Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul and Pacific Railroad and the picturesque scenery soon began attracting wealthy residents.

It became a community of summer homes with lakeside views. The railway line outside the community ran from north to south, connected the remote area with larger cities, but it was far enough away from the bluffs not to detract from the vacation destination. There are two communities that comprise Frontenac; the railway line attracted some residents. The houses along the railway line, the highway, became known as Frontenac Station while the bluff residences are called Old Frontenac. Both are in Florence Township and are listed as one location in the U. S. Census; the Mount Frontenac Ski Resort was located on the north-western edge of Frontenac Station. It had 17 named runs, 6 lifts, 80 acres of skiable area, its longest run was 4,000 feet in length. The ski runs are now part of an 18-hole golf course; the land between Frontenac Station and Old Frontenac, as well as much of the land to the north and some to the south, was set aside as a State Park in 1957. Frontenac State Park includes the floodplain along the Mississippi River, bluffs which are a flyway for many migratory bird species and hardwood forests.

It is within the Mississippi Flyway and is part of the Driftless Area of the north central United States. According to the United States Census Bureau, Frontenac has an area of 1.846 miles. The 2010 Census only includes the Frontenac Station part. At the census of 2010, there were 282 people in 114 households in Frontenac. Frontenac is located along U. S. Highway 61, which carries U. S. Highway 63 at that point. Rail lines run parallel to the highway; the Frontenac Airport is located 1 mi south of Frontenac Station, is administered by a private agency. John F. Hager, Wisconsin State Assemblyman and businessman, was born in Frontenac. Frontenac State Park Minnesota Historical Society National Register of Historic Places

The New Brighton Archeological Society

The New Brighton Archeological Society is an original graphic novel series of books written by Mark Andrew Smith & illustrated by Matthew Weldon. The first volume, titled "The Castle of Galomar" debuted in March 2009, it is published by Image Comics. The story of the New Brighton Archeological Society follows the children from two families of the world's most famous explorers; when their parents are lost on an Archeological mission to thwart their nemesis named Galomar, the children find themselves under the care of their Godparents and living in their parents' old childhood home. During a snowball fight the children accidentally find their parents old clubhouse called "The New Brighton Archeological Society"; the children start the club up again to honor their parents' memory but find many strange books filled with information about supernatural worlds and lore. While hiking in the woods the children find many strange runes along the trails, they startle the children. Here they meet Mitch the Goblin, once friends with their parents when they were their parents' age.

Mitch takes them to the outskirts of the Goblin City but before they're inside there is an air raid attack by Fairie forces. The Fairies are not acting of their free will. There is a battle and the Goblin forces manage to hold off the attack. Down in the city Mitch introduces the children to his parents who tell him the truth about their parents' nemesis Galomar and the books of magic that he wants to control. Mitch's father tells them that inside Galomar's castle they can find maps that give the location of the remaining books of magic; the castle is guarded by Chinese vampires. The children navigate underground to break into the castle through tunnels. Here they encounter monsters who are the Kappa and the Red Cherufe. Mitch explains to the children; the key to beating the Kappa is to bow a deep bow of respect that he must return and spill the water in his head. With the Red Cherufe, they must play soothing music on the violin to put him to sleep. Inside the castle the children find the maps of magic as well as magical rings.

They find a slug named Neal, an old friend of Mitch the Goblin. Inside the castle the Chinese vampires are awakened and they chase the children who narrowly escape. With the maps in hand the children set out on a Goblin Zeppelin to beat Galomar to the books and to finish their parents' work. "Smith & Weldon dig up New Brighton Archeological Society", Comic Book Resources, October 24 2008 "Smith talks New Brighton Archeological Society", October 23 2008 "Image Adding All Age Focus", Publishers Weekly, February 2 2009 Comics Writer Mark Andrew Smith: The GeekDad Interview, February 25 2009 Smith & Kirkbride Fire Off "Popgun" Vol. 3, Comic Book Resources, March 23 2009 "Matthew Weldon: The New Brighton Archaeological Society", March 30 2009 "New Brighton Archeological Society Review", Comics Waiting Room, January 29 2009 Ain't It Cool News Reviews: New Brighton Archeological Society, Ain't It Cool News, March 4 2009 New Brighton Archeological Society Review, Robot 6, Comic Book Resources, March 4 2009 Zadzooks: Review of New Brighton Archaeological Society, Washington Times, April 4 2009 New Brighton Archeological Society

Old Vic New Voices

Old Vic New Voices is The Old Vic’s Education and Emerging Talent programme. Old Vic New Voices aims to inspire young people and open up the theatre to everyone, they develop the next generation of theatre practitioners, many of whom go on to get major commissions, directing posts, senior management positions and become household names. The programme was founded in 2001 by Kate Packenham an associate producer to Sally Greene, The Old Vic’s Chief Executive. Steve Winter took over as Director in 2004 and ran the programme until March 2014, he was replaced by Alexander Ferris. OVNV offers emerging theatre makers space and funding for creative projects, ongoing professional development and invaluable networking opportunities with peer and industry mentors. Introduced by Matthew Warchus' during his first season as artistic director, The Old Vic 12 offers twelve emerging artists from a variety of disciplines opportunities to expand networks, receive first class mentorship and benefit from the prestigious association with The Old Vic through a year-long attachment.

In 2015, the first twelve were announced as Zoe Lafferty, Caitlin McLeod, Edward Stambollouian, Sarah Georgeson, Paul Jellis, Martha Rose Wilson, Sarah Beaton, Lanre Malaolu, Harry Blake, Samuel Bailey, Sonali Bhattacharyya and Steven Hevey. The twelve creatives are set to work alongside each other to develop their skills and present a work in progress to an industry audience; the OVNV Workrooms is a rehearsal facility open six days a week, designed to be a place to meet, devise and collaborate free of charge. In its first two months, The OVNV Lab helped develop around 40 projects using The Workrooms facility. Alumni from OVNV Talent projects include: Charity Wakefield Gethin Anthony Nick Payne Ella Hickson Sarah Solemani Mike Bartlett Bryony Hannah Joel Horwood Jessica Raine Joanna Christie Alex Oates Lucy Kirkwood Vanessa Kirby David Oakes Eddie Eyre Nikole Beckwith Paten Hughes Margo Seibert Duncan Macmillan Ngozi Anyanwu OVNV has worked with over 60,000 students from schools across London through their Education programme.

The education projects give schools access to free theatre tickets to every Old Vic production, alongside bespoke learning experiences at the theatre, in the classroom and online, thanks to funding all of these projects are delivered for free. The flagship education project Schools’ Club works with 40 specially selected schools from across London for a full academic year; each of the chosen schools selects up to 30 students from years 9-13 to participate. These 1,200 students are given the opportunity to take part in four exclusive pre-show workshops during the year before attending every production in The Old Vic season; the workshops are delivered by trained professional theatre facilitators and prepare the students for each play by exploring the characters and themes, as well as developing confidence and interpersonal skills. Schools receive a Teachers’ Pack. Stage Business is The Old Vic’s unique employability project for schools and youth organisations across the UK; the interactive project is designed to enhance young people’s workplace skills through theatre, includes creative workshops, theatre visits, inspirational talks and peer-led learning to identify and develop leaders of the future.

Stage Business works with over 2000 students each year to develop confidence, communication skills and creative imagination. In addition to working intensively with 10 Stage Business Ambassadors from each school and organisation, workshops are supported by a comprehensive online programme of learning. Participants develop skills to allow them to apply their knowledge to deliver workshops to younger students aged 11–14. In addition, the project connects schools and youth organisations each year through an online portal and INSET sessions. Front Line offers 16-20 year olds, from Lambeth or Southwark, an opportunity to discover more about careers in theatre through paid placements with The Old Vic’s renowned front of house team. Participants get the opportunity to watch one of the productions, shadow various members of Front of House staff and take on important roles welcoming patrons to The Old Vic Theatre. OVNV’s Community programme invites members of the London community to debate issues faced living in the capital, working to create and perform ambitious productions.

OVNV offers drop-in sessions, theatre bootcamps and free access to The Old Vic, helping to open up theatre to everyone. In 2013, it was announced that building on the multi award-winning community work undertaken, OVNV will create London’s largest inclusive Community Company, reaching out to the most talented and outspoken individuals from all walks of life who want to make a difference to their community; the Company will explore shared social issues, empowering participants with the skills and platforms to express themselves collectively as theatre makers. Over three years, 200 people will take part in workshops, pop-up performances and theatre productions. There will be opportunities for aspiring writers to be part of the project through a Writers on Attachment programme. Rise will be the third, last production from The Old Vic Community Company. In August 2016, 200 Londoners will take over an outdoor space to present a kaleidoscope of ideas and stories that explore our relationship with the environment.

With music and bicycles, Rise will explore the impact of living in a city where the temperature is rising. Ages was the second production from The Old Vic Community Company

South West Rail Link

The South West Rail Link is a railway line serving the developing suburbs of south-western Sydney, Australia. Services form part of the Sydney Trains commuter rail network, it opened on 8 February 2015. The line consists of a 11.4 km double-track railway, with stations in the suburbs of Leppington and Edmondson Park. The line is the major piece of public transport infrastructure for the Sydney metropolitan area's "South West Growth Centre", it connects with the rest of the Sydney rail network at Glenfield, where services can continue north on the Main South line or east on the East Hills line. Leppington station's four platforms can support frequent terminating services after an extension of the line. A train stabling facility to the west of the station further enhances this capability. Development of the project was managed by Transport for New South Wales and its predecessor, the Transport Construction Authority; the South West Rail Link was part of the Metropolitan Rail Expansion Program proposed by the Carr Government in 2005, along with the North West Rail Link and the CBD rail link.

The three projects were to be integrated into a single operational sector, with trains from the south-west running to the north-west via the CBD Link. The other two components of the MREP were cancelled in 2008, but the South West Rail Link remained on the government's agenda. Plans for the North West Rail Link were resurrected in 2011 and the rail link was completed in 2019, forming part of the Sydney Metro network. In March 2008, the Iemma Government indicated that construction would begin in 2009, with completion scheduled for 2012. By October of that year the government had decided that delivery of the project would be divided into two stages. Stage one would comprise preliminary work around Glenfield station, stage two would comprise construction of the new line itself, stage two was deferred due to budget cuts. On 14 November 2009, Premier Nathan Rees announced that construction of stage two of the South West Rail Link would begin in mid-2010, with completion scheduled for 2016. Planning approval for stage one of the project was received in April 2009.

This stage involves preliminary work to support the new line. It is centred on Glenfield station and includes: A ground-level car park at Seddon Park on the eastern side of the station. Construction commenced in May 2009 and was completed in October 2009. A multi-storey car park on the western side of the station. Construction commenced in November 2009 and was completed in September 2010; the northern rail flyover. This replaced a flat junction between the Main South line and the East Hills line with a grade-separated junction. Construction commenced in June 2010 and was completed in June 2014. An upgrade of Glenfield station including a new overhead concourse to replace a footbridge, construction of a fourth platform and a bus interchange; as part of this work, the existing platform 1 changed from a side turnback to a through platform. Construction commenced in late 2010 and was completed in mid-2014. Stage two included extending the railway line westward towards Leppington; this involved: A rail flyover on the south side of Glenfield station to take the new line over the Main South line and the Southern Sydney Freight Line.

11.4 kilometres of double track from Glenfield to Leppington. Stations and car parks at Edmondson Park and Leppington. A new train stabling facility to the west of Leppington with a capacity for 20 8-car trains. Stage two received planning approval on 18 November 2010. On 7 December 2010, Premier Kristina Keneally announced that a contract for design and construction of stage two had been awarded to the John Holland Group. On 13 September 2014, the NSW Government announced that construction was complete, saying the line had come in $300 million under budget and a year ahead of schedule; the line opened 8 February 2015. Two associated projects affect the line; the East Hills line's Kingsgrove to Revesby quadruplication Rail Clearways project opened in April 2013. It improved the capacity of the East Hills line by allowing the separation of express services to Leppington or Macarthur from all-stops services to Revesby; the Auburn stabling project provided additional capacity to stable trains. On 6 November 2014, the NSW Government announced.

Passenger services began on 8 February 2015 as a four carriage shuttle running every 30 minutes between Leppington and Liverpool. The shuttle stopped at all stations except Casula and was branded as the South West Rail Link. From 13 December 2015, trains operate as part of Inner West & South Line; some services operate to the city via Granville. Cumberland Line services to Schofields were introduced in 2017, it has been proposed that the line be extended from Leppington to the Western Sydney Airport at Badgerys Creek. However, as at 16 April 2014 the Federal Government has said, it did indicate a provision for the train line would be included in the development, this may include preparing the tunnels under the runway as part of the runway construction and preparing the underground space for a station. In June 2015, the New South Wales government announced details for a plan to preserve corridors for extensions of the line; the government indicated it intends to preserve the corridors for the extensions but not to build them in the near future.

From Leppington, the line would extend to Rossmore, with a northern branch to Bringelly and a southern branch to Narellan. Proposed stations would be located at Rossmore, Maryland, Oran Park and Narellan. Preliminary investigations for an extension of the southern corridor from Narellan to the Main South railway line commenced. A scoping study into