Agricultural colonies in Argentina
Agricultural colonies in Argentina were a demographically and economically important part of the evolution of the country. The Argentine government, faced with large areas of fertile land that were unpopulated or settled by aboriginal tribes, encouraged European immigration, welcoming settling agreements with countries and associations abroad. Starting in 1853, President Justo José de Urquiza encouraged the establishment of agricultural colonies in the Littoral region; the national government signed a contract with an agency led by entrepreneur Aarón Castellanos. The first immigrants brought by this colonization contract arrived in Rosario, Santa Fe, on March 24, 1854; the first formally organized agricultural colony was Esperanza, Santa Fe, formed by 200 families from Switzerland, France, Italy and Luxembourg who arrived during January and February 1856. The production potential of these colonies can be measured by the fact that, in 1874, Argentina had to import wheat, while by 1880 the agricultural colonies were enough to supply the country's internal needs, at the end of the 19th century Argentina was the world's first exporter.
Many other immigrants were Jews, fleeing pogroms in Europe and sponsored by Maurice de Hirsch's Jewish Colonization Association. Starting in 1880, Argentine governments had a policy of massive immigration, the liberal tendencies of the Roca administration were instrumental in making Jews fleeing pogroms in Europe feel welcome; the first such Jewish colony was Moïseville. In the 1880s and 1890s, France's Baron Maurice de Hirsch organized a campaign to relocate two-thirds of Jews in the Russian Empire. Argentina was publicized as a destination for Jews: Alberto Gerchunoff, a Russian Jew who migrated to Argentina, recalled seeing print articles about the Jewish migration to Argentina in Tulchin, Russia, in 1889. In 1891, Hirsch established the Jewish Colonization Association to coordinate the purchase of land to accommodate Jewish migrants; the Jewish population in Argentina prospered in the ensuing years. Leon Pinsker, in his book Autoemancipation and Theodore Herzl, in his book The Jewish State, evaluated Argentina as a potential destination for the oppressed Jews of Eastern Europe.
Some sources maintain that Herzl proposed that the Argentina project be given priority over settlement in Palestine. The Zionist records attest to the fact that Herzl did consider Argentina, as well as present-day Kenya, as alternatives to Palestine. Israel Zangwill and his Jewish Territorialist Organization split off from the main Zionist movement; the ITO never gained wide support and was dissolved in 1925, leaving Palestine as the sole focus of Zionist aspirations. Monografias.com. Historia Argentina - Período 1880–1916. La inmigración italiana en Argentina
Forestry in Argentina
The forestry sector in Argentina has great potential. The geography of the country extends from north to south, its variety of climates, land quality, reliable precipitation allow for the cultivation of different tree species at high growth rates. The country enjoys short harvest periods for the most important species; this has allowed the industry to continue its high growth rates. An estimated 1.115 million hectares were planted as of 2005. There were 33.2 million hectares of native forest reserve. Out of this total, 20 million hectares are high quality land for future development in Argentina. However, this vast amount is not easy to put into production due to its land tenure situation, legislation which protects native forests, lack of infrastructure. If investors wish to expand their land for cultivation, the opportunity costs are substantial; the current plantation rate is estimated to be 50,000 hectares per year. It is estimated that the consumption of wood products from cultivated forests is 5.3 million cubic meters, sustainable wood supply to the year 2015 will be more than 20 million cubic meters.
Argentina, however, is not a major consumer of wood products. For instance, wood is not used in building construction. About 60 to 70 percent of wood product production is used for internal consumption and the rest for exports; the growth of planted forests has increased since 1997 due to new investments. The implementation of Law 25,008 in January 1999 was an important factor for growth in this sector; this law assisted the forestry sector for a period of 10 years. Between 1990 and 2000, foreign and domestic investments surpassed US$1.5 billion. The forestry industry depends on native forests; the major species cultivated in Argentina are pines and eucalyptus. In addition, species such as salix and populus are cultivated in a smaller scale. There are no other species that have been introduced for cultivation in Argentina. Argentina’s exports of forestry products began in earnest in the 1990s. However, as a producer of primary goods with low value added, the country experienced an overall trade deficit that ran from US$500 million to US$1 billion from 1992 to 2002.
With the sharp devaluation of the peso in 2002, exports of Argentine forest product were given a shot in the arm. Argentine goods became more attractive and exports began to increase for high-value-added products. Between 2002 and 2004, exports increased from US$300 million to about US$700 million. During 2005, the success of the forestry industry in Argentina continued. Compared to the years 2000 and 2001, the trade surplus for wood and furniture products increased dramatically; the year 2005 was the fourth consecutive year. It is estimated. Moreover, the average value of a cubic meter of wood boards from cultivated forests is US$70 to US$80. In some cases, there are boards that run between US$200 to US$250 and there is a small niche of specific types of boards with prices up to US$400; the area between Misiones and Entre Ríos is the major producer of wood products, represents 65 percent of the total production in Argentina. In terms of the major destinations of Argentina’s exports of wood and furniture products, the United States, Brazil and Chile continue to be the most important markets.
In 2005, both South Africa and the Dominican Republic emerged as markets for this sector. China in 2005 increased its demand for forestry products from Argentina, but they are low-value-added products; some of the most important exports goods from Argentina are fiber and particleboards, wood boxes and containers, wood handles for tools. Imports of wood and furniture in 2005 experienced an increase of 52 percent compared to the previous year; this increase was for products such as staves and barrels for the wine industry and other products for packing. These imports in particular experienced a US$25 million increase compared to 2004, which represents 25 percent of the total imported goods in 2005. There are other products such as cork products as well as paper and cardboard products in which imports have increased. Argentina is the third biggest producer of cellulose pulp in Latin America; as of 2005, Argentina produced 1.5 million tons. The major plants are located in Misiones and they use pinewood as their raw material.
The most important plants in this region are Alto Paraná S. A. and Papel Misionero S. A. There are other plants that use fiber from eucalyptus as raw material for both the production of cellulose fiber and paper. There are other issues that can make some aspects of the industry uncertain. There is a dispute between Uruguay and Argentina over two cellulose plants that are being built on the Uruguayan side of the Río de la Plata, which forms the border between the two countries; this dispute began after Argentine environmentalists alleged that the plants would pollute the river that divides the two countries, asserted that Uruguay had not provided the necessary information on the environmental impact of the plants. In protest, Argentine environmentalists blocked traffic on the Libertador General San Martín Bridge and General Artigas Bridge, the two main international bridges connecting the two countries; as of now, the Argentine and Uruguay government have not been able to resolve the issue. This impasse could slow down the d
Communications in Argentina
Communications in Argentina gives an overview of the postal, Internet, radio and newspaper services available in Argentina. The national postal service, Correo Argentino, was established in 1854, privatized in 1997, re-nationalized in 2003. There are no standard abbreviations for provinces' names; the format of the postal code was expanded in 1998 to include more specific information on location within cities. See Argentine postal code for details; the network was developed by ITT, grew following the system's nationalization in 1948 and the creation of the ENTel State enterprise. Its limitations notwithstanding, ENTel gave Argentines the widest access to phone service in Latin America. Following ENTel's privatization in 1990, a new numbering plan was enacted, the number of lines grew to cover the majority of households. A sizable minority of households, do not have land line telephone service, however; the growth of the mobile telephone market since the beginning of the economic recovery in 2003 has been impressive, with new customers now preferring a comparatively cheap cellular phone to land line household service.
As of January 2010, there are 9.2 million land lines, 50 million cellular phones and 143,000 public phones in the country. The domestic telephone trunk network is served by microwave radio relay and a domestic satellite system with 40 earth stations, it carries a monthly traffic of about 1.3 billion local calls, 400 million inter-city calls and around 24 million outgoing international calls. International communications employ satellite earth stations - 3 Intelsat; this system is replaced with a domestic fiber optic ring connecting the main cities. This link runs at 2.5 Gbit/s. From these head central offices, local calls are routed through 10 Gbit/s fiber optic links, or 3 × 155 Mbit/s microwave links; these links are spaced at about 30 km. Some of these links are spaced at 60 km and this makes communications unreliable in certain weather conditions. According to a report released in January 2006 by INDEC, mobile phone lines increased by 68.8% during 2005. Eleven million mobile phones were sold that year and, by these serviced three-quarters of the population over 14.
A growing minority of users are children under 14, something that has raised concern and debate in Argentine society. A private study conducted by Investigaciones Económicas Sectoriales, covering January–October 2006, found a 51.2% growth compared to the same period of 2005. Most of the phones are imported from Mexico; the monthly volume of calls made with these units more than doubles the number made on land lines. In the 1990s the Argentine telephone system was sold to two private corporations looking to invest in the local market: Telefónica, a telco from Spain, Telecom Argentina, owned by Telecom Italia and the Argentine Werthein family; the country was divided in two zones, within which one of the companies was the exclusive provider of the service. The service was deregulated in several steps, first allowing the participation of other companies to provide international phone call services mobile services and the domestic service. Telecom has Arnet. Other ISPs, such as Flash, hire the facilities of Telefónica.
Several newcomer companies in the telephone market offer high-speed broadband access, Voice over IP and other services to a restricted market group. The number of Internet users in the country as of 2011 has been estimated at 27 million, the number of registered domain names was approx. 1.7 million in August 2008 and the number of internet hosts in 2009, 6,025,000. Besides monthly-paid Internet connections, in Argentina there are a number of Internet service providers that have commercial agreements with the telephone companies for charging a higher communication rate to the user for that communication, though without any monthly fixed fee. There were around 12 million PCs registered in Argentina in 2011; the number of residential and business internet networks totaled around 5.7 million in 2011, of which around 5.5 million were broadband connections ADSL. The number of dial-up users has decreased drastically since 2005 in favor of broadband internet access; this latter service grew from under 800,000 networks in late 2005, to nearly 2.6 million by December 2007, to over 5 million by late 2010.
Wireless and satellite networks expanded markedly during 2008-09, totaled over 1.5 million in March 2011. Among residential users, 38.3% were located in Buenos Aires Province, 26.0% in the city of Buenos Aires, 8.2% in Córdoba and 7.4% in Santa Fe Province. Among companies and organizations, 788,000 connection contracts were valid as of March 2
An import is a good brought into a jurisdiction across a national border, from an external source. The party bringing in the good is called an importer. An import in the receiving country is an export from the sending country. Importation and exportation are the defining financial transactions of international trade. In international trade, the importation and exportation of goods are limited by import quotas and mandates from the customs authority; the importing and exporting jurisdictions may impose a tariff on the goods. In addition, the importation and exportation of goods are subject to trade agreements between the importing and exporting jurisdictions. "Imports" consist of transactions in goods and services to a resident of a jurisdiction from non-residents. The exact definition of imports in national accounts includes and excludes specific "borderline" cases.. Importation is the action of buying or acquiring products or services from another country or another market other than own. Imports are important for the economy because they allow a country to supply nonexistent, high cost or low quality of certain products or services, to its market with products from other countries.
A general delimitation of imports in national accounts is given below: An import of a good occurs when there is a change of ownership from a non-resident to a resident. However, in specific cases national accounts impute changes of ownership though in legal terms no change of ownership takes place. Smuggled goods must be included in the import measurement. Imports of services consist of all services rendered by non-residents to residents. In national accounts any direct purchases by residents outside the economic territory of a country are recorded as imports of services. International flows of illegal services must be included. Basic trade statistics differ in terms of definition and coverage from the requirements in the national accounts: Data on international trade in goods are obtained through declarations to custom services. If a country applies the general trade system, all goods entering the country are recorded as imports. If the special trade system is applied goods which are received into customs warehouses are not recorded in external trade statistics unless they subsequently go into free circulation of the importing country.
A special case is the intra-EU trade statistics. Since goods move between the member states of the EU without customs controls, statistics on trade in goods between the member states must be obtained through surveys. To reduce the statistical burden on the respondents small scale traders are excluded from the reporting obligation. Statistical recording of trade in services is based on declarations by banks to their central banks or by surveys of the main operators. In a globalized economy where services can be rendered via electronic means the related international flows of services are difficult to identify. Basic statistics on international trade do not record smuggled goods or international flows of illegal services. A small fraction of the smuggled goods and illegal services may be included in official trade statistics through dummy shipments or dummy declarations that serve to conceal the illegal nature of the activities. A country has demand for an import when the price of the good on the world market is less than the price on the domestic market.
The balance of trade denoted N X, is the difference between the value of all the goods a country exports and the value of the goods the country imports. A trade deficit occurs. Imports are impacted principally by its productive resources. For example, the US imports oil from Canada though the US has oil and Canada uses oil. However, consumers in the US are willing to pay more for the marginal barrel of oil than Canadian consumers are, because there is more oil demanded in the US than there is oil produced. In macroeconomic theory, the value of imports can be modeled as a function of domestic absorption and the real exchange rate; these are the two most important factors affecting imports and they both affect imports positively. There are two basic types of import: Industrial and consumer goods Intermediate goods and servicesCompanies import goods and services to supply to the domestic market at a cheaper price and better quality than competing goods manufactured in the domestic market. Companies import products.
There are three broad types of importers: Looking for any product around the world to import and sell. Looking for foreign sourcing to get their products at the cheapest price. Using foreign sourcing as part of their global supply chain. Direct-import refers to a type of business importation involving a major retailer and an overseas manufacturer. A retailer purchases products designed by local companies that can be manufactured overseas. In a direct-import program, the retailer bypasses the local supplier and buys the final product directly from the manufacturer saving in added cost data on the value of imports and their quantities broken down by detailed lists of products are avai
Central Bank of Argentina
The Central Bank of the Argentine Republic is the central bank of Argentina. Established by six Acts of Congress enacted on May 28, 1935, the bank replaced Argentina's currency board, in operation since 1899, its first president was Ernesto Bosch, who served in that capacity from 1935 to 1945. The Central Bank's headquarters on San Martín Street, was designed in 1872 by architects Henry Hunt and Hans Schroeder. Completed in 1876, the Italian Renaissance-inspired building housed the Mortgage Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires; the Central Bank's offices were transferred to an adjacent address upon its establishment, were expanded to their present size by the purchase of the Mortgage Bank building in 1940, as well as by the construction of a twin building behind it. Drawing from a 1933 study on Argentine finance by Bank of England director Sir Otto Niemeyer, the institution's charter was drafted by Argentine economist Raúl Prebisch; the Central Bank was a private entity during its first decade, British Empire interests held a majority stake.
Pursuant to the Roca–Runciman Treaty of 1933, Central Bank reserves accrued from Argentine trade surpluses with the United Kingdom were deposited in escrow at the Bank of England, this clause, which had led to nearly US$1 billion in inaccessible reserves by 1945, prompted the BCRA's nationalization by order of Juan Perón on March 24, 1946. Subordinate to the Economy Ministry in matters of policy, the Central Bank took a more prominent role during the Latin American debt crisis when, in April 1980, it enacted Circular 1050; this measure, enacted to shield the financial sector from the cost of receiving payments in devalued pesos, bankrupted thousands of homeowners and businesses by indexing mortgages to the value of the US dollar locally, which had risen around fifteenfold by July 1982 when Central Bank President Domingo Cavallo rescinded the policy. During the years of Cavallo's Convertibility Law, which established a 1:1 fixed exchange rate between the Argentine peso and the United States dollar on April 1, 1991, the BCRA was in charge of keeping foreign currency reserves in synch with the monetary base.
The policy deprived the Central Bank of exchange-rate flexibility and ended at the depth of a record economic crisis a decade later. The repeal of the Convertibility Law in January 2002 was accompanied by a 70% devaluation and depreciation of the peso to nearly 4 pesos, the Central Bank's role afterward was the accumulation of reserves in order to gain a measure of control of the exchange rate; the BCRA buys and sells dollars from the market as needed to absorb large foreign trade surpluses and keep the official exchange rate at internationally competitive levels for Argentine exports and to encourage import substitution. As part of a wider debt restructuring effort that brought Argentina out of its default three years earlier, in December 2005 President Néstor Kirchner announced the payment of Argentina's IMF debts in a single, anticipated disbursement; the payment was effected on January 2006, employing about US$9.8 billion from BCRA reserves. This decreased the amount of reserves by one third, but did not cause adverse monetary effects, save from an increased reliance on the local bond market, which requires somewhat higher interest rates.
The BCRA continued to intervene in the exchange market buying dollars, though selling small amounts. Its reserves reached US$28 billion in September 2006, recovering the levels prior to the IMF payment, rose to US$32 billion at the close of the year; the exchange rate was maintained undervalued, prompted by the BCRA's market intervention as a buyer. While fiscal policy remained tight, monetary policy was expansionary with growth in Argentina's money supply of over 23% annually from 2003 to 2007. Citing its disapproval of this policy, the influential Global Finance magazine gave Martín Redrado, President of the Central Bank, a D grade in its October 2006 survey of global central bankers; the magazine held that Redrado "missed the opportunity to act to curb inflation when the economy was expanding at its fastest, with inflation expected to reach 12% in 2006, up from 7.7% in 2005 and 4.4% in 2004." Price controls helped keep inflation that year to 9.8%, though the public's perception of it was higher due to the sample composition used to measure the index.
The BCRA, obtained exceptionally high returns on investment funded by its reserves, for a total of US$1.4 billion in 2006, continued to do so in subsequent years. Fallout from the 2008 financial crisis forced President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner's administration to seek domestic financing for growing public spending, as well as for foreign debt service obligations; the president ordered a US$6.7 billion account opened at the Central Bank for the latter purpose in December 2009, implying the use of the Central Bank's foreign exchange reserves, drawing direct opposition from Redrado. He was dismissed by presidential decree on January 7, 2010