J. Horace Round
Horace Round was an historian and genealogist of the English medieval period. He translated the portion of Domesday Book covering Essex into English; as an expert in the history of the British peerage, he was appointed honorary historical adviser to the Crown. Round was born on 22 February 1854 in Sussex, his parents were John Round, a barrister, of West Bergholt and Laura, the daughter of the poet Horatio Smith. His family history appears in Burke's Landed Gentry, a publication he criticised for its inaccuracies, although there is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the entry for his family, his birthplace, 15 Brunswick Terrace, is marked with a blue plaque. Following his childhood education, he went up to Balliol College, Oxford in 1874, where he read for a degree in Modern History. In the final examinations in 1879, he obtained a bachelor of arts with first class honours. A. in 1881. Though a native of Sussex, he had many interests in Essex, was both deputy lieutenant and lord of the manor of Bergholt Hall, West Bergholt in that county.
A relative owned Colchester Castle, his grandfather John had been a member of parliament in Essex. He never married. Round was a cousin to the Round family of Birch Hall, members of which included Charles Gray Round, James Round, Charles Round, he was the author of several significant works. His translation and discussion of the Essex Domesday is regarded as a masterpiece, is of national significance, he pursued disputes with other academics vigorously, on more than one occasion, the level of acrimony was sufficiently high that the editor was forced to close correspondence on the subject. These disputes in a gentle academic area honed his analytic skills, he was recognised as a leading authority on medieval and genealogy and was awarded an honorary LLD by the University of Edinburgh in February 1905. He advised the Court of Claims and Committee for Privileges of the House of Lords on matters concerning the coronation of King Edward VII, his book on this topic, The King's Serjeants and Officers of State, with their Coronation Services was published in 1911, the year of King George V's coronation.
An expert in British peerage history and law, he was appointed Honorary Historical Adviser to the Crown in peerage cases in 1914. Round contracted a chronic illness some time after coming down from Oxford, his handwriting progressively deteriorated over the years, he died on 24 June 1928 in Hove. A memoir by his friend and colleague William Page was included in a posthumously published volume of writings, a biography by W. Raymond Powell was published in 2001. Both contain full bibliographies of Round's work. At the time of his death, he had more than sixty contributions to Essex Archaeology and History awaiting publication, his most recent posthumous papers appeared in about 2003 in the Transactions of the Essex Archaeology and History Society, in 2004 in Foundations. Correspondence between Round and various other historians is available in the archives at Senate House Library. Additional papers are in the Essex Record Office, West Sussex Record Office, Warwickshire Record Office and Stoke-on-Trent Archive Service, British Library, Bodleian Library, Edinburgh University Library, Glasgow University Library, Manchester University Library, Reading University Library, Yale University Library, Colchester Library, Sussex Archaeological Society and the National Archives.
Geoffrey de Mandeville Feudal England The Commune of London Calendar of documents preserved in France Studies in Peerage and Family History Peerage and Pedigree: Studies in Peerage Law and Family History The King’s Serjeants and Officers of State, with their Coronation Services Contributions to Domesday Studies, the Dictionary of National Biography, The Complete Peerage, Victoria County History, the English Historical Review and Archæological Transactions Family Origins and Other Studies, ed. Page, William Works by J. Horace Round at Project Gutenberg Works by J. Horace Round at LibriVox Works by or about J. Horace Round at Internet Archive
Runnymede is a water-meadow alongside the River Thames in the English county of Surrey, just over 20 miles west of central London. It is notable for its association with the sealing of Magna Carta, as a consequence is, with its adjoining hillside, the site of memorials. Runnymede Borough is named after Runnymede being at its northernmost point; the name Runnymede refers to land in public and National Trust ownership in the Thames flood plain south-west of the river between Old Windsor and Egham. The area includes the Long Mede and Runnymede, which together with Coopers Hill Slopes is managed by the National Trust. There is a narrower strip of land, east of the road and west of the river, known as the Yard Mede. On the west bank of the river, at the southern end of the area shown on the above map, are: a recreational area with a large car park; the landscape of Runnymede is characterised as "Thames Basin Lowland", urban fringe. It is a undulating vale of small fields interspersed by woods, ponds and heath.
The National Trust area is a Site of Nature Conservation Interest which contains a Site of Special Scientific Interest. Both sites are overseen by Runnymede Borough Council; the National Trust holding includes: 188 acres donated in 1929 set behind a narrow riverside park with occasional benches on the southern river bank, with car and coach parking. Long Mede is a meadow north of the ancient "mede" of Runnymede towards Old Windsor and has been used for centuries to provide good-quality hay from the alluvial pasture. Runnymede itself lies towards Egham, it is that Runnymede proper was the site of the sealing of Magna Carta, although the Magna Carta Memorial stands on Long Mede, the event is popularly associated with Magna Carta Island, on the opposite bank of the Thames. Near the Island, on the north-east flood plain, in parkland on the eastern bank of the river, are Ankerwycke and the ruins of the 12th century Priory of St Mary's; the Thames has changed course here and these areas may once have been an integral part of Runnymede.
Both were acquired by the National Trust in 1998. Runnymede's historical significance has been influenced by its proximity to the Roman Road river crossing at nearby Staines-upon-Thames; the name Runnymede may be derived from the Anglo-Saxon runieg and mede, describing a place in the meadows used to hold regular meetings. The Witan, Witenagemot or Council of the Anglo-Saxon Kings of the 7th to 11th centuries was held from time to time at Runnymede during the reign of Alfred the Great; the Council met in the open air. This political organ was transformed in succeeding years, influencing the creation of England's 13th century parliament; the water-meadow at Runnymede is the most location at which, in 1215, King John sealed Magna Carta. The charter indicates Runnymede by name as "Ronimed. Inter Windlesoram et Stanes". Magna Carta affected common and constitutional law as well as political representation affecting the development of parliament. Runnymede's association with ideals of democracy, limitation of power and freedom under law has attracted placement there of monuments and commemorative symbols.
The last fatal duel in England took place in 1852, on Priest Hill, a continuation of Cooper's Hill by Windsor Great Park. The National Trust land was donated in 1929 by her two sons; the American-born widow of Urban Hanlon Broughton, she was permitted by letter from George V to join her son's new peerage in tribute to her husband and this gift and be styled Lady Fairhaven. The gift was given in memory of Urban Broughton. At the time the New Bedford Standard-Times commented "It must be a source of gratification to all Americans, to us here and in Fairhaven, that the presentation of this historic spot as public ground has been brought about by an American woman, an appropriate enough circumstance considering that the great charter underlies the USA's conception of government and human rights." Between 2012 and 2015 Cooper's Hill was occupied by a radical community living in self-build houses, huts and tents, in the self-proclaimed "Runnymede Eco Village". Around 40 people, including a few young families, lived in a dispersed settlement throughout the 4 acres of woodland.
They used reclaimed material to build living structures, solar power to generate electricity, wood burners for heat, cultivated some vegetables and kept chickens and geese. Water was obtained from springs on the site, the village was hidden from view from outside the woodland; the members called themselves "Diggers" after the 17th-century movement of that name. There were two unsuccessful attempts; the settlers were still in occupation during the Magna Carta 800th anniversary celebrations on 15 June, but their presence did not affect proceedings, the eviction was completed at a date. After the death of Urban Broughton in 1929, Sir Edwin Lutyens was commissioned to design a set of twin memorials consisting of large kiosks and posts or "piers" with stone blocks crowned with laurel wreaths and formalised urns at the Egham end and with lodges and piers at the Windsor end. Lutyens designed a low wide arch bridge to carry the main road over the Thames to the north, integrating the road
A marquess is a nobleman of high hereditary rank in various European peerages and in those of some of their former colonies. The term is used to translate equivalent Asian styles, as in Imperial China and Imperial Japan. In the German lands, a margrave was a ruler of an immediate Imperial territory, not a nobleman like a marquess or marquis in Western and Southern Europe. German rulers did not confer the title of marquis; the word marquess entered the English language from the Old French marchis in the late 13th or early 14th century. The French word was derived from marche, itself descended from the Middle Latin marca, from which the modern English words march and mark descend; the distinction between governors of frontier territories and interior territories was made as early as the founding of the Roman Empire when some provinces were set aside for administration by the senate and more unpacified or vulnerable provinces were administered by the emperor. The titles "duke" and "count" were distinguished as ranks in the late empire, with dux being used for a provincial military governor and the rank of comes given to the leader of an active army along the frontier.
Several marquesses lived in Belgium, still today this title exists. The Marquis of Beauffort; the Marquis of la Boëssière-Thiennes the Marquis of Trazegnies d'Ittre the Marquis du Parc. the Marquis Imperiali. The Marquis of Radiguès; the Marquis of Ruffo de Bonneval de la Fare the Marquis of Spontin the Marquis of Assche the Marquis of Yve. the Marquis of Saint-Floris the Marquis of Becelaere the Marquis of Wemmel the Marquis of Bergen op Zoom the Marquis of Rode the Marquis of Lede Currently in Spain the rank of Marquess/Marchioness still exists. 142 of them are Spanish grandees. A'marqués is addressed as "Illustrious Lord", or if he/she is a grandee as "Your Excellency". Examples include 10th Marquis of Villaverde; the honorific prefix "The Most Honourable" is an honorific that precedes the name of a marquess or marchioness in the United Kingdom. In Great Britain and in Ireland, the correct spelling of the aristocratic title of this rank is marquess. In Scotland the French spelling is sometimes used.
In Great Britain and in Ireland, the title ranks below a duke and above an earl. A woman with the rank of a marquess, or the wife of a marquess, is called a marchioness in Great Britain and Ireland, or a marquise elsewhere in Europe; the dignity, rank or position of the title is referred to as a marquessate. The theoretical distinction between a marquess and other titles has, since the Middle Ages, faded into obscurity. In times past, the distinction between a count and a marquess was that the land of a marquess, called a march, was on the border of the country, while a count's land, called a county was not; as a result of this, a marquess was trusted to defend and fortify against hostile neighbours and was thus more important and ranked higher than a count. The title is ranked below that of a duke, largely restricted to the royal family; the rank of marquess was a late introduction to the British peerage: no marcher lords had the rank of marquess, though some were earls. On the evening of the Coronation of Queen Victoria in 1838, the Prime Minister Lord Melbourne explained to her why: I spoke to Ld M. about the numbers of Peers present at the Coronation, & he said it was quite unprecedented.
I observed that there were few Viscounts, to which he replied "There are few Viscounts," that they were an old sort of title & not English. Like other major Western noble titles, marquess is sometimes used to render certain titles in non-Western languages with their own traditions though they are, as a rule unrelated and thus hard to compare. However, they are considered "equivalent" in relative rank; this is the case with: In ancient China, 侯 was the second of five noble ranks 爵 created by King Wu of Zhou and is translated as marquess or marquis. In imperial China, 侯 is but not always, a middle-to-high ranking hereditary nobility title, its exact rank varies from dynasty to dynasty, within a dynasty. It is created with different sub-ranks. In Meiji Japan, 侯爵, a hereditary peerage rank, was introduced in 1884, granting a hereditary seat in the upper house of the imperial diet just as a British peerage did, with the ranks rendered as baron, count and duke/prince. In Korea, the title of 현후, of which the meaning is "marquess of district", existed for the hereditary nobility in the Goryeo dynasty.
It was equivalent to the upper fifth rank of nine bureaucratic orders, was in the third rank of six nobility orders. In the Joseon dynasty, there was no title equivalent to marquess. In Vietnam's Annamite realm / empire, hầu
The common people known as the common man, commoners, or the masses, are the ordinary people in a community or nation who lack any significant social status those who are members of neither royalty, the clergy, nor any member of the aristocracy. In Europe, a distinct concept analogous to common people arose in the Classical civilization of ancient Rome around the 6th century BC, with the social division into patricians and plebeians; the division may have been instituted by Servius Tullius, as an alternative to the previous clan based divisions, responsible for internecine conflict. The ancient Greeks had no concept of class and their leading social divisions were non-Greeks, free-Greeks and slaves; the early organisation of Ancient Athens was something of an exception with certain official roles like archons and treasurers being reserved for only the wealthiest citizens – these class-like divisions were weakened by the democratic reforms of Cleisthenes who created new vertical social divisions in contrasting fashion to the horizontal ones thought to have been created by Tullius.
With the growth of Christianity in the 4th century AD, a new world view arose that would underpin European thinking on social division until at least early modern times. Saint Augustine postulated; the three leading divisions were considered to be the priesthood, the nobility, the common people. Sometimes this would be expressed as "those who prayed", "those who fought" and "those who worked"; the Latin terms for the three classes – oratores and laboratores – are found in modern textbooks, have been used in sources since the 9th century. This threefold division was formalised in the estate system of social stratification, where again commoners were the bulk of the population who are neither members of the nobility nor of the clergy, they were the third of the Three Estates of the Realm in medieval Europe, consisting of peasants and artisans. Social mobility for commoners was limited throughout the Middle Ages; the serfs were unable to enter the group of the bellatores. Commoners could sometimes secure entry for their children into the oratores class.
In some cases they received education from the clergy and ascended to senior administrative positions. There were cases of serfs becoming clerics in the Holy Roman Empire, though from the Carolingian era, clergy were recruited from the nobility. Of the two thousand bishops serving from the 8th to the 15th century, just five came from the peasantry; the social and political order of medieval Europe was stable until the development of the mobile cannon in the 15th century. Up until that time a noble with a small force could hold their castle or walled town for years against large armies - and so they were disposed. Once effective cannons were available, walls were of far less defensive value and rulers needed expensive field armies to keep control of a territory; this encouraged the formation of princely and kingly states, which needed to tax the common people much more to pay for the expensive weapons and armies required to provide security in the new age. Up until the late 15th century, surviving medieval treaties on government were concerned with advising rulers on how to serve the common good: Assize of Bread is an example of medieval law drawn up in the interests of the common people.
But works by Philippe de Commines, Niccolò Machiavelli and Cardinal Richelieu began advising rulers to consider their own interests and that of the state ahead of what was "good", with Richelieu explicitly saying the state is above morality in doctrines such as Raison d'Etat. This change of orientation among the nobles left the common people less content with their place in society. A similar trend occurred regarding the clergy, where many priests began to abuse the great power they had due to the sacrament of contrition; the Reformation was a movement that aimed to correct this, but afterward the common people's trust in the clergy would continue to decline – priests were seen as greedy and lacking in true faith. An early major social upheaval driven in part by the common people's mistrust of both the nobility and clergy occurred in Great Britain with the English Revolution of 1642. After the forces of Oliver Cromwell triumphed, movements like the Levellers rose to prominence demanding equality for all.
When the general council of Cromwell's army met to decide on a new order at the Putney Debates of 1647, one of the commanders, Colonel Thomas Rainsborough, requested that political power be given to the common people. According to historian Roger Osbourne, the Colonel's speech was the first time a prominent person spoke in favour of universal male suffrage, but it was not to be granted until 1918. After much debate it was decided that only those with considerable property would be allowed to vote, so after the revolution political power in England remained controlled by the nobles, with at first only a few of the most wealthy or well-connected common people sitting in Parliament; the rise of the bourgeoisie during the Late Middle Ages, had seen an intermediate class of wealthy commoners develop, which gave rise to the modern middle classes. Middle-class people could still be called commoners however, for example in England Pitt the Elder was called the Great Commoner, this appellation was used for the 20th-century American anti-elitist campaigner William Jennings Bryan.
The interests of the middle class wer
Sir Edward Coke was an English barrister and politician, considered to be the greatest jurist of the Elizabethan and Jacobean eras. Born into an upper-class family, Coke was educated at Trinity College, before leaving to study at the Inner Temple, where he was called to the Bar on 20 April 1578; as a barrister he took part in several notable cases, including Slade's Case, before earning enough political favour to be elected to Parliament, where he served first as Solicitor General and as Speaker of the House of Commons. Following a promotion to Attorney General he led the prosecution in several notable cases, including those against Robert Devereux, Sir Walter Raleigh, the Gunpowder Plot conspirators; as a reward for his services he was first knighted and made Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. As Chief Justice, Coke restricted the use of the ex officio oath and, in the Case of Proclamations and Dr. Bonham's Case, declared the King to be subject to the law, the laws of Parliament to be void if in violation of "common right and reason".
These actions led to his transfer to the Chief Justiceship of the King's Bench, where it was felt he could do less damage. Coke successively restricted the definition of treason and declared a royal letter illegal, leading to his dismissal from the bench on 14 November 1616. With no chance of regaining his judicial posts, he instead returned to Parliament, where he swiftly became a leading member of the opposition. During his time as a Member of Parliament he wrote and campaigned for the Statute of Monopolies, which restricted the ability of the monarch to grant patents, authored and was instrumental in the passage of the Petition of Right, a document considered one of the three crucial constitutional documents of England, along with Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights 1689. Coke is best known in modern times for his Institutes, described by John Rutledge as "almost the foundations of our law", his Reports, which have been called "perhaps the single most influential series of named reports".
He was a influential judge. In America, Coke's decision in Dr. Bonham's Case was used to justify the voiding of both the Stamp Act 1765 and writs of assistance, which led to the American War of Independence; the surname "Coke", or "Cocke", can be traced back to a William Coke in the hundred of South Greenhoe, now the Norfolk town of Swaffham, in around 1150. The family was prosperous and influential – members from the 14th century onwards included an Under-Sheriff, a Knight Banneret, a barrister and a merchant; the name "Coke" was pronounced during the Elizabethan age. The origins of the name are uncertain. Another hypothesis is that it was an attempt to disguise the word "cook". Coke's father, Robert Coke, was a barrister and Bencher of Lincoln's Inn who built up a strong practice representing clients from his home area of Norfolk. Over time, he bought several manors at Congham, West Acre and Happisburgh, all in Norfolk, was granted a coat of arms, becoming a minor member of the gentry. Coke's mother, Winifred Knightley, came from a family more intimately linked with the law than her husband.
Her father and grandfather had practised law in the Norfolk area, her sister Audrey was married to Thomas Gawdy, a lawyer and Justice of the Court of King's Bench with links to the Earl of Arundel. This connection served Edward well. Winifred's father married Agnes, the sister of Nicholas Hare. Edward Coke was born on 1 February 1552 in one of eight children; the other seven were daughters – Winifred, Elizabeth, Anna and Ethelreda – although it is not known in which order the children were born. Two years after Robert Coke died on 15 November 1561, his widow married Robert Bozoun, a property trader noted for his piety and strong business acumen, he had a tremendous influence on the Coke children: from Bozoun Coke learnt to "loathe concealers, prefer godly men and briskly do business with any willing client", something that shaped his future conduct as a lawyer and judge. At the age of eight in 1560, Coke began studying at the Norwich Free Grammar School; the education there was based on erudition, the eventual goal being that by the age of 18 the students would have learned "to vary one sentence diversely, to make a verse to endight an epistle eloquently and learnedly, to declaim of a theme simple, last of all to attain some competent knowledge of the Greek tongue".
The students were taught rhetoric based on the Rhetorica ad Herennium, Greek centred on the works of Homer and Virgil. Coke was taught at Norwich to value the "forcefulness of freedom of speech", something he applied as a judge; some accounts relate. After leaving Norwich in 1567 he matriculated to Trinity College, where he studied for three years until the end of 1570, when he left without gaining a degree. Little is known of his time at Trinity, though he studied rhetoric and dialectics under a
Letters patent are a type of legal instrument in the form of a published written order issued by a monarch, president, or other head of state granting an office, monopoly, title, or status to a person or corporation. Letters patent can be used for the creation of corporations or government offices, or for the granting of city status or a coat of arms. Letters patent are issued for the appointment of representatives of the Crown, such as governors and governors-general of Commonwealth realms, as well as appointing a Royal Commission. In the United Kingdom they are issued for the creation of peers of the realm. A particular form of letters patent has evolved into the modern patent granting exclusive rights in an invention. In this case it is essential that the written grant should be in the form of a public document so other inventors can consult it to avoid infringement and to understand how to "practice" the invention, i.e. put it into practical use. In the Holy Roman Empire, Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary, imperial patent was the highest form of binding legal regulations, e. g.
Patent of Toleration, Serfdom Patent etc. The opposite of letters patent are letters close, which are personal in nature and sealed so that only the recipient can read their contents. Letters patent are thus comparable to other kinds of open letter, it is not clear how the contents of letters patent became published before collection by the addressee, for example whether they were left after sealing by the king for inspection during a certain period by courtiers in a royal palace, who would disseminate the contents back to the gentry in the shires through normal conversation and social intercourse. Today, for example, it is a convention for the British prime minister to announce that they have left a document they wish to enter the public domain "in the library of the House of Commons", where it may be perused by all members of parliament. Letters patent are so named from the Latin verb pateo, to lie open, accessible; the originator's seal was attached pendent from the document, so that it did not have to be broken in order for the document to be read.
Litterae in Latin meant "that, written" or "writing", in the sense of letters of the alphabet placed together in meaningful sequence on a writing surface, not a specific format of composition as the modern word "letter" suggests. Thus letters patent do not equate to an open letter but rather to any form of document, contract, despatch, decree, epistle etc. made public. They are called "letters" from their Latin name litterae patentes, used by medieval and scribes when the documents were written in Latin; this loanword preserves the collective plural "letters" Latin language uses to denote a message as opposed to a single alphabet letter. Letters patent are a form of open or public proclamation and a vestigial exercise of extra-parliamentary power by a monarch or president. Prior to the establishment of Parliament, the monarch ruled by the issuing of his personal written orders, open or closed, they can thus be contrasted with the Act of Parliament, in effect a written order by Parliament, approved by the monarch whose signature gives it force.
No explicit government approval is contained within letters patent, only the seal or signature of the monarch. Parliament today tolerates only a narrow exercise of the royal prerogative by issuance of letters patent, such documents are issued with prior informal government approval, or indeed are now generated by government itself with the monarch's seal affixed as a mere formality. In their original form they were written instructions or orders from the sovereign, whose order was law, which were made public to reinforce their effect. For the sake of good governance, it is of little use if the sovereign appoints a person to a position of authority but does not at the same time inform those over whom such authority is to be exercised of the validity of the appointment. According to the United Kingdom Ministry of Justice, there are 92 different types of letters patent; the Patent Rolls are made up of office copies of English royal letters patent, which run in an unbroken series from 1201 to the present day, with most of those to 1625 having been published.
The form of letters patent for creating peerages has been fixed by the Crown Office Order 1992. Part III of the schedule lays down nine pro forma texts for creating various ranks of the peerage, lords of appeal in ordinary, baronets; the following table organises the text from the letters patent by columns for each rank, with common text spanning multiple columns, depicting some of the similarities and differences among the proclamations. Gender-specific differences are highlighted in italics; the words "may have hold and possess" to "his heirs male aforesaid successively" and "have heretofore used and enjoyed or as they" were deleted for Dukes and Duchesses and Marchionesses, Earls and Countesses and hereditary Barons by the Crown Office Order 2000. In Commonwealth realms, letters patent are issued under the prerogative powers of the head of state, as an executive or royal prerogative, they are a rare, though significant, form of legislation which does not require the consent of parliament.
Letters patent may be used to grant royal assent to legislation. The primary source of letters patent in the United States are intelle
Maurice Harold Macmillan, 1st Earl of Stockton, was a British Conservative Party statesman who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1957 to 1963. Dubbed "Supermac", he was known for his pragmatism and unflappability. Macmillan served in the Grenadier Guards during the First World War, he was wounded three times, most in September 1916 during the Battle of the Somme. He spent the rest of the war in a military hospital unable to walk, suffered pain and partial immobility for the rest of his life. After the war Macmillan joined his family business entered Parliament at the 1924 general election for the northern industrial constituency of Stockton-on-Tees. After losing his seat in 1929, he regained it in 1931, soon after which he spoke out against the high rate of unemployment in Stockton-On-Tees, against appeasement. Rising to high office during the Second World War as a protégé of wartime Prime Minister Winston Churchill, Macmillan served as Foreign Secretary and Chancellor of the Exchequer under Churchill's successor Sir Anthony Eden.
When Eden resigned in 1957 following the Suez Crisis, Macmillan succeeded him as Prime Minister and Leader of the Conservative Party. As a One Nation Tory of the Disraelian tradition, haunted by memories of the Great Depression, he believed in the post-war settlement and the necessity of a mixed economy, championing a Keynesian strategy of public investment to maintain demand and pursuing corporatist policies to develop the domestic market as the engine of growth. Benefiting from favourable international conditions, he presided over an age of affluence, marked by low unemployment and high—if uneven—growth. In his Bedford speech of July 1957 he told the nation they had'never had it so good', but warned of the dangers of inflation, summing up the fragile prosperity of the 1950s; the Conservatives were re-elected in 1959 with an increased majority. In international affairs, Macmillan rebuilt the Special Relationship with the United States from the wreckage of the Suez Crisis, redrew the world map by decolonising sub-Saharan Africa.
Reconfiguring the nation's defences to meet the realities of the nuclear age, he ended National Service, strengthened the nuclear forces by acquiring Polaris, pioneered the Nuclear Test Ban with the United States and the Soviet Union. Belatedly recognising the dangers of strategic dependence, he sought a new role for Britain in Europe, but his unwillingness to disclose United States nuclear secrets to France contributed to a French veto of the United Kingdom's entry into the European Economic Community. Near the end of his premiership, his government was rocked by the Vassall and Profumo scandals, which to some the rebellious youth of the 1960s, seemed to symbolise the moral decay of the British establishment. After his resignation, Macmillan lived out a long retirement as an elder statesman, he was as trenchant a critic of his successors in his old age as he had been of his predecessors in his youth. Macmillan was the last British prime minister born during the Victorian era, the last to have served in the First World War and the last to receive a hereditary peerage.
At the time of his death, he was the longest-lived prime minister in British history, a record surpassed by James Callaghan on 14 February 2005. Macmillan was born at 52 Cadogan Place in Chelsea, London, to Maurice Crawford Macmillan, a publisher, his wife, the former Helen Artie Tarleton Belles, an artist and socialite from Spencer, Indiana, he had two brothers, eight years his senior, Arthur, four years his senior. His paternal grandfather, Daniel MacMillan, who founded Macmillan Publishers, was the son of a Scottish crofter from the Isle of Arran, he considered himself a Scot. Macmillan received an intensive early education guided by his American mother, he learned French at home every morning from a succession of nursery maids, exercised daily at Mr Macpherson's Gymnasium and Dancing Academy, around the corner from the family home. From the age of six or seven he received introductory lessons in classical Latin and Greek at Mr Gladstone's day school, close by in Sloane Square. Macmillan attended Oxford.
He was Third Scholar at Eton College, but his time there was blighted by recurrent illness, starting with a near-fatal attack of pneumonia in his first half. He won an exhibition to Balliol College, but was less of a scholar than his elder brother Dan; as a child and young man, he was an admirer of the policies and leadership of a succession of Liberal Prime Ministers, starting with Henry Campbell-Bannerman, who came to power toward the end of 1905 when Macmillan was only 11 years old, H. H. Asquith, whom he described as having "intellectual sincerity and moral nobility", of Asquith's successor, David Lloyd George, whom he regarded as a "man of action" to accomplish his goals. Macmillan went up to Balliol College in 1912, his political opinions at this stage were an eclectic mix of moderate Conservatism, moderate Liberalism and Fabian Socialism. He read avidly about Disraeli, but was particularly impressed by a speech by Lloyd George at the Oxford Union Society in 1913, where he had become a member and debater.
Macmillan was a protégé of the President Walter Monckton a Cabinet colleague.