Singkíl is a folk dance of the Maranao people of Lake Lanao based on the epic legend Darangen. Which was popularised by the Bayanihan Philippine National Folk Dance Company. Singkil originated from the Maranao people, it is a re-telling of an episode from the Maranao epic legend Darangen involving the rescue of Princess Gandingan by the legendary Prince Bantugan. It is a popular dance performed during other festive entertainment. Only women royalty, danced the Singkil, which serves as either a conscious or unconscious advertisement to potential suitors; the dance takes its name from the heavy rings worn on the ankles of the Muslim princess. A kulintang and agung ensemble always accompanies the dance; the female lead dancer plays the role of Princess Gandingan of the Darangen epic, wearing the heavy rings around her ankles to keep time while she dances. In an episode of the Maranao epic, the princess is caught in the middle of the forest during an earthquake caused by the diwatas of the Kingdom of Bumbaran.
The diwatas abducted the princess and entrapped her into a forest to teach the philandering Prince Bantugan a lesson. The falling trees during the earthquake are represented by the bamboo poles arranged in a criss-crossed fashion and clacked together in a unique, syncopated rhythm. During the performance, the female lead dancer graciously steps in and out of the bamboo poles as she manipulates two elaborately designed fans called apir. Another female dancer represents the loyal slave of the princess who accompanies her throughout the ordeal. After a while, a male dancer, representing the legendary Prince Bantugan of the Darangen epic, performs his dance round and through the bamboo poles clacked together bearing a shield and a sword; the entrance of the male dancer symbolizes the arrival of Prince Bantugan, determined to rescue the princess from the diwatas. Other dancers skillfully manipulate the apir fans, which represent the winds which prove to be auspicious; the dance steps require agile movement so that the dancer's feet won't be crushed by the moving bamboos.
Meanwhile, the clacking bamboo poles represent the forces. The dance ends with the princess going home with the prince; when the Bayanihan Dance Company began performing the Singkíl, the traditional dance was adapted to convey Western aesthetics. The Bayanihan portrayal, branded as the Princess Dance or the Royal Maranao Fan Dance, became so popular that it is mistaken for the authentic version of the dance. A notable variation from the original is its inclusion of male dancers, as pole clappers and in the role of the Prince, Rajah Bantugan. Additional sets of criss-crossing bamboo poles were added. Further adaptation divided the dance into four movements: First movement- "Asik", where the slave with umbrella is introduced. Second movement- entrance of Putri Gandingan, the entourage of female fan or scarf dancers, the arrival of Rajah Bantugan. Third movement- Patay, a slow section, is a structural dance convention found in Western performances. Fourth movement- the climax in which all dancers dance to the crescendo of music.
PCN festivities held by foreign-based student groups and other theatrical dance companies have modernised interpretations of the dance, resulting in unorthodox portrayals of the Singkíl by the most esteemed of Philippine folk dance choreographers. The Philippine Barangay Folkdance Troupe portrays the prince dancing scarves rather than with a sword and a shield; some dance companies have fused the Singkíl with ballet, or make use of multiple layers of overlapping bamboos. The Singkíl was performed in the 2001 American independent film The Debut; the movie starred Dante Basco. The film captured the essence of Filipino traditions and the blending of these with modern American culture. Tinikling, a similar Spanish-era Filipino folk dance using bamboo poles Maharadia Lawana, the Maranao version of the Ramayana epic Maranao people
Likay is a form of popular folk theatre from Thailand. Its uniqueness is found in the combination of extravagant costumes with equipped stages and vaguely determined storylines, so that the performances depend on the actors' skills of improvisation and the audiences' imagination. There are several competing ideas about the origins and development of likay. However, the most is that likay has roots in the Malay jikey, an Islamic chant. Since there is a wide gap between this religious performance and folk entertainment, it is possible that Likay derives from India instead as there are many Indian dance gestures found in the actors' performances; the lack of historic references creates controversy about the first emergence of likay, but it is most to have emerged as a distinct form of theatre in the late-19th century. Today the performances take place in rural areas, at temple fairs, private sponsored events. Though TV and radio still broadcast performances of likay, this form of folk theatre is becoming rarer.
The likay story repertoire ranges from historic incidents to well known folk tales larded with humorous anecdotes. The main characters are phra, kong and joker in the roles of stereotyped princesses and lower class figures with caricatured appearances and a lot of freedom in speech, their fates unfold in stories of love which involve overcoming obstacles, as well as in family dramas which always have a happy ending. Although the language and character of some of the figures are rude and represent appropriate decency and bad are distinguished and the troupes leave the audience with a clear moral with the good always defeating the bad; the figures Khun Chang and Khun Paen are amongst the most popular characters in likay. Based on a well-known Thai folklore tale about a dramatic love triangle, the two men compete for one beautiful woman and reappear in countless likay performances. Another popular character borrowed from local ghost folklore is Mae Nak Phra Khanong, her story about love and death, focuses on her afterlife as a ghost.
Her unbreakable love for her husband beyond death, the terror she spreads out of jealousy and anger finds new interpretations in likay folk theatre. "Awk khaek" is the performance before likay begins when the performer comes out with an Indian-Malaysian costume to sing and dance to a song. Awk khaek came from India with the Malayan Peninsula group that came to Siam during the Ayutthaya period, but this performance has changed with time. There is disagreement where the name comes from, but L. Allan Eubank says that the word "awk" means "out" and the word "khaek" is the Thai word for Indian; the importance of awk khaek is to tell everyone to know. In general, after an hour-long prelude with piphat music, the plot and dialogue follow a basic outline given by the troupe's storyteller, unfolding through the actors' improvised verses, song lyrics, action; this impromptu performance is supported by musicians who capture and highlight the spontaneous development with their instruments including both modern pop music and traditional country music.
Dances appear only when an actor or actress feels like the situation calls for it. The troupes' actors were all men but nowadays men and women play together, it appears that there is a strong bond between audience and performers, so that it is common for the story to unfold in a way that pleases the audiences or for the audience to be addressed directly. This is true for the joker, allowed to switch between the performance and the audience, adding a sense of open interaction; the audience is drawn into the play by the need for their imagination. As likay troupes are itinerant and have no fixed venue, the makeshift stage and repertoire does not offer more than a bench which allows the actors to play most scenes, the rough setting of a palace garden and a forest; the audience has to listen to the explanation of space and time by the actors or storyteller and imagine the scenery themselves. Likay is famous for its flamboyant costumes. Heavy make-up, from the darkest black eyeliner to the brightest red lipstick, colorful, fake jewels for both men and women are standard.
Responsible for most of the outfitting themselves, the actors not only bring their costumes but create their own masks. For men, the costume includes colorful or golden stuffed knickerbockers, long white socks and vests with excessive ornaments, glittering earrings, plumed headbands; the women wear clothes in both traditional fashions of shining silk and satin. Http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:I2GDOvx3CicJ:www.nationmultimedia.com/life/Drama-in-the-dance-10144342.html+VIRULRAK,+Surapone+Likay&cd=3&hl=de&ct=clnk http://www.farang.in.th/article.php/PatravaditheatrepresentsChalawanTheLikay
Topeng is a dramatic form of Indonesian dance in which one or more mask-wearing, ornately costumed performers interpret traditional narratives concerning fabled kings and myths, accompanied by gamelan music. Indonesian masked. Native Indonesian tribes still perform traditional masked-dances to represent nature, as the Hudoq dance of the Dayak people of Kalimantan, or to represent ancestor spirits. With the arrival of Hinduism in the archipelago, the Ramayana and Mahabharata epics began to be performed in masked-dance; the most popular storyline of topeng dance however, derived from the locally developed Javanese Panji cycles, that based upon the tales and romance of Prince Panji and Princess Chandra Kirana, set in 12th-century Kadiri kingdom. One of the earliest written record of topeng dance is found in 14th-century Nagarakretagama, which described King Hayam Wuruk of Majapahit — wearing a golden mask — as an accomplished topeng dancer; the current topeng dance form arose in the 15th century in Java and Bali where it remains prevalent, but it is found in other Indonesian islands — such as Madura.
Various topeng dances and styles are developed in various places in Indonesian archipelago, the notable ones are those in Cirebon, Yogyakarta and Bali. The well-developed topeng technique is now studied in universities of America, it is believed that the use of masks is related to the cult of the ancestors, which considered dancers the interpreters of the gods. Topeng performances open with a series of non-speaking masked characters which may not be related to the story to be performed; these traditional masks include Topeng Manis, Topeng Kras, Topeng Tua. The story is narrated from a Penasar, a jawless half-mask that enables the actor to speak most clearly. In group topeng, there are two penasars providing two points of view; the performance alternates between speaking and non-speaking characters, can include dance and fight sequences as well as special effects. It is always wrapped-up by a series of comic characters introducing their own views; the narrators and comic characters break western conventions of storytelling by including current events or local gossip to get a laugh.
In topeng, there is a conscious attempt to include many, sometimes contradictory, aspects of the human experience: the sacred and the profane and ugliness, refinement and caricature. A detailed description and analysis of "topeng pajegan," the one-man form of topeng, is available in Masked Performance by John Emigh, a western theater professor who has become a performer of Balinese topeng. Cirebon mask dance or tari topeng Cirebon is a local original art of Cirebon, including Kuningan and Jatibarang, West Java and including Brebes, Central Java. Cirebon mask dance has a lot of variety and experienced growth in dance as well as stories to be conveyed. Sometimes the mask dance performed by solo dancer. Cirebon mask dance might take the story of Prince Panji from 15th century East Java or other Majapahit story. Topeng Klana Kencana Wungu is Cirebon mask dance in Parahyangan mask style, depicted the story of Queen Kencana Wungu of Majapahit being chased by the grotesque and rough King Minak Jingga of Blambangan.
The Sundanese Topeng Kandaga dance is similar and influenced by Cirebon topeng, where the dancer wearing red mask and costumes. In East Java topeng dance is called Wayang Gedog, the most famous artform originated from Malang Regency, East Java. Wayang gedog theatrical performances include themes from the Panji cycles stories from the kingdom of Janggala, the players wear masks known as wayang topeng or wayang gedog; the word "gedog" comes from "kedok", like "topeng" means "mask". The main theme of the performances is the story of Candra Kirana; this is a love story about princess Candra Kirana of Kediri and Raden Panji Asmarabangun, the crown prince of Jenggala. Candra Kirana was the incarnation of Dewi Ratih and Panji was an incarnation of Kamajaya. Kirana's story was given the title "Smaradahana". At the end of the complicated story they can marry and bring forth a son, named Raja Putra. Panji Asmarabangun ruled Jenggala under the official names "Sri Kameswara", "Prabu Suryowiseso", "Hino Kertapati".
In Yogyakarta tradition, the mask dance is part of Wayang Wong performance. Composed and created by Sultan Hamengkubuwono I certain characters such as wanara and denawa in Ramayana and Mahabharata uses masks, while the knight and princesses are not wearing any mask; the punakawan might use a half mask he can speak and clearly. Here, the mustache is painted in black; the Topeng Klono Alus, Topeng Klono Gagah, Topeng Putri Kenakawulan dances are classical Yogyakarta court dances derived from the story of Raden Panji from the 15th century Majapahit legacy. The Klono Alus Jungkungmandeya and Klono Gagah Dasawasisa are masked dances adapted from Mahabharata stories. Topeng of Surakarta Sunanate court is similar in theme with Yogyakarta ones. Differences are seen in the craftmanship of masks, and to Yogyakarta, the Sukarta topeng punakawan uses jawless half-mask. Betawi mask dance or tari topeng Betawi is a mask-dance of the Betawi people of Jakarta. Tanggai dance Information on topeng dances from program notes of a performance in Glasgow in 2003 Various
The kris is an asymmetrical dagger with distinctive blade-patterning achieved through alternating laminations of iron and nickelous iron. Kris is most associated with the culture of Indonesia; the kris is famous for its distinctive wavy blade. Kris have been produced in many regions of Indonesia for centuries, but nowhere—although the island of Bali comes close—is the kris so embedded in a mutually-connected whole of ritual prescriptions and acts, mythical backgrounds and epic poetry as in Central Java; as a result, in Indonesia the kris is associated with Javanese culture, although other ethnicities are familiar with the weapon as part of their culture, such as the Balinese, Sundanese, Banjar and Makassar. A kris can be divided into three parts: blade and sheath; these parts of the kris are objects of art carved in meticulous detail and made from various materials: metal, precious or rare types of wood, or gold or ivory. A kris's aesthetic value covers the dhapur, the pamor, tangguh referring to the age and origin of a kris.
Depending on the quality and historical value of the kris, it can fetch thousands of dollars or more. Both a weapon and spiritual object, kris are considered to have an essence or presence, considered to possess magical powers, with some blades possessing good luck and others possessing bad. Kris are used for display, as talismans with magical powers, weapons, a sanctified heirloom, auxiliary equipment for court soldiers, an accessory for ceremonial dress, an indicator of social status, a symbol of heroism, etc. Legendary kris that possess supernatural power and extraordinary ability were mentioned in traditional folktales, such as those of Empu Gandring, Taming Sari, Setan Kober. In 2005, UNESCO gave the title Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity to the kris of Indonesia; the word kris derives from the Old Javanese term ngiris which means to wedge or sliver. "Kris" is the more used spelling in the West, but "keris" is more popular in the dagger's native lands, as exemplified by the late Bambang Harsrinuksmo's popular book entitled Ensiklopedi Keris.
Two notable exceptions are the Philippines where it is called kalis or kris, Thailand where it is always spelled kris and pronounced either as kris or krit. In the Yala dialect the word is kareh. Other spellings used by European colonists include "cryse", "crise", "criss", "kriss" and "creese". Kris history is traced through the study of carvings and bas-relief panels found in Southeast Asia, it is believed that the earliest kris prototype can be traced to Dongson bronze culture in Vietnam circa 300 BC that spread to other parts of Southeast Asia. Another theory is; some of the most famous renderings of a kris appear on the bas-reliefs of Borobudur and Prambanan temple. However, Raffles' study of the Candi Sukuh states that the kris recognized today came into existence around 1361 AD in the kingdom of Majapahit, East Java; the scene in bas relief of Sukuh Temple in Central Java, dated from 15th century Majapahit era, shows the workshop of a Javanese keris blacksmith. The scene depicted Bhima as the blacksmith on the left forging the metal, Ganesha in the center, Arjuna on the right operating the piston bellows to blow air into the furnace.
The wall behind the blacksmith displays various items manufactured in the forge, including kris. These representations of the kris in the Candi Sukuh established the fact that by the year 1437 the kris had gained an important place within Javanese culture. In Yingya Shenglan—a record about Zheng He's expedition —Ma Huan describes that "all men in Majapahit, from the king to commoners, from a boy aged three to elders, slipped pu-la-t'ou in their belts; the daggers are made of steel with intricate motifs smoothly drawn. The handles are made of gold, rhino's horn or ivory carved with a depiction of demon; this Chinese account reported that public execution by stabbing using this type of dagger is common. Majapahit knows no caning for minor punishment, they tied the guilty men's hands in the back with rattan rope and paraded them for a few paces, stabbed the offender one or two times in the back on the gap between the floating ribs, which resulted in severe bleeding and instant death. The Kris of Knaud is the oldest known surviving kris in the world.
Given to Charles Knaud, a Dutch physician, by Paku Alam V in the 19th century Yogyakarta in Java, the kris is on display at the Tropenmuseum, Amsterdam. The kris bears the date of 1264 Saka in its iron blade. Scientists suspect that due to its special features the kris might be older, but was decorated during Majapahit period to celebrate an important event; the kris bears scenes from the Ramayana on an unusual thin copper layer which covers it. Although the people of Southeast Asia were familiar with this type of stabbing weapon, the development of the kris most took place in Java, Indonesia; the spread of the kris to other
Kuda Lumping is a traditional Javanese dance depicting a group of horsemen from Indonesia. Dancers "ride" horses made from woven bamboo and decorated with colorful paints and cloth; the dance portrays troops riding horses, but another type of Kuda Lumping performance incorporates trances and magic tricks. When the "possessed" dancer is performing the dance in trance conditions, he can display unusual abilities, such as eating glass and resistance to the effects of whipping or hot coals. Although the dance is native to Java, Indonesia, it performed by Javanese communities in Suriname and Singapore; the origin of Kuda Lumping is uncertain. Two main hypotheses have been proposed; the first suggests that Kuda Lumping may have arisen out of Diponegoro's war against the Dutch colonial forces, as a ritual reenactment of battles. The second argues. Kuda Lumping is known under different names in different areas. While Kuda Lumping is the most common name in West Java, in Central Java it is known as Jaran Kepang or Jathilan in East Java.
In Bali Sanghyang dance refer to the type of dance involving trance by spirit identified as hyang. Kuda Lumping may be performed in celebration of a special event, such as a boy's circumcision or rite of passage, it may be performed as entertainment, in a busker style. It is performed in a cordoned-off area, with the audience separated from the dancers. Kuda Lumping is traditionally performed by a group of men drawn from the local community; the performers mount rattan horses and dance while traditional instruments such as the angklung and dog-dog drums are played. This portion of the performance ends when a dancer enters a trance, traditionally said to be caused by spirit possession. In Sang Hyang Jaran, the audience may participate by forming a singing. During their trances, the dancers may pretend to eat grass or drink water, while another performer or shaman uses a whip to direct them. In some performances, dancers may walk on coals or eat glass or fire, which can cause various injuries; the dancers interact with the audience.
In some areas the dancers serve. After awakening from their trances, performers claim not to remember anything done while performing. In East Java, the similar dance is called Jathilan, is a part of Reog Ponorogo performance. A Jathil is the youthful handsome horsemen riding horses made of weaved bamboo. Unlike common jaran kepang however, jathil never performed trance dances and stunts such as eating glass or walk on fiery charcoal. Traditionally jathilan dance was performed by gemblakan, today Jathil performed by female dancers. Dancers perform using rattan horses colourful and decorated with beads and sequins. Adults use larger horses than children. Children's horses may be cut from bamboo mats. Performers wear colorful clothes and may dress as soldiers; the costume may include small bells strung around the ankle. In comparison to the shaman, the dancers' costumes are more feminized. Henry Spiller suggests that Kuda Lumping represents spiritual power and masculine virility, "wild and uncontrolled... yet a good thing".
Max Richter notes that the erratic movements of the "feminized" dancers may "draw on ideas about the subordinate'irrational' female", while the slower, more deliberate movements of the shaman "may be seen as masculine and potent". However, he considers this secondary to the conflicts of science versus magic, good versus bad, he notes that it serves as a way for young boys to release energy in a non-violent manner. These, of course, are the interpretations of Western academics and do not reflect the views and intentions of the native dancers. Kuda Lumping is popular. But, individual observer opinions vary; some view it as being related to Satan and thus evil. A shift in meaning, from a spiritual ritual to entertainment, has been noted. Kuda Lumping has been used as the basis for a dangdut song of the same name. Footnotes Bibliography Bandem, I Made. "Performing Arts of Indonesia". Wesleyan University. Retrieved 31 July 2011. Epstein, Irving; the Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children's Issues Worldwide. Volume 1.
Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-33620-1. Hellman, Jörgen. Performing the Nation: Cultural Politics in New Order Indonesia. Copenhagen: NIAS Press. ISBN 978-0-7007-1678-4. Richter, Max. "Other Worlds in Yogyakarta: From Jatilan to Electronic Music". In Ariel Heryanto. Popular Culture in Indonesia: Fluid Identities in Post-Authoritarian Politics. London: Routledge. Pp. 164–181. ISBN 978-0-415-46112-2. Spiller, Henry. Focus: Gamelan Music of Indonesia. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-203-93099-1
Lakhon nai is a Thai performing art originating in the royal court of Thailand. It features slow choreography accompanied by a piphat ensemble; the repertoire of lakhon nai consists of only four epics. A variation of this genre with male performers is called lakhon nai phu chai. Lakhon nai is believed to be a contraction of lakhon nang nai, or'theatre of the women of the palace', it was known as lakhon khang nai and lakhon nai phra ratchathan
Legong is a form of Balinese dance. It is a refined dance form characterized by intricate finger movements, complicated footwork, expressive gestures and facial expressions. Legong originated in the 19th century as royal entertainment. Legend has it that a prince of Sukawati fell ill and had a vivid dream in which two maidens danced to gamelan music; when he recovered, he arranged for such dances to be performed in reality. Others believe that the Legong originated with the sanghyang dedari, a ceremony involving voluntary possession of two little girls by beneficent spirits. Legong is danced at public festivals. Excerpts from Legong dance dramas are put on for tourists. Traditionally, legong dancers were girls, they begin rigorous training from about the age of five. These dancers are regarded in the society and become wives of royal personages or wealthy merchants. After marriage they would stop dancing. However, in present Indonesia dancers may be of all ages. Classical Legong enacts several traditional stories.
The most common is the tale of the King of Lasem from a collection of heroic romances. He is at war with the father of Princess Ranjasari. Lasem wants to marry the girl. Becoming lost in the forest, she is captured by Lasem, who imprisons her and goes out for a final assault against her family, he is attacked by a monstrous raven. The dramatics are enacted in stylized pantomime; the two little actresses are accompanied by a third dancer called a attendant. She sets the scene, presents the dancers with their fans and plays the part of the raven. Traditionally, fifteen types of legong dance were known; the duration and narrative of each type differed. Some, for instance, could last for an hour; these types included: Legong Bapang Saba Legong Jebog Legong Kraton Legong Kuntir Legong Lasem Legong Raja Cina Legong Semarandana Legong Sudasarna Balinese dances Legong: Dance of the Virgins, a 1935 film Legong is mentioned in "I've Been To Bali Too", the single by Australian folk-rock band Redgum from their 1984 album Frontline.
Legong Keraton Legong dance Tari Legong Lasem part 1