The Dirty War is the name used by the military junta or civic-military dictatorship of Argentina for the period of United States-backed state terrorism in Argentina from 1974 to 1983 as a part of Operation Condor, during which military and security forces and right-wing death squads in the form of the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance hunted down any political dissidents and anyone believed to be associated with socialism, left-wing Peronism or the Montoneros movement. About 30,000 people disappeared, many of whom were impossible to formally report due to the nature of state terrorism; the justification for the Dirty War was the armed actions of the Montoneros and the ERP. From 1969 to 1979, there were 1,020 murders by the guerrillas. Therefore, the targets were students, trade unionists, journalists and anyone suspected to be a left-wing activist, including Peronist guerrillas; the "disappeared" included those thought to be politically or ideologically a threat to the military junta vaguely, or contrary to the plan of neoliberal economic policies dictated by Operation Condor.
They were killed in an attempt by the junta to silence the political opposition. Many of the members of the juntas are in prison for crimes against humanity and genocide. In the decades before the 1976 coup, the Argentinian military, supported by the Argentine establishment, opposed Juan Domingo Perón's populist government and attempted a coup in 1951 and two in 1955 before succeeding with the self-proclaimed Revolución Libertadora. After taking control, the armed forces proscribed Peronism, a decision that triggered the organization of Peronist resistance in workplaces and trade unions, as the working classes sought to protect the economic and social improvements obtained under Perón's rule. Soon after the coup, Peronist resistance began organizing in workplaces and trade unions as the working classes sought economic and social improvements. Over time, as democratic rule was restored, but promises of legalizing the expression and political liberties for Peronism were not respected, guerrilla groups began to operate in the 1960s, namely Uturuncos and the EGP.
Both were small and defeated. As Perón returned from exile in 1973, the Ezeiza massacre marked the end of the alliance between left- and right-wing factions of Peronism. In 1974, Perón withdrew his support for the Montoneros shortly before his death. During the presidency of his widow Isabel, the far-right paramilitary death squad Argentine Anticommunist Alliance emerged. In 1975, Isabel signed a number of decrees empowering the military and the police to "annihilate" left-wing activists. In 1976, her government was overthrown as a part of Operation Condor by a military coup led by General Jorge Rafael Videla; the junta, calling itself the National Reorganization Process and carried out strong repression of political dissidents through the government's military and security forces. They were responsible for the arrest, killings and/or forced disappearances of an estimated 30,000 people; the junta would dictate Argentina's future. With the help of Washington, the junta was aided with $50 million in military aid.
Another group in the far right, responsible for the death of many was, Alianza Anticomunista Argentina other wise known as Triple A. Triple A was ruled under Jose Lopez Rega, the Minister of Social Welfare who used Triple A as a death squad regime. Both the junta and Triple A targeted young professionals, high school and college students and trade union members; these groups of people became main targets because of their involvement in political organizations that exploited the work of the right-wing group. Assassination occurred domestically in Argentina via mass shootings and the throwing of live citizens from airplanes to death in the South Atlantic. Additionally, 12,000 prisoners, many of whom had not been convicted through legal processes, were detained in a network of 340 secret concentration camps located throughout Argentina. Triple A partnered with the army and the air force to terrorize the population. Navy captains such as Adolfo Scilingo performed massive number of executions; these actions against victims called desaparecidos because they "disappeared" without explanation were confirmed via Scilingo, who has publicly confessed his participation in the Dirty War, stating that the Argentinian military "did worse things than the Nazis".
In 1983, the National commission on Disappeared People forced Scilingo to testify where he described how "prisoners were drugged, loaded onto military planes, thrown and semi-conscious, into the Atlantic Ocean". A vast majority of those who were killed left with no record of their disappearance; the junta referred to their policy of suppressing opponents as the National Reorganization Process. Argentine military and security forces created paramilitary death squads, operating behind "fronts" as independent units. Argentina coordinated actions with other South American dictatorships as in Operation Condor. Faced with increasing public opposition and severe economic problems, the military tried to regain popularity by occupying the disputed Falkland Islands. During the resulting Falklands War, the military government lost any remaining favour after its defeat by Britain, forcing it to step aside in disgrace and allow for free elections to be held in late 1983; the democratic government of Raúl Alfonsín was elected to office in 1983
Jorge Rafael Videla
Jorge Rafael Videla was a senior commander in the Argentine Army and dictator of Argentina from 1976 to 1981. He came to power in a coup d'état. In 1985, two years after the return of a representative democratic government, he was prosecuted in the Trial of the Juntas for large-scale human rights abuses and crimes against humanity that took place under his rule, including kidnappings or forced disappearance, widespread torture and extrajudicial murder of activists and political opponents as well as their families at secret concentration camps. An estimated 13,000-30,000 political dissidents vanished during this period. Videla was convicted of the theft of many babies born during the captivity of their mothers at the illegal detention centres and passing them on for illegal adoption by associates of the regime. In his defence, Videla maintained the female guerrilla detainees allowed themselves to fall pregnant in the belief they wouldn't be tortured or executed. On 5 July 2010, Videla took full responsibility for his army's actions during his rule.
"I accept the responsibility as the highest military authority during the internal war. My subordinates followed my orders," he told an Argentine court. Videla sheltered many Nazi fugitives as did Juan Perón before him, Alfredo Stroessner from Paraguay and Hugo Banzer from Bolivia, he was under house arrest until 10 October 2008. Following a new trial, on 22 December 2010, Videla was sentenced to life in a civilian prison for the deaths of 31 prisoners following his coup. On 5 July 2012, Videla was sentenced to 50 years in prison for the systematic kidnapping of children during his tenure; the following year, Videla died in the Marcos Paz civilian prison five days after suffering a fall in a shower. Jorge Rafael Videla was born on 2 August 1925 in the city of Mercedes, he was the third of five sons born to Colonel Rafael Eugenio Videla Bengolea and María Olga Redondo Ojea and was christened in honor of his two older twin brothers, who had died of measles in 1923. Videla's family was a prominent one in San Luis Province, many of his ancestors had held high public offices.
His grandfather Jacinto had been governor of San Luis between 1891 and 1893, his great-great-grandfather Blas Videla had fought in the Spanish American wars of independence and had been a leader of the Unitarian Party in San Luis. On April 7, 1948, Jorge Videla married Alicia Raquel Hartridge daughter of Samuel Alejandro Hartridge Parkes, an English Argentine professor of physics and Argentine ambassador to Turkey, María Isabel Lacoste Álvarez, they had seven children: María Cristina, Jorge Horacio, Alejandro Eugenio, María Isabel, Pedro Ignacio, Fernando Gabriel and Rafael Patricio. Two of these, Rafael Patricio and Fernando Gabriel, joined the Argentine Army. Videla joined the National Military College on 3 March 1942 and graduated on 21 December 1944 with the rank of second lieutenant. After steady promotion as a junior officer in the infantry, he attended the War College between 1952 and 1954 and graduated as a qualified staff officer. Videla served at the Ministry of Defence from 1958 to 1960 and thereafter he directed the Military Academy until 1962.
In 1971, he was promoted to brigadier general and appointed by Alejandro Agustin Lanusse as Director of the National Military College. In late 1973 the head of the Army, Leandro Anaya, appointed Videla as the Chief of Staff of the Army. During July and August 1975, Videla was the Head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the Argentine Armed Forces. In August 1975, the President, Isabel Perón, appointed Videla to the Army's senior position, the General Commander of the Army. Upon the death of President Juan Perón, his widow and Vice President Isabel became President. Videla headed a military coup which deposed her on 24 March 1976, during increasing violence, social unrest and economic problems. A military junta made up of him, representing the Army. Two days after the coup, Videla formally assumed the post of President of Argentina. A terrorist is not just someone with a gun or a bomb, but someone who spreads ideas that are contrary to Western and Christian civilization; the military junta is remembered for the forced disappearances of large numbers of students.
The military junta took power during a period of terrorist attacks from the Marxist groups ERP, the Montoneros, FAL, FAR and FAP, who had gone underground after Juan Perón's death in July 1974, violent right-wing kidnappings and assassinations from the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance, led by José López Rega, Perón's Minister of Social Welfare, other death squads. The Baltimore Sun reported at the beginning of 1976 that, In the jungle-covered mountains of Tucuman, long known as'Argentina's garden', Argentines are fighting Argentines in a Vietnam-style civil war. So far, the outcome is in doubt, but there is no doubt about the seriousness of the combat, which involves 2,000 or so leftist guerrillas and as many as 10,000 soldiers. In late 1974 the ERP set up a rural front in Tucumán province and the Argentine Army deployed its 5th Mountain Brigade in counterinsurgency operations in the province. In early 1976 the mountain brigade was reinforced in the form of the 4th Airborne Infantry Brigade that had until been withheld guarding strategic points in the city of Córdoba against ERP guerrillas and militants.
The members of the junta took advantage of the guerril
National Security Archive
The National Security Archive is a 501 non-governmental, non-profit research and archival institution located on the campus of the George Washington University in Washington, D. C. Founded in 1985 to check rising government secrecy, the National Security Archive is an investigative journalism center, open government advocate, international affairs research institute, is the largest repository of declassified U. S. documents outside the federal government. The National Security Archive has spurred the declassification of more than 10 million pages of government documents by being the leading non-profit user of the U. S. Freedom of Information Act, filing a total of more than 50,000 FOIA and declassification requests in its over 30 years of history. Journalists and historians founded the National Security Archive in 1985 to enrich research and public debate about national security policy; the National Security Archive continues to challenge national security secrecy by advocating for open government, utilizing the FOIA to compel the release of secret government documents, analyzing and publishing its collections for the public.
As a prolific FOIA requester, the National Security Archive has obtained a host of seminal government documents, including: the most requested still image photograph at the U. S. National Archives – a December 21, 1970 picture of President Richard Nixon's meeting with Elvis Presley. S. plans for a "full nuclear response" in the event the President was attacked or disappeared. S. troops in December 2003. In 1998, the National Security Archive shared the George Foster Peabody Award for the outstanding broadcast series, CNN's Cold War. In 1999, the National Security Archive won the George Polk Award, for "facilitating thousands of searches for journalists and scholars; the archive, funded by foundations as well as income from its own publications, has become a one-stop institution for declassifying and retrieving important documents, suing to preserve such government data as presidential e-mail messages, pressing for appropriate reclassification of files, sponsoring research that has unearthed major revelations."
In September 2005, the Archive won the Emmy Award for outstanding achievement in news and documentary research. In 2005, Forbes Best of the Web stated that the Archives is "singlehandedly keeping bureaucrats’ feet to the fire on the Freedom of Information Act." In 2007, the Archive was named one of the ""Top 300 web sites for Political Science," by the International Political Science Association. In February 2011, the National Security Archive won Tufts University's Dr. Jean Mayer Global Citizenship Award for "demystifying and exposing the underworld of global diplomacy and supporting the public's right to know." Journalismdegree.org includes Freedominfo.org on its list of Best Sites for Journalists in 2012. From 2003–2014 the Archive has received 54 citations from the University of Wisconsin's Internet Scout Report recognizing "the most valuable and authoritative resources online." The National Security Archive relies on publication revenues, grants from individuals and grants from foundations such as the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Ford Foundation, the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Open Society Foundations, for its $3 million yearly budget.
The National Security Archive receives no government funding. Incorporated as an independent Washington, D. C. non-profit organization, the National Security Archive is recognized by the Internal Revenue Service as a tax-exempt public charity. The National Security Archive operates eight program areas, each with dedicated funding; the National Security Archive's open government and accountability program receives support from the Open Society Foundations. The Archive's international freedom of information program in priority countries abroad and in the Open Government Partnership has been supported by the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation; the Archive's human rights evidence program, providing documentation for use by truth commissions and prosecutions, received funding from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation; the Archive's Latin America program, with projects on Mexico, Chile and other countries, is supported by the Ford Foundation, the Reynolds Foundation, the Coyote Foundation.
The Archive's nuclear weapons and intelligence documentation program is supported by the Prospect Hill Foundation, the New-Land Foundation, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, which funds the Archive's Russia/former Soviet Union program. The National Security Archive has a Russian-language page for their Russian programs; the Archive's Iran program is supported by the Arca Foundation and through a partnership with MIT Center for International Studies. The Archive's publications program, creating public access to declassified documents both online and in book formats, relies on publication royalties from libraries that subscribe to the Digital National Security Archive through the commercial publisher ProQuest; the National Security Archive publishes its
Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri Castelli was an Argentine general and President of Argentina from 22 December 1981 to 18 June 1982, during the last military dictatorship. The death squad, 601 Intelligence Battalion, directly reported to him, he was removed from power soon after the Argentine defeat in the Falkland War, whose invasion he had ordered. Galtieri was an Italian Argentine born to working class immigrant parents. At 17 he enrolled at the National Military Academy to study civil engineering, his early military career was as an officer in the engineering branch; as well as rising through the ranks of the Military, he continued his studies in engineering until the mid-1950s. In 1958, he became a professor of engineering at the Senior War College. Galtieri was married to Lucía Noemí Gentili, the couple had one son and two daughters. In 1975, after more than 25 years as a combat engineer, Galtieri became commander of the Argentine engineering corps, he was an enthusiastic supporter of the military coup that started the self-styled National Reorganisation Process in 1976 and rose further, becoming a major general in 1977, commander-in-chief in 1980 with the rank of lieutenant general.
During the junta's rule, Congress was suspended, trade unions, political parties, provincial governments were banned, in what became known as the Dirty War, between 9,000 and 30,000 people deemed left-wing subversives disappeared from society. Torture and mass executions were both commonplace; the economy, in dire condition prior to the coup, recovered for a short time deteriorated further. In March 1981, Galtieri visited the United States and was warmly received, as the Reagan administration viewed the regime as a bulwark against communism. National Security Advisor Richard V. Allen described him as a "majestic general". An adherent to the Argentine military's Cold War-era doctrine of "ideological frontiers", Galtieri secured his country's support for rebel groups opposing the government in Nicaragua, the Contras, his support for this initiative allowed Galtieri to remove a number of rival generals. In December 1981, he rose to the Presidency of Argentina in a coup that ousted General Roberto Viola.
Argentine support became the principal source of funds and training for the Contras during Galtieri's tenure. Galtieri retained direct control of the army whilst President of the governing Military Junta and did not appoint a new commander-in-chief, he appointed publisher Roberto Alemann as Economy Minister. Alemann inherited an economy in deep recession in the aftermath of José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz's economic policies of the late 1970s. Alemann slashed spending, began selling off government-owned industries, enacted a tight monetary policy, ordered salaries frozen; the Central Bank Circular 1050, which tied mortgage rates to the value of the US dollar locally, was maintained, leading to further deepening of the crisis. One of Galtieri's closest allies, the head of the First Army Corps, General Guillermo Suárez Mason, was named Chairman of Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales, at the time the state petroleum concern, the largest company of any type in Argentina. Suárez Mason's turn at YPF would help result in a US$6 billion loss for the company – the largest recorded corporate loss in the world, up to that point.
Galtieri instituted limited political reforms which allowed the expression of dissent, anti-junta demonstrations soon became common, as did agitation for a return to democracy. In April 1982, after Galtieri had been in office for four months and with his popularity low, Argentine forces invaded the defended Falkland Islands, governed by the United Kingdom and subject to a long-standing Argentine territorial claim; the UK and other countries condemned the forcible annexation, while Peru and other Latin American countries supported it. The invasion was enormously popular in Argentina, the anti-junta demonstrations were replaced by patriotic demonstrations in support of Galtieri. On 2 April 1982, the first day of the invasion, a small group gathered in the historic Plaza de Mayo, across from the Casa Rosada, the government site. After a while, Galtieri showed up on one of the balconies and raised his hands to cheer the small group of supporters. A few minutes a siren was heard and many bystanders started to flee in panic, reminiscent of the tough repression that happened just a few days before in the same place on 30 March.
Galtieri and most of his government mistakenly believed the UK would not respond militarily to the island's seizure, that the United States would not interfere because the junta had supported the Central Intelligence Agency in its fight against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, while Galtieri had been warmly welcomed during his visit to Washington, D. C. After diplomatic pressure and negotiations on 3–4 April failed, the British Government led by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher determined to restore the Falkland Islands' sovereignty, it dispatched a seaborne combined army and naval task force to drive the Argentinian forces from the Islands, resulting in the Falklands War. Despite numerical and geo-strategic advantages possessed by Argentina over the United Kingdom's task fo
Torture is the act of deliberately inflicting severe physical or psychological suffering on someone by another as a punishment or in order to fulfill some desire of the torturer or force some action from the victim. Torture, by definition, is a knowing and intentional act. Torture has been carried out or sanctioned by individuals and states throughout history from ancient times to modern day, forms of torture can vary in duration from only a few minutes to several days or longer. Reasons for torture can include punishment, extortion, political re-education, coercion of the victim or a third party, interrogation to extract information or a confession irrespective of whether it is false, or the sadistic gratification of those carrying out or observing the torture. Alternatively, some forms of torture are designed to inflict psychological pain or leave as little physical injury or evidence as possible while achieving the same psychological devastation; the torturer may or may not kill or injure the victim, but torture may result in a deliberate death and serves as a form of capital punishment.
Depending on the aim a form of torture, intentionally fatal may be prolonged to allow the victim to suffer as long as possible. In other cases, the torturer may be indifferent to the condition of the victim. Although torture is sanctioned by some states, it is prohibited under international law and the domestic laws of most countries. Although illegal and reviled, there is an ongoing debate as to what is and is not defined as torture, it is a serious violation of human rights, is declared to be unacceptable by Article 5 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Signatories of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols I and II of 8 June 1977 agree not to torture captured persons in armed conflicts, whether international or internal. Torture is prohibited for the signatories of the United Nations Convention Against Torture, which has 163 state parties. National and international legal prohibitions on torture derive from a consensus that torture and similar ill-treatment are immoral, as well as impractical, information obtained by torture is far less reliable than that obtained by other techniques.
Despite these findings and international conventions, organizations that monitor abuses of human rights report widespread use condoned by states in many regions of the world. Amnesty International estimates that at least 81 world governments practice torture, some of them openly; the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, in force since 26 June 1987, provides a broad definition of torture. Article 1.1 of the UN Convention Against Torture reads: For the purpose of this Convention, the term "torture" means any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him, or a third person, information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.
It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in, or incidental to, lawful sanctions. This definition was restricted to apply only to nations and to government-sponsored torture and limits the torture to that perpetrated, directly or indirectly, by those acting in an official capacity, such as government personnel, law enforcement personnel, medical personnel, military personnel, or politicians, it appears to exclude: torture perpetrated by gangs, hate groups, rebels, or terrorists who ignore national or international mandates. Some professionals in the torture rehabilitation field believe that this definition is too restrictive and that the definition of politically motivated torture should be broadened to include all acts of organized violence. An broader definition was used in the 1975 Declaration of Tokyo regarding the participation of medical professionals in acts of torture: For the purpose of this Declaration, torture is defined as the deliberate, systematic or wanton infliction of physical or mental suffering by one or more persons acting alone or on the orders of any authority, to force another person to yield information, to make a confession, or for any other reason.
This definition includes torture as part of domestic violence or ritualistic abuse, as well as in criminal activities. The Rome Statute is the treaty; the treaty was adopted at a diplomatic conference in Rome on 17 July 1998 and went into effect on 1 July 2002. The Rome Statute provides a simplest definition of torture regarding the prosecution of war criminals by the International Criminal Court. Paragraph 1 under Article 7 of the Rome Statute provides that: "Torture" means the intentional infliction of severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, upon a person in the custody or
History of Bolivia
After the fall of Tiwanaku empire, the many Aymara Lake Titicaca were conquered by the Inca empire. Prior to the Spanish conquest, the Andean province of Qullasuyu was a part of the Inca empire, while the northern and eastern lowlands were inhabited by independent nomadic tribes. Spanish conquistadors, arriving from Cuzco and Asunción took control of the region in the 16th century. During most of the Spanish colonial rule, Bolivia was known as Upper Peru and administered by the Royal Audiencia of Charcas. After the 1st call for independence in 1809, 16 years of war followed before the establishment of the Bolivian Republic, named for the Liberator Simón Bolívar, on August 6, 1825. Since Bolivia has endured regular periods of political and economic instability, including the loss of various provinces to its neighbors, such as Acre, parts of the Gran Chaco and its Pacific coast, making it a land-locked country. Cultures of indigenous peoples in Bolivia developed in the high altitude settings of altiplano with low oxygen levels, poor soils and extreme weather patterns.
The better suited lowlands were sparsely inhabited by hunter-gatherer societies while much of the pre-Columbian population was concentrated in altiplano valleys of Cochabamba and Chuquisaca. Potato was domesticated near Lake Titicaca between 8000 and 5000 BC, quinoa some 3000–4000 years ago and production of copper began in 2000 BC. Llama and vicuña were domesticated and used for transport and clothing. Aymara people arrived in the region some 2000 years ago settling in Western Bolivia, Southern Peru and Northern Chile. Present-day Aymaras associate themselves with the advanced culture of Tiwanaku, which after 600 became an important regional power. According to early estimates, at its maximum extent, the city covered 6.5 square kilometers, had between 15,000 - 30,000 inhabitants. However, satellite imaging was used to map the extent of "flooded-raised fields" across the three primary valleys of Tiwanaku, arriving at population-carrying capacity estimates of anywhere between 285,000 and 1,482,000 people.
William H. Isbell states that "Tiahuanaco underwent a dramatic transformation between AD 600 and 700 that established new monumental standards for civic architecture and increased the resident population." Tiwanaku gained its power through the trade it implemented between all of the cities within its empire. After 950 a dramatic shift in climate occurred and there was a significant drop in precipitation for the Titicaca Basin. Tiwanaku disappeared around AD 1150 because food production collapses and could no longer sustain the large population; the land was not inhabited for many years after that. Between 1438 and 1527 the Inca empire embarked on a mass expansion, acquiring much of what is now western Bolivia under their 9th emperor, Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui, whose reign lasted from 1438 to 1471. Pachacuti Yupanqui was succeeded by his son, Topa Inca Yupanqui whose reign increased the Incan territory and lasted from 1471 to 1493. During the 15th century the Incas conquered the region of Lake Titicaca and western Bolivia became a part of the Inca territory as province of Qullasuyu.
Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, Hernando de Luque led the Spanish discovery and conquest of the Inca empire. They first sailed south in 1524 along the Pacific coast from Panama to confirm the existence of a legendary land of gold called "Biru"; because the expanding Inca Empire was internally weak, the conquest was remarkably easy. After the Inca Emperor Huayna Capac died in 1527, his sons Huascar and Atahualpa fought over the succession. Although Atahualpa defeated his brother, he had not yet consolidated his power when the conquistadors arrived. Atahualpa did not attempt to defeat Pizarro when he arrived on the coast in 1532 because the Incan ruler was convinced that those who commanded the mountains controlled the coast. Atahualpa’s refusal to accept the permanent Spanish presence and to convert to Christianity led to the bloody Battle of Cajamarca on November 16, 1532. Pizarro killed Atahualpa's 12-man honor guard and took the Inca captive at the so-called ransom room. One year the Inca capital of Cuzco fell and was refounded as a new Spanish settlement.
Despite Pizarro's quick victory, Inca rebellions soon began and continued periodically throughout the colonial period. In 1537 Manco Inca, whom the Spanish had established as a puppet emperor, rebelled against the new rulers and restored a "neo-Inca" state; this state continued to challenge Spanish authority after the Spanish suppressed the revolt and beheaded Túpac Amaru in the public square of Cuzco in 1572. Revolts in the Bolivian highlands were organized by the elders of the community and remained local in nature, except for the great rebellion of Túpac Amaru II. During the first two decades of Spanish rule, the settlement of the Bolivian highlands — now known as Upper Peru or Real Audiencia of Charcas — was delayed by a civil war between the forces of Pizarro and Diego de Almagro; the two conquistadors had divided the Incan territory, with the north under the control of Pizarro and the south under that of Almagro. Fighting broke out in 1537. Pizarro defeated and executed Almagro in 1538, but was himself assassinated three years by former supporters of Almagro.
Pizarro's brother Gonzalo assumed control of Upper Peru but soon became embroiled in a rebellion against the Spanish crown. Only with the execution of Gonzalo Pizarro in 1548 did Spanish crown succeed in reasserting its authority; the conquest and colonial rule were traumatic exper
Armed Forces of the Argentine Republic
The Armed Forces of the Argentine Republic, in Spanish: Fuerzas Armadas de la República Argentina, are controlled by the Commander-in-Chief and a civilian Minister of Defense. In addition to the Army and Air Force, there are two security forces, controlled by the Ministry of Security, which can be mobilized in occasion of an armed conflict: the National Gendarmerie, a gendarmerie used to guard borders and places of strategic importance. Traditionally, Argentina maintains close defense cooperation and military-supply relationships with the United States and to a lesser extent, with Israel, Germany, Spain, Belarus and Russia; the Argentine military, as has been the tendency in other Latin American countries, were more influential in former times. Starting in 1930 and throughout the 20th century, democratic governments were more than not interrupted by military coups; the terrible consequences of the last dictatorship destroyed the military image as the moral reserve of the nation and opened the way to transform them into today's armed forces.
After the Revolución Libertadora coup that deposed president Juan Domingo Perón in 1955, the armed forces split into opposing sectors named Azules y colorados. The fight would end in 1963 with military clashes and the defeat of the reds who were opposed to Perón. In 1965, the Argentine military conducted land military maneuvers on Antarctica under then-Colonel Jorge E. Leal. Nicknamed Operación 90, this was undertaken ten years before the Antarctic Treaty came into being and was conducted to cement Argentina's claims to a portion of those territories. In 1975 the armed forces started a massive operation in the Tucumán Province to crush the ERP guevarist guerrilla group which attempted to create a "revolutionary foco in this remote and mountainous province, in the north-west of Argentina." The last military dictatorship, the National Reorganization Process, lasted from 1976 to 1983. As Isabel Perón was unable to defeat the terrorist organizations of Montoneros and ERP, the military took power during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état and exterminated the violent communist guerrillas by random detentions, torture or death.
The current government of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner that sympathizes with Perón, antagonized the Armed Forces with the justification of the past junta and limits the powers of the current armed forced to avoid state terrorism of the past. During much of the 19th and the 20th century, relations between neighbour Chile chilled due to disputes over Patagonia, though in recent years relations have improved dramatically. On 2 April 1982, the Military Junta invaded the British overseas territories of the Falkland Islands and its dependency South Georgia in order to maintain power by diverting public attention from the nation's poor economic performance and exploiting the long-standing feelings of the Argentines towards the islands; such action would bolster its dwindling legitimacy. After short but fierce naval and air battles, the British landed on 21 May, a land campaign followed until the Argentine forces surrendered on 14 June. 649 Argentines and 255 British died during the war. The political effects of the war were strong and prompted larger protests against the dictatorship, which hastened its downfall.
The democratic government of Raúl Alfonsín that took office in 1983 prosecuted the 1970s crimes and made the unprecedented Trial of the Juntas and soon the Army was rocked by uprisings and internal infighting. Far-right sectors of the Army rebelled in the Carapintadas movement. To contain the rebellions, Alfonsín promoted the Law of due obedience; the following president, Carlos Menem, gave the presidential pardon to the military found guilty in the Trial of the Juntas. It would not be until 1990, when the last military uprising in Argentine history was crushed, that the political conflict within the Army subsided. In January 1989, during the subversive attack on La Tablada, the Army used white phosphorus in a violation of the Geneva Convention. Argentina was the only Latin American country to participate in the 1991 Gulf War sending a destroyer and a corvette in first term and a supply ship and another corvette to participate on the United Nations blockade and sea control effort of the gulf.
The success of "Operación Alfil" as it was known, with more than 700 interceptions and 25,000 miles sailed on the operations theatre helped to overcome the so-called "Malvinas syndrome". From 1990 to 1992, the Baradero-class patrol boats were deployed under UN mandate ONUCA to the Gulf of Fonseca in Central America. In 1994, the three Drummond-class corvettes participated on Operation Uphold Democracy in Haiti. In the 1990s, Argentine Armed Forces began a close defense cooperation and friendship policy with neighbors Brazil and Chile, with emphasis on fulfilment of United Nations mandates; the Argentine military have been reduced both in number and budget, but became more professional after conscription was abolished by president Menem. The British embargo due to the Falklands War was eliminated and Argentina was granted Major Non-NATO ally status by United States President Bill Clinton; the modern Argentine Military Forces are committed to international peacekeeping under United Nations mandates, humanitarian aid on emergenci