Tegucigalpa, colloquially referred to as Téguz, is the capital and largest city of Honduras along with its twin sister, Comayagüela. Claimed on 29 September 1578 by the Spaniards, Tegucigalpa became the country's capital on October 30, 1880 under President Marco Aurelio Soto; the current Constitution of Honduras, enacted in 1982, names the sister cities of Tegucigalpa and Comayagüela as a Central District to serve as the permanent national capital, under articles 8 and 295. After a failed attempt to create a Central American republic in 1821, Honduras became an individual sovereign nation. On January 30, 1937, Article 179 of the 1936 Honduran Constitution was changed under Decree 53 to establish Tegucigalpa and Comayagüela as a Central District. Tegucigalpa is located in the southern-central highland region known as the department of Francisco Morazán of which it is the departmental capital, it is situated in a valley, surrounded by mountains. Tegucigalpa and Comayagüela, being sister cities, are physically separated by the Choluteca River.
The Central District is the largest of the 28 municipalities in the Francisco Morazán department. Tegucigalpa is Honduras' largest and most populous city as well as the nation's political and administrative center. Tegucigalpa is host to 16 consulates, it is the home base of several state-owned entities such as ENEE and Hondutel, the national energy and telecommunications companies, respectively. The city is home to the country's most important public university, the National Autonomous University of Honduras, as well as the national soccer team; the capital's international airport, Toncontín, is known for its short runway and the unusual maneuvers pilots must undertake upon landing or taking off to avoid the nearby mountains. The Central District Mayor's Office is the city's governing body, headed by a mayor and 10 aldermen forming the Municipal Corporation. Being the department's seat as well, the governor's office of Francisco Morazán is located in the capital. In 2008, the city operated on an approved budget of 1.555 billion lempiras.
In 2009, the city government reported a revenue of 1.955 billion lempiras, more than any other capital city in Central America except Panama City. Tegucigalpa's infrastructure has not kept up with its population growth. Deficient urban planning, densely condensed urbanization, poverty are ongoing problems. Congested roadways where current road infrastructure is unable to efficiently handle over 400,000 vehicles create havoc on a daily basis. Both current national and local governments have taken steps to improve and expand infrastructure as well as to reduce poverty in the city. Most sources indicate the origin and meaning of the word Tegucigalpa is derived from the Nahuatl language; the most accepted version suggests that it comes from the Nahuatl word Taguz-galpa, which means "hills of silver", but this interpretation is uncertain since the natives who occupied the region at time were unaware of the existence of mineral deposits in the area. Another source suggests that Tegucigalpa derives from another language in which it means painted rocks, as explained by Leticia Oyuela in her book Minimum History of Tegucigalpa.
Other theories indicate it may derive from the term Togogalpa, which refers to tototi and Toncontín, a small town near Tegucigalpa. In Mexico, it is believed the word Tegucigalpa is from the Nahuatl word Tecuztlicallipan, meaning "place of residence of the noble" or Tecuhtzincalpan, meaning "place on the home of the beloved master". Honduran philologist Alberto de Jesús Membreño, in his book Indigenous Toponymies of Central America, states that Tegucigalpa is a Nahuatl word meaning "in the homes of the sharp stones" and rules out the traditional meaning "hills of silver" arguing that Taguzgalpa was the name of the ancient eastern zone of Honduras. Tegucigalpa was founded by Spanish settlers as Real de Minas de San Miguel de Tegucigalpa on September 29, 1578 on the site of an existing native settlement of the Pech and the Twahkas; the first mayor of Tegucigalpa was Juan de la Cueva, who took office in 1579. The Dolores Church, the San Miguel Cathedral, the Casa de la Moneda, the Immaculate Conception Church were some of the first important buildings constructed.
200 years on June 10, 1762, this mining town became Real Villa de San Miguel de Tegucigalpa y Heredia under the rule of Alonso Fernández de Heredia, then-acting governor of Honduras. The late 18th and early 19th centuries saw disruption in Tegucigalpa's local government, from being extinguished in 1788 to becoming part of Comayagua in 1791 to returning to self-city governance in 1817. In 1817, then-mayor Narciso Mallol started the construction of the first bridge, a ten-arch masonry, connecting both sides of the Choluteca River. Upon completion four years it linked Tegucigalpa with her neighbor city of Comayagüela. In 1821, Tegucigalpa became a city. In 1824, the first Congress of the Republic of Honduras declared Tegucigalpa and Comayagua the two most important cities in the country, to alternate as capital of the country. After October 1838, following Honduras' independence as a single republic, the capital continued to switch back and forth between Tegucigalpa and Comayagua until October 30, 1880, when Tegucigalpa was declared the permanent capital of Honduras by then-president Marco Aurelio Soto.
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Jinotega is a department of Nicaragua. Its departmental head is Jinotega, it is located on the border with Honduras. The Department of Jinotega has a population of 452,973 inhabitants in 2017 and an area of 9,222.40 km². It is one of the 15 most extensive departments in the country. Founded on October 15, 1891; the city of Jinotega "Las Brumas" is the departmental capital of the homonymous department with an urban population of 53 265 inhabitants in the year 2017. It is located in a valley at an altitude of 1,003.87 meters above sea level with a cool climate at an average temperature of 25 ° C and a distance of 142 km from Managua. Source: National Institute for Development Information - Nicaragua. Statistical Yearbook 2016 - 18 The department generates its own power through Lake Apanás Dam, a tourist attraction. Isabelia Mountain Range contains several cloud forests peaks and massifs such as Chimborazo, Datanlí Diablo with "la Bujona" waterfall. Penas Blancas Massif containing several water drops, Bosawás Biosphere Reserve, the largest biosphere reserve in Central America with about 22,000 sq km.
There are various restaurants and markets throughout the department of Jinotega, that serve various fruits, vegetables and drinks. The city of Jinotega is in the vicinity of the artificial Lake Apanas; the town of San Rafael del Norte located about 20 minutes north of Jinotega City, was General Sandino's Headquarters against US Marine's forced occupation of Nicaragua in the late 1920's and early 1930's. San Rafael has a nice neoclassical parrish church across the leafy Main Square, a small museum dedicated to Sandino and his wife Blanca Arauz. Museo Municipal, on north side of Central Plaza: it covers archeology and antiques displays. Biblioteca Municipal: within the same premises as the museum. San Juan Bautista Cathedral, on the city's Main Avenue has remarkable neoclassical interiors, a beautiful wooden retable and pulpit, delicate statuary and great views from the bell towers. Church of Our Lady of Angels, near La Salle College. Otto Casco Park: with a basketball court, near the bus station to Managua, Victoria Motta Hospital.
Central Park: a tree covered square with a fountain, a central gazebo for Christmas displays, skateboard tracks, wifi connection. Surrounding the park are San Juan Cathedral, the Mayor's Office, the City Museum, the Public Library, the Social Club, UNAN, several hotels, restaurants. Travel up the steps to the top of "Peña de la Cruz", the path of many pilgrims to fulfill promises to la Santa Cruz. Town of La Concordia, birthplace of General Benjamin Zeledon. Town of San Rafael del Norte, where General Augusto C. Sandino married telegraph operator Blanca Aráuz. Tepeyac Shrine in San Rafael del Norte, where "the Servant of God" Fray Odorico D'Andrea carried out several pastoral works and town improvements. Canopy tours of "La Brellera" on the outskirts of San Rafael del Norte, experiencing the sensation of "flying" on the trees. Visits to "El Jaguar" Nature Reserve. Tours of "Datanlí - El Diablo" Natural Reserve to enjoy its cloud forests and "La Bujona" waterfall while guided by locals and sharing daily activities.
Lodging at "La Bastille" Ecolodge. Farm holidays in Santa María de Pantasma. Ecotours at "La Fundadora" and "Vida Joven" farms located on the Jinotega - Matagalpa road. Natural and cultural experience. Visits to Bosawás, declared by UNESCO a Biosphere Reserve, to "Peñas Blancas" Massif known for its white cliffs and sharp water drops among misty cloud forests. Nature tours among coffee fields in Mount Kilambé Nature Reserve, near the town of Wiwilí, "Santa Maura" farm to learn about the cultivation of this grain called the "green gold". Visits to Volcan "Yalí" Nature Reserve. Adventure tourism on Lake Apanás where sport fishing activities and rowing boat competitions take place; this lake is a habitat for a great variety of lake fauna. El Cuá Jinotega La Concordia San José de Bocay San Rafael del Norte San Sebastián de Yalí Santa María de Pantasma Wiwilí de Jinotega Portal del Norte de Nicaragua Noticias del Norte de Nicaragua Historia de Jinotega Portal del Norte de Nicaragua Avodec.org Noticias del Norte de Nicaragua Información de los municipios del departamento de Jinotega La Cuculmeca Radio Estereo Libre Solingen - Jinotega Outreach 360 Mision para Cristo Jinotega Eco albergue La Fundadora Jinotega
Catarina is a municipality in the Masaya department of Nicaragua with 4,500 inhabitants
Rebellion, uprising, or insurrection is a refusal of obedience or order. It refers to the open resistance against the orders of an established authority; the term comes from the Latin verb rebellō, "I renew war" (from re- + bellō. The rebel is the individual that partakes in rebellion or rebellious activities when armed. Thus, the term rebellion refers to the ensemble of rebels in a state of revolt. A rebellion originates from a sentiment of indignation and disapproval of a situation and manifests itself by the refusal to submit or to obey the authority responsible for this situation. Rebellion can be individual or collective, peaceful or violent In political terms and revolt are distinguished by their different aims. If rebellion seeks to evade and/or gain concessions from an oppressive power, a revolt seeks to overthrow and destroy that power, as well as its accompanying laws; the goal of rebellion is resistance. As power shifts relative to the external adversary, or power shifts within a mixed coalition, or positions harden or soften on either side, an insurrection may seesaw between the two forms.
The following theories broadly build on the Marxist interpretation of rebellion. They explore the causes of rebellion from a wide lens perspective. Rebellion is studied, in Theda Skocpol's words, by analyzing "objective relationships and conflicts among variously situated groups and nations, rather than the interests, outlooks, or ideologies of particular actors in revolutions". Karl Marx's analysis of revolutions sees such expression of political violence not as anomic, episodic outbursts of discontents but rather the symptomatic expression of a particular set of objective but fundamentally contradicting class-based relations of power. Indeed, the central tenet of Marxist philosophy, as expressed in Capital, is the analysis of society's mode of production concomitant with the ownership of productive institutions and the division of profit. Marx writes about "the hidden structure of society" that must be elucidated through an examination of "the direct relationship of the owners of the conditions of production to the direct producers".
The mismatch, between one mode of production, between the social forces and the social ownership of the production, is at the origin of the revolution. The inner imbalance within these modes of production is derived from the conflicting modes of organization, such as capitalism within feudalism, or more appropriately socialism within capitalism; the dynamics engineered by these class frictions help class consciousness root itself in the collective imaginary. For example, the development of the bourgeoisie class went from oppressed merchant class to urban independence gaining enough power to represent the state as a whole. Social movements, are determined by an exogenous set of circumstances; the proletariat must according to Marx, go through the same process of self-determination which can only be achieved by friction against the bourgeoisie. In Marx's theory revolutions are the "locomotives of history", it is because rebellion has for ultimate goal to overthrow the ruling class and its antiquated mode of production.
Rebellion attempts to replace it with a new system of political economy, one, better suited to the new ruling class, thus enabling societal progress. The cycle of rebellion, replaces one mode of production by another through the constant class friction. In his book Why Men Rebel, Ted Gurr looks at the roots of political violence itself applied to a rebellion framework, he defines political violence as: "all collective attacks within a political community against the political regime, its actors or its policies. The concept represents a set of events, a common property of, the actual or threatened use of violence". Gurr sees in violence a voice of anger. More individuals become angry when they feel what Gurr labels as relative deprivation, meaning the feeling of getting less than one is entitled to, he labels it formally as the "perceived discrepancy between value expectations and value capabilities". Gurr differentiates between three types of relative deprivation: Decremental deprivation: one's capacities' decrease when expectations remain high.
One example of this is the proliferation and thus depreciation of the value of higher education. Aspirational Deprivation: one's capacities stay the same when expectations rise. An example would be a first generation college student lacking the contacts and network to obtain a higher paying job while watching her better-prepared colleagues bypass her. Progressive deprivation: expectation and capabilities increase but the former cannot keep up. A good example would be an automotive worker being marginalized by the automatisation of the assembly line. Anger is thus comparative. One of his key insight is that "The potential for collective violence varies with the intensity and scope of relative deprivation among members of a collectivity"; this means that different individuals within society will have different propensities to rebel based on their particular internalization of their situation. As such, Gurr differentiates between three types of political violence: Turmoil when only the mass population encounters relative deprivation.
In this case, the degree of organization is much higher than turmoil, the revolution is intrinsically spread to all sections of society, unlike the conspi
A soldier is one who fights as part of an army. A soldier can be a conscripted or volunteer enlisted person, a non-commissioned officer, or an officer; the word soldier derives from the Middle English word soudeour, from Old French soudeer or soudeour, meaning mercenary, from soudee, meaning shilling's worth or wage, from sou or soud, shilling. The word is related to the Medieval Latin soldarius, meaning soldier; these words derive from the Late Latin word solidus, referring to an Ancient Roman coin used in the Byzantine Empire. In most armies use of the word "soldier" has taken on a more general meaning due to the increasing specialization of military occupations that require different areas of knowledge and skill-sets; as a result, "soldiers" are referred to by names or ranks which reflect an individual's military occupation specialty arm, service, or branch of military employment, their type of unit, or operational employment or technical use such as: trooper, commando, infantryman, paratrooper, ranger, engineer, craftsman, medic, or a gunner.
In many countries soldiers serving in specific occupations are referred to by terms other than their occupational name. For example, military police personnel in the British Army are known as "red caps" because of the colour of their caps. Infantry are sometimes called "grunts" or "squaddies", while U. S. Army artillery crews, or "gunners," are sometimes referred to as "redlegs", from the service branch color for artillery. U. S. soldiers are called "G. I.s". French Marine Infantry are called marsouins because of their amphibious role. Military units in most armies have nicknames of this type, arising either from items of distinctive uniform, some historical connotation or rivalry between branches or regiments; some soldiers, such as conscripts or draftees, serve a single limited term. Others choose to serve until retirement. In the United States, military members can retire after 20 years. In other countries, the term of service is 30 years, hence the term "30-year man". According to the United Nations, 10-30% of all soldiers worldwide are women.
Airman Marine Sailor Media related to Soldier at Wikimedia Commons
Battle of Coyotepe Hill
The Battle of Coyotepe Hill was a significant engagement during the United States occupation of Nicaragua from August through November 1912 during the insurrection staged by Minister of War General Luis Mena against the government of President Adolfo Díaz. Coyotepe is an old fortress located on a 500-foot hill overlooking the strategic railroad line near Masaya halfway between Managua and Granada, Nicaragua. On the 2 to 4 October 1912, a Nicaraguan rebel force led by General Benjamín Zeledón occupying Coyotepe and another hill, Barranca fort, overlooking the strategic rail line, refused to surrender to government troops under President Adolfo Díaz. U. S. Marine Major Smedley Butler's marine battalion, that Zeledón's rebels had skirmished with on the 19 September returned from its capture of Granada, Nicaragua on the 3 October and shelled the rebel stronghold on Coyotepe. During pre-dawn hours on the 4 October Butler's battalion, in concert with two marine battalions and one from the USS California led by marine Colonel Joseph H. Pendleton converged from different positions to storm the hill and capture it.
Zeledón was killed during the battle by his own men. With the capture of León, Nicaragua two days by U. S. Marines and the recapture of Masaya by Nicaraguan government troops, the Nicaraguan revolution of 1912 was over. Battle of Fort Dipitie
Emiliano Chamorro Vargas
Emiliano Chamorro Vargas was the President of Nicaragua from 1 January 1917 to 1 January 1921 and again from 14 March 1926 to 11 November 1926. He was the son of Salvador Chamorro Oreamuno and wife Gregoria Vargas Báez, paternal grandson of Dionisio Chamorro Alfaro and wife Mercedes Oreamuno... grand-nephew of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Alfaro, 39th President of Nicaragua, Fernando Chamorro Alfaro and half-grand-nephew of Fruto Chamorro Pérez, 30th and 31st President of Nicaragua. Chamorro's first foray into politics came in 1893, when he participated in the failed revolution to topple President José Santos Zelaya; when Zelaya was removed in a 1909 coup led by Juan José Estrada, Chamorro became Chairman of the Constituent Assembly and leader of the country's Conservative Party. In reward for his assistance in defeating the revolt against President Adolfo Díaz, Chamorro was appointed Nicaragua's Minister to the United States. In 1914, he negotiated the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty with the United States, by which Nicaragua agreed to allow the construction of a canal across the country, linking the Caribbean with the Pacific Ocean.
He returned to Nicaragua in 1916, was elected president. His Conservative Party received United States assistance in attaining power, Chamorro partnered with the U. S. During his term in office he made a concentrated effort to pay off the country's creditors. Running again for office in 1923, he was defeated by Carlos José Solórzano. In 1926, he led a successful coup to overthrow Solórzano, but his new government failed to win American support, faced a civil war, he resigned in favor of Adolfo Díaz. In the following years, Chamorro served as Nicaragua's minister to several European states. Opposed to the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza García, he reached a compromise in 1950, whereby the Conservative Party was granted a number of seats in the Congress. This, cost him the support of many radical members of the Conservative Party; the portrait of President Emiliano Chamoro Vargas appears in the novel "Spalovač mrtvol", written by Czech novelist Ladislav Fuks and published in 1967, in the film adaptation Spalovač mrtvol, directed by Juraj Herz and released in 1969.
Emiliano Chamorro Vargas