Politics refers to a set of activities associated with the governance of a country, or an area. It involves making decisions, it refers to achieving and exercising positions of governance—organized control over a human community a state. The academic study focusing on just politics, therefore more targeted than general political science, is sometimes referred to as politology. In modern nation-states, people have formed political parties to represent their ideas, they agree to take the same position on many issues and agree to support the same changes to law and the same leaders. An election is a competition between different parties; some examples of political parties worldwide are: the African National Congress in South Africa, the Conservative in the United Kingdom, the Christian Democratic Union in Germany and the Indian National Congress in India. Politics is a multifaceted word, it has a set of specific meanings that are descriptive and nonjudgmental, but does colloquially carry a negative connotation.
The word has been used negatively for many years: the British national anthem as published in 1745 calls on God to "Confound their politics", the phrase "play politics", for example, has been in use since at least 1853, when abolitionist Wendell Phillips declared: "We do not play politics. Politics is exercised on a wide range of social levels, from clans and tribes of traditional societies, through modern local governments and institutions up to sovereign states, to the international level. A political system is a framework; the history of political thought can be traced back to early antiquity, with seminal works such as Plato's Republic, Aristotle's Politics and the works of Confucius. The word comes from the same Greek word from which the title of Aristotle's book Politics derives; the book title was rendered in Early Modern English in the mid-15th century as "Polettiques". The singular politic first attested in English 1430 and comes from Middle French politique, in turn from Latin politicus, the Latinization of the Greek πολιτικός, meaning amongst others "of, for, or relating to citizens", "civil", "civic", "belonging to the state", in turn from πολίτης, "citizen" and that from πόλις, "city".
Formal politics refers to the operation of a constitutional system of government and publicly defined institutions and procedures. Political parties, public policy or discussions about war and foreign affairs would fall under the category of Formal Politics. Many people view formal politics as something outside of themselves, but that can still affect their daily lives. Semi-formal politics is politics in government associations such as neighborhood associations, or student governments where student government political party politics is important. Informal politics is understood as forming alliances, exercising power and protecting and advancing particular ideas or goals; this includes anything affecting one's daily life, such as the way an office or household is managed, or how one person or group exercises influence over another. Informal Politics is understood as everyday politics, hence the idea that "politics is everywhere"; the history of politics is reflected in the origin and economics of the institutions of government.
The origin of the state is to be found in the development of the art of warfare. Speaking, all political communities of the modern type owe their existence to successful warfare. Kings and other types of monarchs in many countries including China and Japan, were considered divine. Of the institutions that ruled states, that of kingship stood at the forefront until the American Revolution put an end to the "divine right of kings"; the monarchy is among the longest-lasting political institutions, dating as early as 2100 BC in Sumeria to the 21st century AD British Monarchy. Kingship becomes an institution through the institution of hereditary monarchy; the king even in absolute monarchies, ruled his kingdom with the aid of an elite group of advisors, a council without which he could not maintain power. As these advisors and others outside the monarchy negotiated for power, constitutional monarchies emerged, which may be considered the germ of constitutional government; the greatest of the king's subordinates, the earls and dukes in England and Scotland, the dukes and counts in the Continent, always sat as a right on the council.
A conqueror wages war upon the vanquished for vengeance or for plunder but an established kingdom exacts tribute. One of the functions of the council is to keep the coffers of the king full. Another is the satisfaction of military service and the establishment of lordships by the king to satisfy the task of collecting taxes and soldiers. There are many forms of political organization, including states, non-government organizations and international organizations such as the United Nations. States are the predominant institutional form of political governance, where a state is understood as an institution and a government is understood as the regime in power. According
History of Brazil
The history of Brazil starts with indigenous people in Brazil. Europeans arrived in Brazil at the opening of the 16th century; the first European to colonize what is now the Federative Republic of Brazil on the continent of South America was Pedro Álvares Cabral on April 22, 1500 under the sponsorship of the Kingdom of Portugal. From the 16th to the early 19th century, Brazil was a part of the Portuguese Empire; the country expanded south along the coast and west along the Amazon and other inland rivers from the original 15 donatary captaincy colonies established on the northeast Atlantic coast east of the Tordesillas Line of 1494 that divided the Portuguese domain to the east from the Spanish domain to the west. The country's borders were only finalized in the early 20th century. On September 7, 1822, the country declared its independence from Portugal and it became the Empire of Brazil. A military coup in 1889 established the First Brazilian Republic; the country has seen two dictatorship periods: the first during Vargas Era and the second during the military rule under Brazilian military government.
When Portuguese explorers arrived in Brazil, the region was inhabited by hundreds of different types of Jiquabu tribes, "the earliest going back at least 10,000 years in the highlands of Minas Gerais". The dating of the origins of the first inhabitants, who were called "Indians" by the Portuguese, is still a matter of dispute among archaeologists; the earliest pottery found in the Western Hemisphere, radiocarbon-dated 8,000 years old, has been excavated in the Amazon basin of Brazil, near Santarém, providing evidence to overturn the assumption that the tropical forest region was too poor in resources to have supported a complex prehistoric culture". The current most accepted view of anthropologists and geneticists is that the early tribes were part of the first wave of migrant hunters who came into the Americas from Asia, either by land, across the Bering Strait, or by coastal sea routes along the Pacific, or both; the Andes and the mountain ranges of northern South America created a rather sharp cultural boundary between the settled agrarian civilizations of the west coast and the semi-nomadic tribes of the east, who never developed written records or permanent monumental architecture.
For this reason little is known about the history of Brazil before 1500. Archaeological remains indicate a complex pattern of regional cultural developments, internal migrations, occasional large state-like federations. At the time of European discovery, the territory of current day Brazil had as many as 2,000 tribes; the indigenous peoples were traditionally semi-nomadic tribes who subsisted on hunting, fishing and migrant agriculture. When the Portuguese arrived in 1500, the Natives were living on the coast and along the banks of major rivers. Tribal warfare and the pursuit of brazilwood for its treasured red dye convinced the Portuguese that they should Christianize the natives, but the Portuguese, like the Spanish in their South American possessions, had brought diseases with them, against which many Natives were helpless due to lack of immunity. Measles, tuberculosis and influenza killed tens of thousands of indigenous people; the diseases spread along the indigenous trade routes, whole tribes were annihilated without coming in direct contact with Europeans.
Marajoara culture flourished on Marajó island at the mouth of the Amazon River. Archeologists have found sophisticated pottery in their excavations on the island; these pieces are large, elaborately painted and incised with representations of plants and animals. These provided the first evidence that a complex society had existed on Marajó. Evidence of mound building further suggests that well-populated and sophisticated settlements developed on this island, as only such settlements were believed capable of such extended projects as major earthworks; the extent, level of complexity, resource interactions of the Marajoara culture have been disputed. Working in the 1950s in some of her earliest research, American Betty Meggers suggested that the society migrated from the Andes and settled on the island. Many researchers believed that the Andes were populated by Paleoindian migrants from North America who moved south after being hunters on the plains. In the 1980s, another American archeologist, Anna Curtenius Roosevelt, led excavations and geophysical surveys of the mound Teso dos Bichos.
She concluded. The pre-Columbian culture of Marajó may have developed social stratification and supported a population as large as 100,000 people; the Native Americans of the Amazon rainforest may have used their method of developing and working in Terra preta to make the land suitable for the large-scale agriculture needed to support large populations and complex social formations such as chiefdoms. There are many theories regarding, the first European to set foot on the land now called Brazil. Besides the accepted view of Cabral's discovery, some say that it was Duarte Pacheco Pereira between November and December 1498 and some others say that it was first encountered by Vicente Yáñez Pinzón, a Spanish navigator who had accompanied Colombus in his first voyage of discovery to the Americas, having arrived in today's Pernambuco region on 26 January 1500 but was unable to claim the land because of the Treaty of Tordesillas. In April 1500, Brazil was claimed for Portugal on the arrival of the Portuguese fleet commanded by Pedro Álvares Cabral.
The Portuguese encountered stone-using natives d
Paulo Evaristo Arns
Paulo Evaristo Arns OFM was a Brazilian prelate of the Roman Catholic Church, made a Cardinal and the Archbishop of São Paulo by Pope Paul VI, became Cardinal Protopriest of the Roman Catholic Church. His ministry began with a quiet twenty-year academic career, but when charged with responsibility for the Sao Paulo Archdiocese he proved a relentless opponent of Brazil's military dictatorship and its use of torture as well as an advocate for the poor and a vocal defender of liberation theology. In his years he criticized the way Pope John Paul II governed the Catholic Church through the Roman Curia and questioned his teaching on priestly celibacy and other issues. Paulo Arns was born as the fifth of thirteen children of the German immigrants Gabriel and Helana Arns. Three of his sisters would become nuns and one of his brothers a Franciscan. One of his sisters, Zilda Arns, a pediatrician who founded the Brazilian bishops' children's commission, was killed in the 2010 Haiti earthquake. On 10 December 1943, Arns joined the Franciscans.
From 1941 to 1943 Arns studied philosophy in Curitiba and theology from 1944 to 1947 in Petrópolis. He attended the Sorbonne in Paris studying literature, Greek, Syriac at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, ancient history, he graduated with a doctorate in classical languages in 1946. Arns returned to the Sorbonne to study for a Doctor of Letters which he obtained in 1950, writing a dissertation titled "La technique du livre d'après Saint Jérome". Arns fulfilled a series of academic assignments in Brazil, he taught at the seminary of Agudos in São Paulo. He lectured as a member of the faculty of Philosophy and Letters of Bauru, had responsibilities at a number of other institutions of higher education faculty positions, became a professor at the Catholic University of Petrópolis. Arns was elected vice-provincial of the province of the Immaculate Conception of the Friars Minor, he was the director of the monthly review for religious Sponsa Christi. Pope Paul VI named Arns titular bishop of Respecta and auxiliary bishop of São Paulo on 2 May 1966.
He was consecrated on 3 July 1966 by Cardinal Agnelo Rossi. The same pope appointed him Archbishop of São Paulo on 22 October 1970 and he was installed on 1 November. In 1973 he sold a mansion standing in its own park. Two things horrified him: the massive electricity bills and the staff of 25 sisters and brothers assigned to look after his needs, he used the money from the sale to build a social station in the favelas. He remained Archbishop of São Paulo for 28 years and managed an expansion of the church's presence and outreach by creating 43 parishes and more than 1,200 community centers, he promoted the organization of more than 2000 basic ecclesial communities. He developed AIDS education ministries for homeless children and prisoners. With his sister Dr. Zilda, he founded Pastoral da Criança, an organ for social action of the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil. In the consistory of 5 March 1973, Pope Paul VI made him Cardinal-Priest of Sant'Antonio da Padova in Via Tuscolana, he participated as a cardinal-elector in the two conclaves of 1978 that elected Popes John Paul I and John Paul II.
From 1983 to 1991 he served as secretary to the Synod of Bishops, but only in 2005 did he speak publicly of his experience: "I had responsibility for recording the conclusions of one synod and drafting the documents in preparation for the next. Nothing of what we prepared was taken into consideration. Competent people carried out the whole process, but the texts were never used.... The conclusions were formulated in such a way that they no longer reflected what had been said in the discussions."In the mid-1980s, Arns' programs for the development of priestly vocations came under fire from Vatican authorities that suspected its ties to liberation theology. The seminarians lived in eleven small communities of seven or eight and each group was tied to a base community; the seminaries held secular jobs in order to provide support to their families during their priestly formation. Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, head of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, appointed Cardinal Joseph Höffner of Cologne, whose politics were so conservative he considered democratic socialism "unacceptably Marxist", to conduct an investigation.
In Brazil he praised the São Paulo program, but submitted a negative report to the CDF. In 1989, Arns sent a letter to Fidel Castro on the 30th anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, he praised Cuba's record on social justice and wrote that "Christian faith discovers in the achievements of the revolution signs of the kingdom of God.... You are present daily in my prayers, I ask the Father that he always concede you the grace of guiding the destinies of your country." Political and theological conservatives, including Cardinal Eugenio Sales of Rio de Janeiro, protested what they interpreted as support for Castro's continued rule. Leonardo Boff, the foremost figure in the liberation theology movement, defended Arns, saying: "Cuba carried out a revolution against hunger by ending prostitution and misery. Dom Paulo is not a socialist, but a man of the poor and the oppressed." Arns said that he opposed dictatorship. Before Paul VI died in 1978, Arns worked with him on a plan for the division of the Archdiocese of São Paulo.
It would have established subordinate dioceses under independent bishops who would share financial and institutional resources and a common pastoral plan with each other and the archdioces
Presbyterian polity is a method of church governance typified by the rule of assemblies of presbyters, or elders. Each local church is governed by a body of elected elders called the session or consistory, though other terms, such as church board, may apply. Groups of local churches are governed by a higher assembly of elders known as the presbytery or classis. Responsibility for conduct of church services is reserved to an ordained minister or pastor known as a teaching elder, or a minister of the word and sacrament. Presbyterian polity was developed as a rejection of governance by hierarchies of single bishops, but differs from the congregationalist polity in which each congregation is independent. In contrast to the other two forms, authority in the presbyterian polity flows both from the top down and from the bottom up; this theory of governance developed in Geneva under John Calvin and was introduced to Scotland by John Knox after his period of exile in Geneva. It is associated with French, Dutch and Scottish Reformation movements, the Reformed and Presbyterian churches.
Among the early church fathers, it was noted that the offices of elder and bishop were identical, were not differentiated until and that plurality of elders was the norm for church government. St. Jerome "In Epistle Titus", vol. iv, said, "Elder is identical with bishop. After it was... decreed throughout the world that one chosen from among the presbyters should be placed over the others." This observation was made by Chrysostom in "Homilia i, in Phil. I, 1" and Theodoret in "Interpret ad. Phil. Iii", 445. Presbyterianism was first described in detail by Martin Bucer of Strasbourg, who believed that the early Christian church implemented presbyterian polity; the first modern implementation was by the Geneva church under the leadership of John Calvin in 1541. Presbyterian polity is constructed on specific assumptions about the form of the government intended by the Bible: "Bishop" and "elder" are synonymous terms. Episcopos means overseer and describes the function of the elder, rather than the maturity of the officer.
A bishop holds the highest office of the church. Preaching and the administration of the sacraments is ordinarily entrusted to specially trained elders in each local congregation, approved for these tasks by a governing presbytery, or classis, called by the local congregation. In addition to these ministers, there are "others … with gifts for government … call "elders" or "ruling elders". Pastoral care, church discipline and legislation are committed to the care of ruling assemblies of presbyters among whom the ministers and "ruling elders" are equal participants. All Christian people together are the priesthood, on behalf of whom the elders are called to serve by the consent of the congregation. Presbyterianism uses a conciliar method of church government. Thus, the presbyters and "elders" govern together as a group, at all times the office is for the service of the congregation, to pray for them and to encourage them in the faith; the elders together exercise oversight over the local congregation, with superior groups of elders gathered on a regional basis exercising wider oversight.
Presbyterians have viewed this method of government as approximating that of the New Testament and earliest churches. However, sometimes it is admitted that episcopacy was a form of government, used early in the church for practical reasons. Presbyterianism is distinct from congregationalism, in that individual congregations are not independent, but are answerable to the wider church, through its governing bodies. Moreover, the ordained ministry possesses a distinct responsibility for preaching and sacraments. Congregational churches are sometimes called "Presbyterian" if they are governed by a council of elders. Thus, these are ruled by elders only at the level of the congregations, which are united with one another by covenants of trust. There are two types of elder. An excerpt from Miller expands this. In every Church organized, that is, furnished with all the officers which Christ has instituted and which are necessary for carrying into full effect the laws of his kingdom, there ought to be three classes of officers, viz: at least one Teaching Elder, Bishop, or Pastor — a bench of Ruling Elders — and Deacons.
The first to "minister in the Word a
Military dictatorship in Brazil
The Brazilian military government was the authoritarian military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from April 1, 1964 to March 15, 1985. It began with the 1964 coup d'état led by the Armed Forces against the administration of President João Goulart—who, having been vice-president, had assumed the office of president upon the resignation of the democratically elected president Jânio Quadros—and ended when José Sarney took office on March 15, 1985 as President; the military revolt was fomented by Magalhães Pinto, Adhemar de Barros, Carlos Lacerda, governors of Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Guanabara. The coup was supported by the State Department of the United States through its embassy; the military dictatorship lasted for twenty-one years. The regime adopted nationalism, economic development, anti-communism as its guidelines; the dictatorship reached the height of its popularity in the 1970s with the so-called "Brazilian Miracle" as the regime censored all media, tortured and exiled dissidents. João Figueiredo became President in March 1979.
While combating the "hardline" members of the regime and supporting a re-democratization policy, he couldn't control the crumbling economy, chronic inflation and concurrent fall of other military dictatorships in South America. Amid massive popular demonstrations in the streets of the main cities of the country, the first free elections in 20 years were held for the national legislature in 1982. In 1985, another election was held, this time to elect a new president, being contested between civilian candidates for the first time since the 1960s, won by the opposition. In 1988, a new Constitution was passed and Brazil returned to democracy. Since the military has remained under the control of civilian politicians, with no official role in domestic politics. Brazil's military regime provided a model for other military regimes and dictatorships around Latin America, systematizing the “Doctrine of National Security”, which "justified" the military's actions as operating in the interest of national security in a time of crisis, creating an intellectual basis upon which other military regimes relied.
In 2014, nearly 30 years after the regime collapsed, the Brazilian military recognized for the first time the excesses committed by its agents during the years of the dictatorship, including the torture and murder of political dissidents. In May 2018, the United States government released a memorandum, written by Henry Kissinger, dating back to April 1974, confirming that the leadership of the Brazilian military regime was aware of the killing of dissidents, it is estimated that 434 people were either confirmed killed or went missing during the military dictatorship in Brazil. While some human rights activists and others assert that the true figure could be much higher, the armed forces have always disputed this. Brazil's political crisis stemmed from the way in which the political tensions had been controlled in the 1930s and 1940s during the Vargas Era. Vargas' dictatorship and the presidencies of his democratic successors marked different stages of Brazilian populism, an era of economic nationalism, state-guided modernization, import substitution trade policies.
Vargas' policies were intended to foster an autonomous capitalist development in Brazil, by linking industrialization to nationalism, a formula based on a strategy of reconciling the conflicting interests of the middle class, foreign capital, the working class, the landed oligarchy. This was the epic of the rise and fall of Brazilian populism from 1930 to 1964: Brazil witnessed over the course of this time period the change from export-orientation of the First Brazilian Republic to the import substitution of the populist era and to a moderate structuralism of 1964–80; each of these structural changes forced a realignment in society and caused a period of political crisis. Period of right-wing military dictatorship marked the transition between populist era and the current period of democratization; the Brazilian Armed Forces acquired great political clout after the Paraguayan War. The politicization of the Armed Forces was evidenced by the Proclamation of the Republic, which overthrew the Empire, or within Tenentismo and the Revolution of 1930.
Tensions escalated again in the 1950s, as important military circles joined the elite, medium classes and right-wing activists in attempts to stop Presidents Juscelino Kubitschek and João Goulart from taking office, due to their supposed support for Communist ideology. While Kubitschek proved to be friendly to capitalist institutions, Goulart promised far-reaching reforms, expropriated business interests and promoted economical-political neutrality with the USA. After Goulart assumed power in 1961, society became polarized, with the elites fearing that Brazil would become another Cuba and join Communist Bloc, while many thought that the reforms would boost the growth of Brazil and end its economical subservience with the US, or that Goulart could be used to increase the popularity of the Communist agenda. Influential politicians, such as Carlos Lacerda and Kubitschek, media moguls, the Church, l
Chicago school of economics
The Chicago school of economics is a neoclassical school of economic thought associated with the work of the faculty at the University of Chicago, some of whom have constructed and popularized its principles. In the context of macroeconomics, it is connected to the "freshwater school" of macroeconomics, in contrast to the saltwater school based in coastal universities. Chicago macroeconomic theory rejected Keynesianism in favor of monetarism until the mid-1970s, when it turned to new classical macroeconomics based on the concept of rational expectations; the freshwater-saltwater distinction is antiquated today, as the two traditions have incorporated ideas from each other. New Keynesian economics was developed as a response to new classical economics, electing to incorporate the insight of rational expectations without giving up the traditional Keynesian focus on imperfect competition and sticky wages. Chicago economists have left their intellectual influence in other fields, notably in pioneering public choice theory and law and economics, which have led to revolutionary changes in the study of political science and law.
Other economists affiliated with Chicago have made their impact in fields as diverse as social economics and economic history. Thus, there is not a clear delineation of the Chicago school of economics, a term, more used in the popular media than in academic circles. Nonetheless, Kaufman says that the School can be characterized by: A deep commitment to rigorous scholarship and open academic debate, an uncompromising belief in the usefulness and insight of neoclassical price theory, a normative position that favors and promotes economic liberalism and free markets; the University of Chicago Economics department, considered one of the world's foremost economics departments, has been awarded 13 Nobel Prizes in Economics as of 2018 —more than any other university. The term was coined in the 1950s to refer to economists teaching in the Economics Department at the University of Chicago, related academic areas at the University such as the Booth School of Business and the Law School, they met together in frequent intense discussions that helped set a group outlook on economic issues, based on price theory.
The 1950s saw the height of popularity of the Keynesian school of economics, so the members of the University of Chicago were considered outside the mainstream. Besides what is popularly known as the "Chicago school", there is an "Old Chicago" school of economics, consisting of an earlier generation of economists such as Frank Knight, Henry Simons, Lloyd Mints, Jacob Viner, Aaron Director and others; this group had diverse interests and approaches, but Knight and Director in particular advocated a focus on the role of incentives and the complexity of economic events rather than on general equilibrium. Outside of Chicago, these early leaders were important influences on the Virginia school of political economy. Nonetheless, these scholars had an important influence on the thought of Milton Friedman and George Stigler, most notably in the development of price theory and transaction cost economics. A third wave of Chicago economics is led by macroeconomists Robert Lucas Eugene Fama. A further significant branching of Chicago thought was dubbed by George Stigler as "Chicago political economy".
Inspired by the Coasian view that institutions evolve to maximize the Pareto efficiency, Chicago political economy came to the surprising and controversial view that politics tends towards efficiency and that policy advice is irrelevant. Gary Becker was a Nobel Prize-winner from 1992 and was known in his work for applying economic methods of thinking to other fields, such as crime, sexual relationships and drugs, assuming that people act rationally, his work was focused in labor economics. His work inspired the popular economics book Freakonomics, he is considered one of the founding fathers of Chicago political economy. Ronald Coase was the most prominent economic analyst of the 1991 Nobel Prize-winner, his first major article, "The Nature of the Firm", argued that the reason for the existence of firms is the existence of transaction costs. Rational individuals trade through bilateral contracts on open markets until the costs of transactions mean that using corporations to produce things is more cost-effective.
His second major article, "The Problem of Social Cost", argued that if we lived in a world without transaction costs, people would bargain with one another to create the same allocation of resources, regardless of the way a court might rule in property disputes. Coase used the example of an 1879 London legal case about nuisance named Sturges v Bridgman, in which a noisy sweetmaker and a quiet doctor were neighbours. Coase said that regardless of whether the judge ruled that the sweetmaker had to stop using his machinery, or that the doctor had to put up with it, they could strike a mutually beneficial bargain that reaches the same outcome of resource distribution. Only the existence of transaction costs may prevent this. So, the law ought to pre-empt what would happen, be guided by the most efficient solution; the idea is that law and regulation are not as important or effective at helping people as lawyers and government planners believe. Coase and others like him wanted a change of approach, to put the burden of proof for positive effects on a government, intervening in the market, by analysing the costs of action.
Non-governmental organizations, nongovernmental organizations, or nongovernment organizations referred to as NGOs, are non-profit and sometimes international organizations independent of governments and international governmental organizations that are active in humanitarian, health care, public policy, human rights and other areas to effect changes according to their objectives. They are thus a subgroup of all organizations founded by citizens, which include clubs and other associations that provide services and premises only to members. Sometimes the term is used as a synonym of "civil society organization" to refer to any association founded by citizens, but this is not how the term is used in the media or everyday language, as recorded by major dictionaries; the explanation of the term by NGO.org is ambivalent. It first says an NGO is any non-profit, voluntary citizens' group, organized on a local, national or international level, but goes on to restrict the meaning in the sense used by most English speakers and the media: Task-oriented and driven by people with a common interest, NGOs perform a variety of service and humanitarian functions, bring citizen concerns to Governments and monitor policies and encourage political participation through provision of information.
NGOs are funded by donations, but some avoid formal funding altogether and are run by volunteers. NGOs are diverse groups of organizations engaged in a wide range of activities, take different forms in different parts of the world; some may have charitable status, while others may be registered for tax exemption based on recognition of social purposes. Others may be fronts for religious, or other interests. Since the end of World War II, NGOs have had an increasing role in international development in the fields of humanitarian assistance and poverty alleviation; the number of NGOs worldwide is estimated to be 10 million. Russia had about 277,000 NGOs in 2008. India is estimated to have had around 2 million NGOs in 2009, just over one NGO per 600 Indians, many times the number of primary schools and primary health centres in India. China is estimated to have 440,000 registered NGOs. About 1.5 million domestic and foreign NGOs operated in the United States in 2017. The term'NGO' is not always used consistently.
In some countries the term NGO is applied to an organization that in another country would be called an NPO, vice versa. Political parties and trade unions are considered NGOs only in some countries. There are many different classifications of NGO in use; the most common focus is on "orientation" and "level of operation". An NGO's orientation refers to the type of activities; these activities might include human rights, improving health, or development work. An NGO's level of operation indicates the scale at which an organization works, such as local, national, or international; the term "non-governmental organization" was first coined in 1945, when the United Nations was created. The UN, itself an intergovernmental organization, made it possible for certain approved specialized international non-state agencies — i.e. non-governmental organizations — to be awarded observer status at its assemblies and some of its meetings. The term became used more widely. Today, according to the UN, any kind of private organization, independent from government control can be termed an "NGO", provided it is not-for-profit, non-prevention, but not an opposition political party.
One characteristic these diverse organizations share is that their non-profit status means they are not hindered by short-term financial objectives. Accordingly, they are able to devote themselves to issues which occur across longer time horizons, such as climate change, malaria prevention, or a global ban on landmines. Public surveys reveal that NGOs enjoy a high degree of public trust, which can make them a useful - but not always sufficient - proxy for the concerns of society and stakeholders. NGO/GRO types can be understood by their level of how they operate. Charitable orientation involves a top-down effort with little participation or input by beneficiaries, it includes NGOs with activities directed toward meeting the needs of the disadvantaged people groups. Service orientation includes NGOs with activities such as the provision of health, family planning or education services in which the programme is designed by the NGO and people are expected to participate in its implementation and in receiving the service.
Participatory orientation is characterized by self-help projects where local people are involved in the implementation of a project by contributing cash, land, labour etc. In the classical community development project, participation begins with the need definition and continues into the planning and implementation stages. Empowering orientation aims to help poor people develop a clearer understanding of the social and economic factors affecting their lives, to strengthen their awareness of their own potential power to control their lives. There is maximum involvement of the beneficiaries with NGOs acting as facilitators. Community-based organizations arise out of people's own initiatives, they can be responsible for raising the consciousness of the urban poor, helping them to understand their rights in accessing needed services, providing such services. City-wide organizations include organizations such as chambers of commerce and industry, coaliti