Agglutination is a linguistic process pertaining to derivational morphology in which complex words are formed by stringing together morphemes without changing them in spelling or phonetics. Languages that use agglutination are called agglutinative languages. An example of such a language is Turkish, where for example, the word evlerinizden, or "from your houses", consists of the morphemes ev-ler-iniz-den with the meanings house-plural-your-from. Agglutinative languages are contrasted both with languages in which syntactic structure is expressed by means of word order and auxiliary words and with languages in which a single affix expresses several syntactic categories and a single category may be expressed by several different affixes. However, both fusional and isolating languages may use agglutination in the most-often-used constructs, use agglutination in certain contexts, such as word derivation; this is the case in English, which has an agglutinated plural marker -s and derived words such as shame·less·ness.
Agglutinative suffixes are inserted irrespective of syllabic boundaries, for example, by adding a consonant to the syllable coda as in English tie – ties. Agglutinative languages have large inventories of enclitics, which can be and are separated from the word root by native speakers in daily usage. Note that the term agglutination is sometimes used more to refer to the morphological process of adding suffixes or other morphemes to the base of a word; this is treated in more detail in the section on other uses of the term. Although agglutination is characteristic of certain language families, this does not mean that when several languages in a certain geographic area are all agglutinative, they are related phylogenetically. In particular, such a conclusion led linguists to propose the so-called Ural–Altaic language family, which would include the Uralic and Turkic languages as well as Mongolian, Korean and Japanese. However, contemporary linguistics views this proposal as controversial. On the other hand, it is the case that some languages that have developed from agglutinative proto-languages have lost this feature.
For example, contemporary Estonian, so related to Finnish that the two languages are mutually intelligible, has shifted towards the fusional type. Examples of agglutinative languages include the Uralic languages, such as Finnish and Hungarian; these have agglutinated expressions in daily usage, most words are bisyllabic or longer. Grammatical information expressed by adpositions in Western Indo-European languages is found in suffixes. Hungarian uses extensive agglutination in all and any part of it; the suffixes follow each other in special order based on the role of the suffix, can be heaped in extreme amount, resulting words conveying complex meanings in compact form. An example is fiaiéi where the root "fi-" means "son", the subsequent four vowels are all separate suffixes, the whole word means " of his/her sons"; the nested possessive structure and expression of plurals is quite remarkable. All Austronesian languages, such as Malay, most Philippine languages belong to this category, thus enabling them to form new words from simple base forms.
The Indonesian and Malay word mempertanggungjawabkan is formed by adding active-voice and transitive affixes to the compound verb tanggung jawab, which means "to account for". In Tagalog, nakakapágpabagabag is formed from the root bagabag. Japanese, along with Korean, is an agglutinating language, adding information such as negation, passive voice, past tense, honorific degree and causality in the verb form. Common examples would be hatarakaseraretara, which combines causative, passive or potential, conditional conjugations to arrive at two meanings depending on context "if had been made to work..." and "if could make work", tabetakunakatta, which combines desire and past tense conjugations to mean "I/he/she/they did not want to eat". Taberu tabetai tabetakunai tabetakunakatta Turkish, along with all other Turkic languages, is another agglutinating language: as an extreme example, the expression Muvaffakiyetsizleştiriciveremeyebileceklerimizdenmişsinizcesine is pronounced as one word in Turkish, but it can be translated into English as "as if you were of those we would not be able to turn into a maker of unsuccessful ones".
All Dravidian languages, including Kannada, Telugu and Tamil, are agglutinative. Agglutination is used to high degrees both in the conversational and in the standardised written form of Telugu. Agglutination is a notable feature of the Basque; the conjugation of verbs, for example, is done by adding different prefixes or suffixes to the root of the verb: dakartzat, which means'I bring them', is formed by da, tza and t. Another example would be the declination: Etxean = "In the house" where etxe = house. Agglutination is used heavily in most Native American languages, such as the Inuit languages, Nahuatl
A front vowel is any in a class of vowel sound used in some spoken languages, its defining characteristic being that the highest point of the tongue is positioned in front in the mouth without creating a constriction that would make it a consonant. Front vowels are sometimes called bright vowels because they are perceived as sounding brighter than the back vowels. Near-front vowels are a type of front vowel. Rounded front vowels are centralized, that is, near-front in their articulation; this is one reason. The front vowels that have dedicated symbols in the International Phonetic Alphabet are: close front unrounded vowel close front compressed vowel near-close front unrounded vowel near-close front compressed vowel close-mid front unrounded vowel close-mid front compressed vowel open-mid front unrounded vowel open-mid front compressed vowel near-open front unrounded vowel open front unrounded vowel open front rounded vowel There are front vowels without dedicated symbols in the IPA: close front protruded vowel near-close front protruded vowel close-mid front protruded vowel mid front unrounded vowel or mid front compressed vowel or mid front protruded vowel or open-mid front protruded vowel As above, other front vowels can be indicated with diacritics of relative articulation applied to letters for neighboring vowels, such as ⟨i̞⟩, ⟨e̝⟩ or ⟨ɪ̟⟩ for a near-close front unrounded vowel.
In articulation, front retracted vowels. In this conception, front vowels are a broader category than those listed in the IPA chart, and, mid-central vowels. Raised or retracted vowels may be fronted by certain consonants, such as palatals and in some languages pharyngeals. For example, /a/ may be fronted to next to /j/ or /ħ/. In the history of many languages, for example French and Japanese, front vowels have altered preceding velar or alveolar consonants, bringing their place of articulation towards palatal or postalveolar; this change can be allophonic variation. This historical palatalization is reflected in the orthographies of several European languages, including the ⟨c⟩ and ⟨g⟩ of all Romance languages, the ⟨k⟩ and ⟨g⟩ in Norwegian, Swedish and Icelandic, the ⟨κ⟩, ⟨γ⟩ and ⟨χ⟩ in Greek. English without as much regularity. However, for native or early borrowed words affected by palatalization, English has altered the spelling after the pronunciation Back vowel List of phonetics topics
The Bunun historically known as the Vonum, are a Taiwanese indigenous people and are best known for their sophisticated polyphonic vocal music. They speak the Bunun language. Unlike other aboriginal peoples in Taiwan, the Bunun are dispersed across the island's central mountain ranges. In the year 2000, the Bunun numbered 41,038; this was 8% of Taiwan's total indigenous population, making them the fourth-largest indigenous group. They have five distinct communities: the Takbunuaz, the Takituduh, the Takibaka, the Takivatan, the Isbukun. According to a study published in 2014, the Y-DNA of the Bunun people belongs to haplogroup O1a2-M50 or haplogroup O2a1a-M88, with a single representative of haplogroup P*-M45. Haplogroup O-M88 is rare among other aboriginal peoples of Taiwan and its vicinity, being found more among populations of southwestern China and the northern parts of Mainland Southeast Asia, such as Tai peoples and Vietnamese; until the coming of the Christian missionaries in the beginning of the 20th century, the Bunun were known to be fierce warriors and headhunters.
The Bunun were one of the "high-mountain peoples" who traditionally lived in small family units in Taiwan's Central Mountain Range and were hostile to all outsiders, whether they be Chinese immigrants or surrounding aboriginal peoples. Whereas most other aborigines were quite sedentary and tended to live in lower areas, the Bunun, along with the Atayal and Taroko were on the move in Taiwan's Central Mountain Range, looking for new hunting grounds and practicing slash-and-burn agriculture, their staple foods were millet and game. During the Japanese rule, the Bunun were among the last peoples to be "pacified" by the Japanese government in residence. After an initial period of fierce resistance, they were forced to move down from the mountains and concentrated into a number of lowland villages that were spread across the Island; as a result, the family unit became less important and life centred on individual village units. The Japanese government introduced wet rice cultivation; the Bunun Aboriginals under Chief Raho Ari engaged in guerilla warfare against the Japanese for twenty years.
Raho Ari's revolt was sparked when the Japanese implemented a gun control policy in 1914 against the Aboriginals in which their rifles were impounded in police stations when hunting expeditions were over. The Dafen Incident began at Dafen when a police platoon was slaughtered by Raho Ari's clan in 1915. A settlement holding 266 people called Tamaho was created by Raho Ari and his followers near the source of the Laonong River and attracted more Bunun rebels to their cause. Raho Ari and his followers captured bullets and guns and slew Japanese in repeated hit and run raids against Japanese police stations by infiltrating over the Japanese "guardline" of electrified fences and police stations as they pleased. Many Bunun were recruited as local policemen and during WWII, the Japanese army had Bunun regiments. Throughout the 20th century, several waves of missionaries of various denominations spread across Taiwan, they were successful with the aboriginal inhabitants of the island and after the last missionary wave in the 1940s, that originated in Japan, a majority of aborigines were converted to Christianity.
Today, most Bunun either belong to the local Presbyterian Church. After the arrival of the Chinese Nationalist Kuomintang in October 1945, difficult days began for the aboriginal population; the "one language, one culture" policy of the Nationalist government prohibited to use of any language other than Standard Mandarin, for official use as well as in daily life, indigenous cultures were systematically discriminated against and encouraged to assimilate into mainstream culture. Bunun culture was eroded by the joint pressure of their new faith as well as the government's sinification policies; the situation improved only after two decades of democratic reforms. According to Bunun legend, in times long past, two suns shone down upon the earth and made it unbearably hot. A father and a son endured numerous hardships and shot down one of the suns, which became the moon. In its wrath, the moon demanded that father and son would return to their own people to tell them that they henceforth had to obey three commandments or face annihilation.
The first was that they had to observe the waxing and waning of the moon and conduct all rituals and work according to its rhythm. The second commandment stated that all Bunun had to conduct rituals throughout their lives to honor the spirits of heaven and earth; the third commandment told them of forbidden behaviours, forced them to become an orderly and peaceful people. A variant of the story tells that long, long ago, a mother and father went out working in the field and took their newly born son with them. While working, they put the child in a basket at the side of the field, for a whole day he lay in the unbearable heat of the two suns; when the parents returned in the late afternoon, they found that their son had dried up and turned into a black lizard. Stricken by grief, the father shot down one of the suns; this story illustrates the importance of the sky in traditional Bunun animist religion. The Bunun assumed that the world in which they lived were full of supernatural beings that were associated with particular places.
An important locus of supernatural power was the sky. All supernatural forces seem to have had a abstract character
Wikipedia is a multilingual online encyclopedia with free content and no ads, based on open collaboration through a model of content edit by web-based applications like web browsers, called wiki. It is the largest and most popular general reference work on the World Wide Web, is one of the most popular websites by Alexa rank as of April 2019, it is owned and supported by the Wikimedia Foundation, a non-profit organization that operates on money it receives from donors to remain ad free. Wikipedia was launched on January 2001, by Jimmy Wales and Larry Sanger. Sanger coined its name, as a portmanteau of wiki and "encyclopedia". An English-language encyclopedia, versions in other languages were developed. With 5,838,942 articles, the English Wikipedia is the largest of the more than 290 Wikipedia encyclopedias. Overall, Wikipedia comprises more than 40 million articles in 301 different languages and by February 2014 it had reached 18 billion page views and nearly 500 million unique visitors per month.
In 2005, Nature published a peer review comparing 42 hard science articles from Encyclopædia Britannica and Wikipedia and found that Wikipedia's level of accuracy approached that of Britannica, although critics suggested that it might not have fared so well in a similar study of a random sampling of all articles or one focused on social science or contentious social issues. The following year, Time magazine stated that the open-door policy of allowing anyone to edit had made Wikipedia the biggest and the best encyclopedia in the world, was a testament to the vision of Jimmy Wales. Wikipedia has been criticized for exhibiting systemic bias, for presenting a mixture of "truths, half truths, some falsehoods", for being subject to manipulation and spin in controversial topics. In 2017, Facebook announced that it would help readers detect fake news by suitable links to Wikipedia articles. YouTube announced a similar plan in 2018. Other collaborative online encyclopedias were attempted before Wikipedia, but none were as successful.
Wikipedia began as a complementary project for Nupedia, a free online English-language encyclopedia project whose articles were written by experts and reviewed under a formal process. It was founded on March 2000, under the ownership of Bomis, a web portal company, its main figures were Bomis CEO Jimmy Wales and Larry Sanger, editor-in-chief for Nupedia and Wikipedia. Nupedia was licensed under its own Nupedia Open Content License, but before Wikipedia was founded, Nupedia switched to the GNU Free Documentation License at the urging of Richard Stallman. Wales is credited with defining the goal of making a publicly editable encyclopedia, while Sanger is credited with the strategy of using a wiki to reach that goal. On January 10, 2001, Sanger proposed on the Nupedia mailing list to create a wiki as a "feeder" project for Nupedia; the domains wikipedia.com and wikipedia.org were registered on January 12, 2001 and January 13, 2001 and Wikipedia was launched on January 15, 2001, as a single English-language edition at www.wikipedia.com, announced by Sanger on the Nupedia mailing list.
Wikipedia's policy of "neutral point-of-view" was codified in its first months. Otherwise, there were few rules and Wikipedia operated independently of Nupedia. Bomis intended to make Wikipedia a business for profit. Wikipedia gained early contributors from Nupedia, Slashdot postings, web search engine indexing. Language editions were created, with a total of 161 by the end of 2004. Nupedia and Wikipedia coexisted until the former's servers were taken down permanently in 2003, its text was incorporated into Wikipedia; the English Wikipedia passed the mark of two million articles on September 9, 2007, making it the largest encyclopedia assembled, surpassing the 1408 Yongle Encyclopedia, which had held the record for 600 years. Citing fears of commercial advertising and lack of control in Wikipedia, users of the Spanish Wikipedia forked from Wikipedia to create the Enciclopedia Libre in February 2002; these moves encouraged Wales to announce that Wikipedia would not display advertisements, to change Wikipedia's domain from wikipedia.com to wikipedia.org.
Though the English Wikipedia reached three million articles in August 2009, the growth of the edition, in terms of the numbers of new articles and of contributors, appears to have peaked around early 2007. Around 1,800 articles were added daily to the encyclopedia in 2006. A team at the Palo Alto Research Center attributed this slowing of growth to the project's increasing exclusivity and resistance to change. Others suggest that the growth is flattening because articles that could be called "low-hanging fruit"—topics that merit an article—have been created and built up extensively. In November 2009, a researcher at the Rey Juan Carlos University in Madrid found that the English Wikipedia had lost 49,000 editors during the first three months of 2009; the Wall Street Journal cited the array of rules applied to editing and disputes related to such content among the reasons for this trend. Wales disputed these claims in 2009, denying the decline and questioning the methodology of the study. Two years in 2011, Wales acknowledged the presence of a slight decline, noting a decrease from "a little more than 36,000 writers" in June 2010 to 35,800 in June 2011.
In the same interview, Wales claimed the number of editors was "stable and sustainable". A 2013 article titled; the article revealed
Ethnologue: Languages of the World is an annual reference publication in print and online that provides statistics and other information on the living languages of the world. It was first issued in 1951, is now published annually by SIL International, a U. S.-based, Christian non-profit organization. SIL's main purpose is to study and document languages to promote literacy and for religious purposes; as of 2018, Ethnologue contains web-based information on 7,097 languages in its 21st edition, including the number of speakers, dialects, linguistic affiliations, availability of the Bible in each language and dialect described, a cursory description of revitalization efforts where reported, an estimate of language viability using the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale. Ethnologue has been published by SIL International, a Christian linguistic service organization with an international office in Dallas, Texas; the organization studies numerous minority languages to facilitate language development, to work with speakers of such language communities in translating portions of the Bible into their languages.
The determination of what characteristics define a single language depends upon sociolinguistic evaluation by various scholars. Ethnologue follows general linguistic criteria, which are based on mutual intelligibility. Shared language intelligibility features are complex, include etymological and grammatical evidence, agreed upon by experts. In addition to choosing a primary name for a language, Ethnologue provides listings of other name for the language and any dialects that are used by its speakers, government and neighbors. Included are any names that have been referenced regardless of whether a name is considered official, politically correct or offensive; these lists of names are not complete. In 1984, Ethnologue released a three-letter coding system, called an'SIL code', to identify each language that it described; this set of codes exceeded the scope of other standards, e.g. ISO 639-1 and ISO 639-2; the 14th edition, published in 2000, included 7,148 language codes. In 2002, Ethnologue was asked to work with the International Organization for Standardization to integrate its codes into a draft international standard.
The 15th edition of Ethnologue was the first edition to use this standard, called ISO 639-3. This standard is now administered separately from Ethnologue. In only one case and the ISO standards treat languages differently. ISO 639-3 considers Akan to be a macrolanguage consisting of two distinct languages and Fante, whereas Ethnologue considers Twi and Fante to be dialects of a single language, since they are mutually intelligible; this anomaly resulted because the ISO 639-2 standard has separate codes for Twi and Fante, which have separate literary traditions, all 639-2 codes for individual languages are automatically part of 639–3 though 639-3 would not assign them separate codes. In 2014, with the 17th edition, Ethnologue introduced a numerical code for language status using a framework called EGIDS, an elaboration of Fishman's GIDS, it ranks a language from 0 for an international language to 10 for an extinct language, i.e. a language with which no-one retains a sense of ethnic identity.
In December 2015, Ethnologue launched a metered paywall. As of 2017, Ethnologue's 20th edition described 237 language families including 86 language isolates and six typological categories, namely sign languages, pidgins, mixed languages, constructed languages, as yet unclassified languages. In 1986, William Bright editor of the journal Language, wrote of Ethnologue that it "is indispensable for any reference shelf on the languages of the world". In 2008 in the same journal, Lyle Campbell and Verónica Grondona said: "Ethnologue...has become the standard reference, its usefulness is hard to overestimate."In 2015, Harald Hammarström, an editor of Glottolog, criticized the publication for lacking citations and failing to articulate clear principles of language classification and identification. However, he concluded that, on balance, "Ethnologue is an impressively comprehensive catalogue of world languages, it is far superior to anything else produced prior to 2009." Starting with the 17th edition, Ethnologue has been published every year.
Linguasphere Observatory Register Lists of languages List of language families Martin Everaert. The Use of Databases in Cross-Linguistic Studies. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 9783110198744. Retrieved 2014-07-13. Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. Linguistic Genocide in Education-or Worldwide Diversity and Human Rights?. Routledge. ISBN 9781135662356. Retrieved 2014-07-13. Paolillo, John C.. "Evaluating language statistics: the Ethnologue and beyond". UNESCO Institute of Statistics. Pp. 3–5. Retrieved October 8, 2015. Web version of Ethnologue
Kaohsiung is a coastal city in southern Taiwan. It is a special municipality with an area of 2,952 km2 stretching from the coastal urban centre to the rural Yushan Range; as of 2018, the municipality has a population of 2.77 million, making it the third most populous administrative division in Taiwan. Since founding in the 17th century, Kaohsiung has grown from a small trading village into the political and economic centre of southern Taiwan, with key industries such as manufacturing, steel-making, oil refining, freight transport and shipbuilding, it is classified as'High Sufficiency' by GaWC, with some of the most prominent infrastructures in Taiwan. The Port of Kaohsiung is the largest and busiest harbour in Taiwan while Kaohsiung International Airport is the second busiest airport in number of passengers; the city is well-connected to other major cities by high speed and conventional rail, as well as several national freeways. It hosts the Republic of China Navy fleet headquarters and its naval academy.
More recent public works such as Pier-2 Art Center, National Kaohsiung Center for the Arts and Kaohsiung Music Center have been aimed at growing the tourism and cultural industries of the city. Hoklo immigrants to the area during the 16th and 17th centuries called the region Takau; the surface meaning of the associated Chinese characters was "beat the dog". According to one theory, the name Takau originates from the aboriginal Siraya language and translates as "bamboo forest". According to another theory, the name evolved via metathesis from the name of the Makatao tribe, who inhabited the area at the time of European and Hoklo settlement; the Makatao are considered to be part of the Siraya tribe. During the Dutch colonization of southern Taiwan, the area was known as Tancoia to the western world for a period of about three decades. In 1662, the Dutch were expelled by the Kingdom of Tungning, founded by Ming loyalists of Koxinga, his son, Zheng Jing, renamed the village Banlian-chiu in 1664. The name of "Takau" was restored in the late 1670s, when the town expanded drastically with immigrants from mainland China, was kept through Taiwan's cession to the Japanese Empire in 1895.
In his 1903 general history of Taiwan, US Consul to Formosa James W. Davidson relates that "Takow" was a well-known name in English. In 1920, the name was administered the area under Takao Prefecture. While the new name had quite a different surface meaning, its pronunciation in Japanese sounded more or less the same as the old name spoken in Hokkien. After Taiwan was handed to the Republic of China, the name did not change, but the official romanization became "Kaohsiung" after the Standard Chinese pronunciation of 高雄; the name Takau remains the official name of the city in Austronesian languages of Taiwan such as Rukai, although these are not spoken in the city. The name remains popular locally in the naming of businesses and events; the written history of Kaohsiung can be traced back to the early 17th century, through archaeological studies have found signs of human activity in the region from as long as 7,000 years ago. Prior to the 17th century, the region was inhabited by the Makatao people of the Siraya tribe, who settled on what they named Takau Isle.
The earliest evidence of human activity in the Kaohsiung area dates back to 4,700–5,200 years ago. Most of the discovered remnants were located in the hills surrounding Kaohsiung Harbor. Artifacts were found at Shoushan, Longquan Temple, Zuoying, Houjing and Fengbitou; the prehistoric Dapenkeng, Niuchouzi and Niaosong civilizations were known to inhabit the region. Studies of the prehistoric ruins at Longquan Temple have shown that that civilization occurred at the same times as the beginnings of the aboriginal Makatao civilization, suggesting a possible origin for the latter. Unlike some other archaeological sites in the area, the Longquan Temple ruins are well preserved. Prehistoric artifacts discovered have suggested that the ancient Kaohsiung Harbor was a lagoon, with early civilizations functioning as hunter-gatherer societies; some agricultural tools have been discovered, suggesting that some agricultural activity was present. The first Chinese records of the region were written in 1603 by Chen Di, a member of Ming admiral Shen You-rong's expedition to rid the waters around Taiwan and Penghu of pirates.
In his report on the "Eastern Barbarian Lands", Chen Di referred to a Ta-kau Isle: It is unknown when the barbarians arose on this island in the ocean beyond Penghu, but they are present at Keeong Harbor, the bay of Galaw, Yaw Harbor, Takau Isle, Little Tamsui, Gali forest, the village of Sabah, Dwabangkang. Taiwan became a Dutch colony in 1624, after the Dutch East India Company was ejected from Penghu by Ming forces. At the time, Takau was one of the most important fishing ports in southern Taiwan; the Dutch named the place Tankoya, the harbor Tancoia. The Dutch missionary François Valentijn named Takau Mountain "Ape Berg", a name that would find its way onto European navigational charts well into the 18th century
Robert A. Blust is a prominent linguist in several areas, including historical linguistics and ethnology. Blust specializes in the Austronesian languages and has made major contributions to the field of Austronesian linguistics. Robert Blust was born in Cincinnati and raised in California, he received a Bachelor of Arts in anthropology and a PhD in linguistics from the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa in 1974. He is a professor in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa, served as the department chair from 2005 to 2008, he is a Fellow of the Linguistic Society of America. He serves as the review editor for the Oceanic Linguistics, an academic journal that covers the Austronesian languages. Blust is best known for his work on Austronesian, including a large Austronesian comparative dictionary and a Thao-English dictionary. Another one of his well-known works is a 2009 work called The Austronesian Languages, the first single-authored book to cover all aspects of the Austronesian language family in its entirety.
Blust has done field work on 97 Austronesian languages spoken in locations such as Sarawak, Papua New Guinea, Taiwan. In Taiwan, he has performed field work on Formosan languages such as Thao, Pazeh, Amis and Saisiyat, his dictionary of the endangered Thao language is the most complete of any Formosan language dictionary, containing over 1100 pages. Blust has an abiding interest in both linguistic and cultural aspects of rainbows and dragons. Austronesian Hypothesis