Race and ethnicity in the United States Census
Race and ethnicity in the United States Census, defined by the federal Office of Management and Budget and the United States Census Bureau, are self-identification data items in which residents choose the race or races with which they most identify, indicate whether or not they are of Hispanic or Latino origin. The racial categories represent a social-political construct for the race or races that respondents consider themselves to be and, "generally reflect a social definition of race recognized in this country." OMB defines the concept of race as outlined for the US Census as not "scientific or anthropological" and takes into account "social and cultural characteristics as well as ancestry", using "appropriate scientific methodologies" that are not "primarily biological or genetic in reference." The race categories include both national-origin groups. Race and ethnicity are considered separate and distinct identities, with Hispanic or Latino origin asked as a separate question. Thus, in addition to their race or races, all respondents are categorized by membership in one of two ethnic categories, which are "Hispanic or Latino" and "Not Hispanic or Latino".
However, the practice of separating "race" and "ethnicity" as different categories has been criticized both by the American Anthropological Association and members of US Commission on Civil Rights. In 1997, OMB issued a Federal Register notice regarding revisions to the standards for the classification of federal data on race and ethnicity. OMB developed race and ethnic standards in order to provide "consistent data on race and ethnicity throughout the Federal Government; the development of the data standards stem in large measure from new responsibilities to enforce civil rights laws." Among the changes, OMB issued the instruction to "mark one or more races" after noting evidence of increasing numbers of interracial children and wanting to capture the diversity in a measurable way and having received requests by people who wanted to be able to acknowledge their or their children's full ancestry rather than identifying with only one group. Prior to this decision, the Census and other government data collections asked people to report only one race.
The OMB states, "many federal programs are put into effect based on the race data obtained from the decennial census. Race data are critical for the basic research behind many policy decisions. States require these data to meet legislative redistricting requirements; the data are needed to monitor compliance with the Voting Rights Act by local jurisdictions". "Data on ethnic groups are important for putting into effect a number of federal statutes. Data on Ethnic Groups are needed by local governments to run programs and meet legislative requirements." The 1790 United States Census was the first census in the history of the United States. The population of the United States was recorded as 3,929,214 as of Census Day, August 2, 1790, as mandated by Article I, Section 2 of the United States Constitution and applicable laws."The law required that every household be visited, that completed census schedules be posted in'two of the most public places within, there to remain for the inspection of all concerned...' and that'the aggregate amount of each description of persons' for every district be transmitted to the president."
This law along with U. S. marshals were responsible for governing the census. One third of the original census data has been lost or destroyed since documentation; the data was lost in 1790–1830 time period and included data from: Connecticut, Maryland, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Delaware, New Jersey, Virginia. Census data included the name of the head of the family and categorized inhabitants as follows: free white males at least 16 years of age, free white males under 16 years of age, free white females, all other free persons, slaves. Thomas Jefferson the Secretary of State, directed marshals to collect data from all thirteen states, from the Southwest Territory; the census was not conducted in Vermont until 1791, after that state's admission to the Union as the 14th state on March 4 of that year. There was some doubt surrounding the numbers, President George Washington and Thomas Jefferson maintained the population was undercounted; the potential reasons Washington and Jefferson may have thought this could be refusal to participate, poor public transportation and roads, spread out population, restraints of current technology.
No microdata from the 1790 population census is available, but aggregate data for small areas and their compatible cartographic boundary files, can be downloaded from the National Historical Geographic Information System. In 1800 and 1810, the age question regarding free white males was more detailed; the 1820
Per capita income
Per capita income or average income measures the average income earned per person in a given area in a specified year. It is calculated by dividing the area's total income by its total population. Per capita income is national income divided by population size. Per capita income is used to measure an area's average income and compare the wealth of different populations. Per capita income is used to measure a country's standard of living, it is expressed in terms of a used international currency such as the euro or United States dollar, is useful because it is known, is calculable from available gross domestic product and population estimates, produces a useful statistic for comparison of wealth between sovereign territories. This helps to ascertain a country's development status, it is one of the three measures for calculating the Human Development Index of a country. In the United States, it is defined by the U. S. Census Bureau as the following: "Per capita income is the mean money income received in the past 12 months computed for every man and child in a geographic area."
Critics claim that per capita income has several weaknesses in measuring prosperity: Comparisons of per capita income over time need to consider inflation. Without adjusting for inflation, figures tend to overstate the effects of economic growth. International comparisons can be distorted by cost of living differences not reflected in exchange rates. Where the objective is to compare living standards between countries, adjusting for differences in purchasing power parity will more reflect what people are able to buy with their money, it does not reflect income distribution. If a country's income distribution is skewed, a small wealthy class can increase per capita income while the majority of the population has no change in income. In this respect, median income is more useful when measuring of prosperity than per capita income, as it is less influenced by outliers. Non-monetary activity, such as barter or services provided within the family, is not counted; the importance of these services varies among economies.
Per capita income does not consider whether income is invested in factors to improve the area's development, such as health, education, or infrastructure. List of countries by average wage List of countries by GDP per capita—GDP at market or government official exchange rates per inhabitant List of countries by GDP per capita—GDP calculated at purchasing power parity exchange per inhabitant List of countries by GNI per capita List of countries by GNI per capita List of countries by income equality Total personal income
Mentor is a city in Polk County, United States. It is part of the Grand Forks-ND-MN Metropolitan Statistical Area; the population was 153 at the 2010 census. The city is located near Maple Lake. A post office called Mentor has been in operation since 1882; the city was named after Ohio. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 1.87 square miles, all of it land. As of the census of 2010, there were 153 people, 79 households, 39 families residing in the city; the population density was 81.8 inhabitants per square mile. There were 95 housing units at an average density of 50.8 per square mile. The racial makeup of the city was 96.7% White, 1.3% Native American, 2.0% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.0% of the population. There were 79 households of which 17.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 34.2% were married couples living together, 10.1% had a female householder with no husband present, 5.1% had a male householder with no wife present, 50.6% were non-families.
43.0% of all households were made up of individuals and 21.5% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 1.94 and the average family size was 2.59. The median age in the city was 50.8 years. 15% of residents were under the age of 18. The gender makeup of the city was 52.3% male and 47.7% female. As of the census of 2000, there were 150 people, 82 households, 45 families residing in the city; the population density was 79.3 people per square mile. There were 102 housing units at an average density of 53.9 per square mile. The racial makeup of the city was 100.00% White. There were 82 households out of which 17.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 42.7% were married couples living together, 6.1% had a female householder with no husband present, 45.1% were non-families. 41.5% of all households were made up of individuals and 26.8% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 1.83 and the average family size was 2.44.
In the city, the population was spread out with 14.0% under the age of 18, 4.7% from 18 to 24, 24.0% from 25 to 44, 30.7% from 45 to 64, 26.7% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 49 years. For every 100 females, there were 105.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 104.8 males. The median income for a household in the city was $21,705, the median income for a family was $27,917. Males had a median income of $24,688 versus $16,250 for females; the per capita income for the city was $12,972. There were 3.6% of families and 13.5% of the population living below the poverty line, including no under eighteens and 29.4% of those over 64
A census is the procedure of systematically acquiring and recording information about the members of a given population. The term is used in connection with national population and housing censuses; the United Nations defines the essential features of population and housing censuses as "individual enumeration, universality within a defined territory and defined periodicity", recommends that population censuses be taken at least every 10 years. United Nations recommendations cover census topics to be collected, official definitions and other useful information to co-ordinate international practice; the word is of Latin origin: during the Roman Republic, the census was a list that kept track of all adult males fit for military service. The modern census is essential to international comparisons of any kind of statistics, censuses collect data on many attributes of a population, not just how many people there are. Censuses began as the only method of collecting national demographic data, are now part of a larger system of different surveys.
Although population estimates remain an important function of a census, including the geographic distribution of the population, statistics can be produced about combinations of attributes e.g. education by age and sex in different regions. Current administrative data systems allow for other approaches to enumeration with the same level of detail but raise concerns about privacy and the possibility of biasing estimates. A census can be contrasted with sampling in which information is obtained only from a subset of a population. Modern census data are used for research, business marketing, planning, as a baseline for designing sample surveys by providing a sampling frame such as an address register. Census counts are necessary to adjust samples to be representative of a population by weighting them as is common in opinion polling. Stratification requires knowledge of the relative sizes of different population strata which can be derived from census enumerations. In some countries, the census provides the official counts used to apportion the number of elected representatives to regions.
In many cases, a chosen random sample can provide more accurate information than attempts to get a population census. A census is construed as the opposite of a sample as its intent is to count everyone in a population rather than a fraction. However, population censuses rely on a sampling frame to count the population; this is the only way to be sure that everyone has been included as otherwise those not responding would not be followed up on and individuals could be missed. The fundamental premise of a census is that the population is not known and a new estimate is to be made by the analysis of primary data; the use of a sampling frame is counterintuitive as it suggests that the population size is known. However, a census is used to collect attribute data on the individuals in the nation; this process of sampling marks the difference between historical census, a house to house process or the product of an imperial decree, the modern statistical project. The sampling frame used by census is always an address register.
Thus it is not known how many people there are in each household. Depending on the mode of enumeration, a form is sent to the householder, an enumerator calls, or administrative records for the dwelling are accessed; as a preliminary to the dispatch of forms, census workers will check any address problems on the ground. While it may seem straightforward to use the postal service file for this purpose, this can be out of date and some dwellings may contain a number of independent households. A particular problem is what are termed'communal establishments' which category includes student residences, religious orders, homes for the elderly, people in prisons etc; as these are not enumerated by a single householder, they are treated differently and visited by special teams of census workers to ensure they are classified appropriately. Individuals are counted within households and information is collected about the household structure and the housing. For this reason international documents refer to censuses of housing.
The census response is made by a household, indicating details of individuals resident there. An important aspect of census enumerations is determining which individuals can be counted from which cannot be counted. Broadly, three definitions can be used: de facto residence; this is important to consider individuals who have temporary addresses. Every person should be identified uniquely as resident in one place but where they happen to be on Census Day, their de facto residence, may not be the best place to count them. Where an individual uses services may be more useful and this is at their usual, or de jure, residence. An individual may be represented at a permanent address a family home for students or long term migrants, it is necessary to have a precise definition of residence to decide whether visitors to a country should be included in the population count. This is becoming more important as students travel abroad for education for a period of several years. Other groups causing problems of enumeration are new born babies, people away on holiday, people moving home around census day, people without a fixed address.
People having second homes because of working in another part of the country or retaining a holiday cottage are dif
Polk County, Minnesota
Polk County is a county in the U. S. state of Minnesota. The population was 37,600 at the 2010 United States Census, its county seat is Crookston, the largest community is East Grand Forks. Polk County is included in ND-MN Metropolitan Statistical Area. In one of its early acts as a state entity, the Minnesota legislature created the county on July 20, 1858, but did not organize it at that time; the county was named for the 11th president of the United States, James Knox Polk, who signed the Congressional Act that organized the Minnesota Territory. The county was organized in 1872 and 1873, with the newly settled community of Crookston as the county seat. Polk County lies on Minnesota's border with North Dakota; the Red Lake River flows west through the upper central part of the county, discharging into the Red at Grand Forks. The county terrain consists of low rolling hills, devoted to agriculture; the county slopes to the west and north, with its highest point near its southeast corner, at 1,519' ASL.
The county has a total area of 1,998 square miles, of which 1,971 square miles is land and 27 square miles is water. Polk County State-Aid Highway 21: Major connector between Polk County and Thief River Falls. Connects with Pennington County State-Aid Highway 3. Polk County State-Aid Highway 9: Major connector between Crookston and the south end of Grand Forks. Connects with Grand Forks County Road 7. Functions as a south side connector between US 75 and US 2 in Crookston. Polk County State-Aid Highways 11 & 46: US 2 Truck Bypass of Crookston; as of the 2000 United States Census, there were 31,369 people, 12,070 households, 8,050 families in the county. The population density was 15.9/sqmi. There were 14,008 housing units at an average density of 7.11/sqmi. The racial makeup of the county was 94.18% White, 0.33% Black or African American, 1.30% Native American, 0.30% Asian, 0.02% Pacific Islander, 2.57% from other races, 1.30% from two or more races. 4.79% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.
41.7 % were of Norwegian, 5.8 % French ancestry. There were 12,070 households out of which 32.30% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 54.90% were married couples living together, 8.50% had a female householder with no husband present, 33.30% were non-families. 28.90% of all households were made up of individuals and 13.80% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.47 and the average family size was 3.07. The county population contained 25.90% under the age of 18, 9.70% from 18 to 24, 24.80% from 25 to 44, 22.20% from 45 to 64, 17.40% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 98.10 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 95.50 males. The median income for a household in the county was $35,105, the median income for a family was $44,310. Males had a median income of $31,472 versus $21,535 for females; the per capita income for the county was $17,279. About 7.30% of families and 10.90% of the population were below the poverty line, including 13.30% of those under age 18 and 10.90% of those age 65 or over.
Polk County has been a swing district for several decades. In 56% of national elections since 1980, the county selected the Republican Party candidate. National Register of Historic Places listings in Polk County, Minnesota R. I. Holcombe and William H Bingham, Compendium of History and Biography of Polk County, Minnesota. Minneapolis: W. H. Bingham & Co. 1916. Huber D. McLellan, The History of the Early Settlement and Development of Polk County, Minnesota. PhD dissertation. Northwestern University, 1928. Polk County Historical Society, Bicentennial History of Polk County, Minnesota: Pioneers of the Valley. N.c.: Polk County Historical Society, 1976. Polk County Historical Society, The Polk County Historian. Claude Eugene Wentsel, Polk County, Minnesota, in the World War. Ada, MN: C. E. Wentsel, 1922. Winger Golden Jubilee Historical Committee, Golden Jubilee, Minnesota, 1904-1954. Winger, MN: Winger Enterprise, n.d.. Maxine Workman, Minnesota Cemeteries, Polk County. West Fargo, ND: Red River Genealogy Society, 1988.
Polk County official website
A county seat is an administrative center, seat of government, or capital city of a county or civil parish. The term is used in Canada, Romania and the United States. County towns have a similar function in the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland, in Jamaica. In most of the United States, counties are the political subdivisions of a state; the city, town, or populated place that houses county government is known as the seat of its respective county. The county legislature, county courthouse, sheriff's department headquarters, hall of records and correctional facility are located in the county seat though some functions may be located or conducted in other parts of the county if it is geographically large. A county seat is but not always, an incorporated municipality; the exceptions include the county seats of counties that have no incorporated municipalities within their borders, such as Arlington County, Virginia. Ellicott City, the county seat of Howard County, is the largest unincorporated county seat in the United States, followed by Towson, the county seat of Baltimore County, Maryland.
Some county seats may not be incorporated in their own right, but are located within incorporated municipalities. For example, Cape May Court House, New Jersey, though unincorporated, is a section of Middle Township, an incorporated municipality. In some of the colonial states, county seats include or included "Court House" as part of their name. In the Canadian provinces of Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, the term "shire town" is used in place of county seat. County seats in Taiwan are the administrative centers of the counties. There are 13 county seats in Taiwan, which are in the forms of county-administered city, urban township or rural township. Most counties have only one county seat. However, some counties in Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Mississippi, New Hampshire, New York, Vermont have two or more county seats located on opposite sides of the county. An example is Harrison County, which lists both Biloxi and Gulfport as county seats; the practice of multiple county seat towns dates from the days.
There have been few efforts to eliminate the two-seat arrangement, since a county seat is a source of pride for the towns involved. There are 36 counties with multiple county seats in 11 states: Coffee County, Alabama St. Clair County, Alabama Arkansas County, Arkansas Carroll County, Arkansas Clay County, Arkansas Craighead County, Arkansas Franklin County, Arkansas Logan County, Arkansas Mississippi County, Arkansas Prairie County, Arkansas Sebastian County, Arkansas Yell County, Arkansas Columbia County, Georgia Lee County, Iowa Campbell County, Kentucky Kenton County, Kentucky Essex County, Massachusetts Middlesex County, Massachusetts Plymouth County, Massachusetts Bolivar County, Mississippi Carroll County, Mississippi Chickasaw County, Mississippi Harrison County, Mississippi Hinds County, Mississippi Jasper County, Mississippi Jones County, Mississippi Panola County, Mississippi Tallahatchie County, Mississippi Yalobusha County, Mississippi Jackson County, Missouri Hillsborough County, New Hampshire Seneca County, New York Bennington County, Vermont In New England, the town, not the county, is the primary division of local government.
Counties in this region have served as dividing lines for the states' judicial systems. Connecticut and Rhode Island have no county level of thus no county seats. In Vermont and Maine the county seats are designated shire towns. County government consists only of a Superior Court and Sheriff, both located in the respective shire town. Bennington County has two shire towns. In Massachusetts, most government functions which would otherwise be performed by county governments in other states are performed by town or city governments; as such, Massachusetts has dissolved many of its county governments, the state government now operates the registries of deeds and sheriff's offices in those counties. In Virginia, a county seat may be an independent city surrounded by, but not part of, the county of which it is the administrative center. Two counties in South Dakota have their county seat and government services centered in a neighboring county, their county-level services are provided by Fall River Tripp County, respectively.
In Louisiana, divided into parishes rather than counties, county seats are referred to as parish seats. Alaska is divided into boroughs rather than counties; the Unorganized Borough, which covers 49 % of Alaska's area, has equivalent. The state with the most counties is Texas, with 254, the state with the fewest counties is Delaware, with 3. County seat war Administrative center County town, administrative centres in Ireland and the UK Chef-lieu, administrative centres in Algeria, Luxembourg, France and Tunisia Municipality, equivalent to county in many c
Badger Township, Polk County, Minnesota
Badger Township is a township in Polk County, United States. It is part of the Grand Forks-ND-MN Metropolitan Statistical Area. Under the United States Public Land Survey System it is a survey township identified as Township 149 North, Range 42 West, Fifth Principal Meridian; the population was 166 at the 2000 census. Badger Township is located at the eastern edge of the Red River Valley; the township is located within the drainage of the Clearwater River and its tributaries, which in turn flow into the Red Lake River, the Red River of the North, on to Hudson Bay. Most of the township is part of the glacial moraine that formed the southeast shore of prehistoric Lake Agassiz. According to the United States Census Bureau, Badger Township has a total area of 36.2 square miles, of which 35.7 square miles of it is land and 0.5 square miles of it is water. It is located near geocoordinates 47.73N, 96.03W. Badger Township is an area undergoing rural depopulation The highest population shown by United States Census data was 448 in 1900.
The population dipped to 391 in 1910, rose back to 447 in 1920, fell back to 350 in 1930. The population has been in decline since; as of the census of 2000, there were 166 people, 46 households, 31 families residing in the township. The population density was 4.7 people per square mile. There were 57 housing units at an average density of 1.6/sq mi. The racial makeup of the township was 95.78% White, 3.01% Native American, 1.20% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 3.01% of the population. There were 46 households out of which 32.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 56.5% were married couples living together, 4.3% had a female householder with no husband present, 32.6% were non-families. 30.4% of all households were made up of individuals and 10.9% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.52 and the average family size was 3.10. In the township the population was spread out with 19.3% under the age of 18, 5.4% from 18 to 24, 17.5% from 25 to 44, 13.9% from 45 to 64, 44.0% who were 65 years of age or older.
The median age was 52 years. For every 100 females, there were 95.3 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 94.2 males. Only 3 of the 166 people in Badger Township in 2000 were foreign born. Of those born in the United States, 95 were born in Minnesota, 52 were born elsewhere in the Midwest, 6 were born in the South, 2 were born in the West and 0 were born in the Northeast; the median income for a household in the township was $25,625, the median income for a family was $33,750. Males had a median income of $26,875 versus $25,417 for females; the per capita income for the township was $16,999. About 6.7% of families and 8.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 6.1% of those sixty five or over. As of the census of 1900, Badger Township had 448 people in 91 households, a density of 12.44 people per square mile, more than 2½ times as many people as in 2000. The population in 1900 was overwhelmingly Norwegian, with 72 heads of households having been born in Norway, 6 born in Sweden, 4 born in Wisconsin, 3 born in Denmark, 2 born in Minnesota, 1 in each of Michigan and Canada.
One hundred percent of the population in 1900 was reported as white. One family consisting of four individuals had a French surname and another family from Wisconsin had a Yankee surname. Other than these, every surname of residents in the township was of Scandinavian origin. Of all residents in the township in 1900, 84 were born in the United States, 404 were of foreign birth. Not a single resident of Badger Township in 1900, born in the United States was born in a state other than Minnesota, Illinois, North Dakota or Wisconsin; the vast majority of these were born in most of them children. A surprising number of those born in the United States but not in Minnesota were born in North Dakota, indicating that at least some of the families in Badger Township had traveled further west before settling in Minnesota; the rest had migrated directly from Scandinavia or from the adjoining states in the Upper Midwest. No persons of Native American descent were listed in the Census of 1900, nor were there any persons of Hispanic descent, Asian or Pacific Islander descent, or Black, Negro or African American descent.
In 1900, the Census focused more upon ethnicity as defined by country of origin rather than racial background, but it is noteworthy that no residents of Badger Township in the Census of 1900 were of German, Slavic, Italian or Southern European descent. There were no permanent settlements in Badger Township prior to European settlement; the territory was traversed by occasional Ojibwe and Dakota hunting expeditions and may have been a seasonal food-gathering area for Ojibwe families, but was otherwise unpeopled until the mid-19th century. Indian artifacts, including grinding rocks, were excavated near Badger Creek in the SW 1/4 of Section 8 in the mid-1960s, indicating a periodic visitation pattern but no permanent residency. Bison roamed over Badger Township into the 1870s, were pursued by Indians and Metis from the Pembina Settlements. Several bison skulls and skeletal remains thought to be over 2000 years old, as well as an Indian grinding rock, were unearthed in a peat bog by the Nikolayson family in Section 33 in the 1960s, now are on display in the University of Minnesota in nearby