The Adena culture was a Pre-Columbian Native American culture that existed from 1000 to 200 BC, in a time known as the Early Woodland period. The Adena culture refers to what were a number of related Native American societies sharing a burial complex and ceremonial system; the Adena lived in an area including parts of present-day Ohio, Wisconsin, West Virginia, New York and Maryland. The Adena Culture was named for the large mound on Thomas Worthington's early 19th-century estate located near Chillicothe, which he named "Adena", Adena sites are concentrated in a small area - maybe 200 sites in the central Ohio Valley, with another 200 scattered throughout Wisconsin, Kentucky, West Virginia and Maryland, although those in Ohio may once have numbered in the thousands; the importance of the Adena complex comes from its considerable influence on other contemporary and succeeding cultures. The Adena culture is seen as the precursor to the traditions of the Hopewell culture, which are sometimes thought as an elaboration, or zenith, of Adena traditions.
The Adena were notable for their agricultural practices, artistic works, extensive trading network, which supplied them with a variety of raw materials, ranging from copper from the Great Lakes to shells from the Gulf Coast. Lasting traces of Adena culture are still seen in the remains of their substantial earthworks. At one point, larger Adena mounds numbered in the hundreds, but only a small number of the remains of the larger Adena earthen monuments still survive today; these mounds ranged in size from 20 feet to 300 feet in diameter and served as burial structures, ceremonial sites, historical markers, gathering places. These earthen monuments were built using hundreds of thousands of baskets full of specially selected and graded earth. According to archaeological investigations, Adena earthworks were built as part of their burial rituals, in which the earth of the earthwork was piled atop a burned mortuary building; these mortuary buildings were intended to keep and maintain the dead until their final burial was performed.
Before the construction of the earthworks, some utilitarian and grave goods would be placed on the floor of the structure, burned with the goods and honored dead within. The earthwork would be constructed, a new mortuary structure would be placed atop the new earthwork. After a series of repetitions, mortuary/earthwork/mortuary/earthwork, a quite prominent earthwork would remain. In the Adena period, circular ridges of unknown function were sometimes constructed around the burial earthworks. Although the mounds are beautiful artistic achievements themselves, Adena artists created smaller, more personal pieces of art. Art motifs that became important to many Native Americans began with the Adena. Motifs such as the weeping eye and cross and circle design became mainstays in many succeeding cultures. Many pieces of art seemed to revolve around shamanic practices, the transformation of humans into animals—particularly birds, wolves and deer—and back to human form; this may indicate a belief that the practice imparted the animals' qualities to the wearer or holder of the objects.
Deer antlers, both real and constructed of copper, wolf and mountain lion jawbones, many other objects were fashioned into costumes and other forms of regalia by the Adena. Distinctive tubular smoking pipes, with either flattened or blocked-end mouthpieces, suggest the offering of smoke to the spirits; the objective of pipe smoking may have been altered states of consciousness, achieved through the use of the hallucinogenic plant Nicotiana rustica. All told, Adena was a manifestation of a broad regional increase in the number and kind of artifacts devoted to spiritual needs; the Adena carved small stone tablets 4 or 5 inches by 3 or 4 inches by.5 inches thick. On one or both flat sides were gracefully composed stylized zoomorphs or curvilinear geometric designs in deep relief. Paint has been found on some Adena tablets, leading archaeologists to propose that these stone tablets were used to stamp designs on cloth or animal hides, or onto their own bodies, it is possible. Unlike in other cultures, Adena pottery was not buried with the dead or the remains of the cremated, as were other artifacts.
Adena pottery was tempered with grit or crushed limestone and was thick. The vessel shapes were flat-bottomed jars, sometimes with small foot-like supports; the large and elaborate mound sites served a nearby scattering of people. The population was dispersed in small settlements of one to two structures. A typical house was built in a circle form from 15 to 45 feet in diameter; the walls were made of paired posts tilted outward, that were joined to other pieces of wood to form a cone shaped roof. The roof was covered with bark and the walls may have been bark and/or wickerwork, their sustenance was acquired through the cultivation of native plants. Hunted deer, black bear, beaver, turkey, trumpeter swan, ruffed grouse. Gathered several edible seed and nuts. Cultivated pumpkin, squash and goosefoot; the Adena ground stone axes. Somewhat rougher slab-like stones with chipped edges were used as hoes. Bone and antler were used in small tools, but more prominently in ornamental objects such as beads and worked animal-jaw gorgets or paraphernalia.
Spoons and other implements were made fro
Glacial Kame Culture
The Glacial Kame Culture was a culture of Archaic people in North America that occupied southern Ontario, Michigan and Indiana from around 8000 BC to 1000 BC. The name of this culture derives from its members' practice of burying their dead atop glacier-deposited gravel hills. Among the most common types of artifacts found at Glacial Kame sites are shells of marine animals and goods manufactured from a copper ore, knows as float copper; the type site for Glacial Kame is the Ridgeway Site near the village of Ridgeway in Hardin County, Ohio. The site was discovered in 1856 by workers building a railroad line nearby, who mined the kame for ballast. Archaeologists specializing in Ohio became familiar with Glacial Kame sooner than with the state's other cultures. Other regional cultures include the Maple Creek Culture of southwestern Ohio, Red Ocher Culture and Old Copper Culture of Wisconsin. For a time, it was thought that the Glacial Kame Culture did not produce ceramics, but this understanding was disproven by the discovery of basic pottery at the Zimmerman Site near Roundhead, Ohio.
Excavation of Glacial Kame sites yields few projectile points — some of the most important sites have yielded no projectile points at all — and their few points that have been found are of diverse styles. For this reason, it appears that different groups of Glacial Kame peoples independently developed different methods of manufacturing their projectile points; this diversity appears in the culture's heartland in Champaign and Logan counties in western Ohio. Keller, Christine K. Glacial Kame sandal-sole shell gorgets: an exploration of manufacture, use and public exhibition. 2008. Indian Culture History of Ohio
The Ancestral Puebloans were an ancient Native American culture that spanned the present-day Four Corners region of the United States, comprising southeastern Utah, northeastern Arizona, northwestern New Mexico, southwestern Colorado. The Ancestral Puebloans are believed to have developed, at least in part, from the Oshara Tradition, who developed from the Picosa culture, they lived in a range of structures that included small family pit houses, larger structures to house clans, grand pueblos, cliff-sited dwellings for defense. The Ancestral Puebloans possessed a complex network that stretched across the Colorado Plateau linking hundreds of communities and population centers, they held a distinct knowledge of celestial sciences. The kiva, a congregational space, used chiefly for ceremonial purposes, was an integral part of this ancient people's community structure. In contemporary times, the people and their archaeological culture were referred to as Anasazi for historical purposes; the Navajo, who were not their descendants, called them by this term.
Reflecting historic traditions, the term was used to mean "ancient enemies". Contemporary Puebloans do not want this term to be used. Archaeologists continue to debate; the current agreement, based on terminology defined by the Pecos Classification, suggests their emergence around the 12th century BC, during the archaeologically designated Early Basketmaker II Era. Beginning with the earliest explorations and excavations, researchers identified Ancestral Puebloans as the forerunners of contemporary Pueblo peoples. Three UNESCO World Heritage Sites located in the United States are credited to the Pueblos: Mesa Verde National Park, Chaco Culture National Historical Park and Taos Pueblo. Pueblo, which means "village" in Spanish, was a term originating with the Spanish explorers who used it to refer to the people's particular style of dwelling; the Navajo people, who now reside in parts of former Pueblo territory, referred to the ancient people as Anaasází, an exonym meaning "ancestors of our enemies", referring to their competition with the Pueblo peoples.
The Navajo now use the term in the sense of referring to "ancient people" or "ancient ones". Hopi people used the term Hisatsinom, to describe the Ancestral Puebloans; the Ancestral Puebloans were one of four major prehistoric archaeological traditions recognized in the American Southwest. This area is sometimes referred to as Oasisamerica in the region defining pre-Columbian southwestern North America; the others are the Mogollon and Patayan. In relation to neighboring cultures, the Ancestral Puebloans occupied the northeast quadrant of the area; the Ancestral Puebloan homeland centers on the Colorado Plateau, but extends from central New Mexico on the east to southern Nevada on the west. Areas of southern Nevada and Colorado form a loose northern boundary, while the southern edge is defined by the Colorado and Little Colorado Rivers in Arizona and the Rio Puerco and Rio Grande in New Mexico. Structures and other evidence of Ancestral Puebloan culture has been found extending east onto the American Great Plains, in areas near the Cimarron and Pecos Rivers and in the Galisteo Basin.
Terrain and resources within this large region vary greatly. The plateau regions have high elevations ranging from 4,500 to 8,500 feet. Extensive horizontal mesas are capped by sedimentary formations and support woodlands of junipers and ponderosa pines, each favoring different elevations. Wind and water erosion have created steep-walled canyons, sculpted windows and bridges out of the sandstone landscape. In areas where resistant strata, such as sandstone or limestone, overlie more eroded strata such as shale, rock overhangs formed; the Ancestral Puebloans favored building under such overhangs for shelters and defensive building sites. All areas of the Ancestral Puebloan homeland suffered from periods of drought, wind and water erosion. Summer rains could be unreliable and arrived as destructive thunderstorms. While the amount of winter snowfall varied the Ancestral Puebloans depended on the snow for most of their water. Snow melt allowed the germination of seeds, both cultivated, in the spring.
Where sandstone layers overlay shale, snow melt could accumulate and create seeps and springs, which the Ancestral Puebloans used as water sources. Snow fed the smaller, more predictable tributaries, such as the Chinle, Animas and Taos Rivers; the larger rivers were less directly important to the ancient culture, as smaller streams were more diverted or controlled for irrigation. The Ancestral Puebloan culture is best known for the stone and earth dwellings its people built along cliff walls during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III eras, from about 900 to 1350 AD in total; the best-preserved examples of the stone dwellings are now protected within United States' national parks, such as Navajo National Monument, Chaco Culture National Historical Park, Mesa Verde National Park, Canyons of the Ancients National Monument, Aztec Ruins National Monument, Bandelier National Monument, Hovenweep National Monument, Canyon de Chelly National Monument. These villages, called pueblos by Spanish colonists, were accessible only by rope or through rock climbing.
These astonishing building achievements had modest beginnings. The first Ancestral Puebloan homes and villages were based on the pit-house, a common feature in the Basketmaker periods. Ancestral Puebloans are known for their pottery. In general, pottery used for cooking or storage in the region was unpainted gray, either smooth or textured. Pottery used for more formal purposes was more richly adorned. In the n
The Fremont culture or Fremont people is a pre-Columbian archaeological culture which received its name from the Fremont River in the U. S. state of Utah, where the culture's sites were discovered by local indigenous peoples like the Navajo and Ute. In Navajo culture, the pictographs are credited to people; the Fremont River itself is named for an American explorer. It inhabited sites in what is now Utah and parts of Nevada and Colorado from AD 1 to 1301, it was adjacent to contemporaneous with, but distinctly different from the Ancestral Pueblo peoples located to their south. Fremont Indian State Park in the Clear Creek Canyon area in Sevier County Utah contains the biggest Fremont culture site in Utah. Thousand-year-old pit houses and other Fremont artifacts were discovered at Range Creek, Utah. Nearby Nine Mile Canyon has long been known for its large collection of Fremont rock art. Other sites are found in The San Rafael Swell, Capitol Reef National Park, Dinosaur National Monument, Zion National Park, Arches National Park.
Scholars do not agree that the Fremont culture represents a single, cohesive group with a common language, ancestry, or way of life, but several aspects of their material culture provides evidence for this concept. First, Fremont culture people grew corn; the culture participated in a continuum of reliable subsistence strategies that no doubt varied from place to place and time to time. This shows up in the archaeological record at most village sites and long term camps as a collection of butchered and discarded bone from deer and rabbits, charred corn cobs with the kernels removed, wild edible plant remains. Other unifying characteristics include the manufacture of expedient gray ware pottery and a signature style of basketry and rock art. Most of the Fremont lived in small single and extended family units comprising villages ranging from two to a dozen pithouse structures, with only a few having been occupied at any one time. Still, exceptions to this rule exist, including an unusually large village in the Parowan Valley of southwestern Utah, the large and extensively excavated village of Five Finger Ridge at the above mentioned Fremont Indian State Park, others, all appearing to be anomalous in that they were either occupied for a long period of time, were occupied by a large number of people, 60 or more at any given moment, or both.
The Fremont are sometimes thought to have begun as a splinter group of the Ancestral Pueblo people, although archaeologists do not agree on this theory. According to archaeologist Dean Snow, Fremont people wore moccasins like their Great Basin ancestors rather than sandals like the Ancestral Puebloans, they were part-time farmers who lived in scattered semi-sedentary farmsteads and small villages, never giving up traditional hunting and gathering for more risky full-time farming. They made pottery, built houses and food storage facilities, raised corn, but overall they must have looked like poor cousins to the major traditions of the Greater Southwest, while at the same time seeming like aspiring copy-cats to the hunter-gatherers still living around them. Snow notes that Fremont culture declined due to changing climate conditions c. 950 CE. The culture moved to the then-marshy areas of northwestern Utah, which sustained them for about 400 years; the Range Creek Canyon site complex is unambiguously identified with the Fremont culture, because of its astonishingly pristine state, promises to bring an immense amount of archaeological insight to this hitherto obscure culture.
According to Snow, the Fremont's eventual fate is unknown, but it is possible that they moved into Idaho and Kansas, may have become part of the Dismal River culture to the east or the Ancestral Pueblo communities to the south or absorbed by the arriving Numic-speaking peoples. Cañon Pintado, a Fremont culture site in Colorado List of dwellings of Pueblo peoples Nine Mile Canyon Rochester Rock Art Panel National Park Service CP-Lunha site Snow, Dean R.. Archaeology of Native North America. Prentice Hall. Pp. 269–270. ISBN 0-13-615686-X. Traces of Fremont: Society and Rock Art in Ancient Utah. Text by Steven R. Simms, photographs by Francois Gohier. ISBN 978-1-60781-011-7 Snow, Dean R.. Archaeology of Native North America. Prentice Hall. Pp. 269–270. ISBN 0-13-615686-X. "Fremont culture, on season 15, episode 8". Scientific American Frontiers. Chedd-Angier Production Company. 2005. PBS. Archived from the original on 2006
The Clovis culture is a prehistoric Paleo-Indian culture, named for distinct stone tools found in close association with Pleistocene fauna at Blackwater Locality No. 1 near Clovis, New Mexico, in the 1920s and 1930s. It appears around 11,500–11,000 uncalibrated radiocarbon years before present at the end of the last glacial period, is characterized by the manufacture of "Clovis points" and distinctive bone and ivory tools. Archaeologists' most precise determinations at present suggest this radiocarbon age is equal to 13,200 to 12,900 calendar years ago. Clovis people are considered to be the ancestors of most of the indigenous cultures of the Americas; the only human burial, directly associated with tools from the Clovis culture included the remains of an infant boy researchers named Anzick-1. Paleogenetic analyses of Anzick-1's ancient nuclear, Y-chromosome DNA reveal that Anzick-1 is related to modern Native American populations, which lends support to the Beringia hypothesis for the settlement of the Americas.
The Clovis culture was replaced by several more localized regional societies from the Younger Dryas cold-climate period onward. Post-Clovis cultures include the Folsom tradition, Suwannee-Simpson, Plainview-Goshen and Redstone; each of these is thought to derive directly from Clovis, in some cases differing only in the length of the fluting on their projectile points. Although this is held to be the result of normal cultural change through time, numerous other reasons have been suggested as driving forces to explain changes in the archaeological record, such as the Younger Dryas postglacial climate change which exhibited numerous faunal extinctions. After the discovery of several Clovis sites in eastern North America in the 1930s, the Clovis people came to be regarded as the first human inhabitants who created a widespread culture in the New World. However, this theory has been challenged, in the opinion of many archaeologists, by several archaeological discoveries, including sites such as Cactus Hill in Virginia, Paisley Caves in the Summer Lake Basin of Oregon, the Topper site in Allendale County, South Carolina, Meadowcroft Rockshelter in Pennsylvania, the Friedkin site in Texas, Cueva Fell in Chile, Monte Verde in Chile.
The oldest claimed human archaeological site in the Americas is the Pedra Furada hearths, a site in Brazil that precedes the Clovis culture and the other sites mentioned by 19,000 to 30,000 years. This claim has become an issue of contention between North American archaeologists and their South American and European counterparts, who disagree on whether it is conclusively proven to be an older human site. A hallmark of the toolkit associated with the Clovis culture is the distinctively shaped, fluted-stone spear point, known as the Clovis point; the Clovis point is bifacial and fluted on both sides. Archaeologists do not agree on whether the widespread presence of these artifacts indicates the proliferation of a single people, or the adoption of a superior technology by diverse population groups; the culture is named after artifacts found between 1936 at Blackwater Locality No. 1, an archaeological site between the towns of Clovis and Portales, New Mexico. These finds were deemed important due to their direct association with mammoth species and the extinct Bison antiquus.
The in situ finds of 1936 and 1937 included most of four stone Clovis points, two long bone points with impact damage, stone blades, a portion of a Clovis blade core, several cutting tools made on stone flakes. Clovis sites have since been identified throughout much of the contiguous United States, as well as Mexico and Central America, into northern South America. Clovis people are accepted to have hunted mammoths, as well as extinct bison, gomphotheres, tapir, camelops and other smaller animals. More than 125 species of plants and animals are known to have been used by Clovis people in the portion of the Western Hemisphere they inhabited; the oldest Clovis site in North America is believed to be El Fin del Mundo in northwestern Sonora, discovered during a 2007 survey. It features occupation dating around 13,390 calibrated years BP. In 2011, remains of gomphotheres were found; the Aubrey site in Denton County, produced an identical radiocarbon date. The most held perspective on the end of the Clovis culture is that a decline in the availability of megafauna, combined with an overall increase in a less mobile population, led to local differentiation of lithic and cultural traditions across the Americas.
After this time, Clovis-style fluted points were replaced by other fluted-point traditions with an uninterrupted sequence across North and Central America. An continuous cultural adaptation proceeds from the Clovis period through the ensuing Middle and Late Paleoindian periods. Whether the Clovis culture drove the mammoth, other species, to extinction via overhunting – the so-called Pleistocene overkill hypothesis – is still an open, controversial, question, it has been hypothesized that the Clovis culture had its decline in the wake of the Younger Dryas cold phase. This'cold shock', lasting 1500 years, affected many parts of the world, including North America; this appears to have been triggered by a vast amount of meltwater – from Lake Agassiz – emptying into the North Atlantic, disrupting the thermohaline circulation. The Younger Dryas impact hypothesis, or Clovis comet hypothesis proposed that a large air burst or earth impact of a comet or comets from outer space initiated the Younger Drya
The Hohokam were an ancient Native American culture centered in the present US state of Arizona. The Hohokam are one of the four major cultures of the American Southwest and northern Mexico in Southwestern archaeology. Considered part of the Oasisamerica tradition, the Hohokam established significant trading centers such as at Snaketown, are considered to be the builders of the original canal system around the Phoenix metropolitan area, which the Mormon pioneers rebuilt when they settled the Lehi area of Mesa near Red Mountain. Variant spellings in current, official usage include Hobokam and Huhukam; the Hohokam culture was differentiated from others in the region in the 1930s by archaeologist Harold S. Gladwin, who applied the existing O'odham term for the culture, huhu-kam, meaning "all used up" or "those who are gone", to classify the remains he was excavating in the Lower Gila Valley. According to the National Park Service Website, Hohokam is an O'odham word used by archaeologists to identify a group of people who lived in the Sonoran Desert.
According to local oral tradition, the Hohokam may be the ancestors of the historic Pima and Tohono O'odham peoples in Southern Arizona. Gila and lower Salt River drainages in what is known as the Phoenix basin; this is referred to as opposed to the Hohokam Peripheries. Collectively, the Core and Peripheries formed what is referred to as the Hohokam Regional System, which occupied the northern or Upper Sonoran Desert in what is now Arizona; the Hohokam extended into the Mogollon Rim region. Within a larger context, the Hohokam culture area inhabited a central trade position between the Patayan situated along the Lower Colorado River and in southern California. In North America, the Hohokam were the only culture to rely on irrigation canals to water their crops since as early as 800, their irrigation systems supported the largest population in the Southwest by 1300. Archaeologists working at a major archaeological dig in the 1990s in the Tucson Basin, along the Santa Cruz River, identified a culture and people that were ancestors of the Hohokam who might have occupied southern Arizona as early as 2000 BCE.
This prehistoric group from the Early Agricultural Period grew corn, lived year-round in sedentary villages, developed sophisticated irrigation canals. The Hohokam used the waters of the Salt and Gila Rivers and constructed an assortment of simple canals combined with weirs in their various agricultural pursuits. Since the 9th century and extending into the 15th century, they maintained what was to become extensive irrigation networks that rivaled the complexity of those used in the ancient Near East and China; these were constructed using simple excavation tools, without the benefit of advanced engineering technologies, achieved drops of a few feet per mile, balancing erosion and siltation. Over 70 years of archaeological research has revealed that the Hohokam cultivated varieties of cotton, maize and squash, as well as harvested a vast assortment of wild plants. Late in the Hohokam Chronological Sequence, they used extensive dry-farming systems to grow agave for food and fiber, their reliance on agricultural strategies based on canal irrigation, vital in their less than hospitable desert environment and arid climate, provided the basis for the aggregation of rural populations into stable urban centers.
Overall, Hohokam villages and smaller settlements can be classified within the ranchería-tradition. Many features of early Hohokam domestic architecture, such as large square or rectangular pithouses, seem to have been transplanted intact from early Formative Period examples first developed in the Tucson basin. But, by the seventh century, a distinct Hohokam architectural tradition emerged. Throughout the Hohokam Chronological Sequence, individual residential structures were excavated 40 cm below ground level, with plastered or compacted floors that covered between 12 and 35 m2, featured a circular, bowl-shaped, clay-lined hearth situated near the wall-entry. Hohokam burial practices varied over time; the primary method employed was flexed inhumation, similar to the tradition used by the southern Mogollon culture, located to the east. In the late Formative and Preclassic periods, the Hohokam cremated their dead, again strikingly similar to the traditions documented among the historic Patayan culture situated to the west along the Lower Colorado River.
Although the particulars of the practice changed somewhat, the Hohokam cremation tradition remained dominant until around 1300. At this time, extended inhumation, similar to that used by the Salado tradition to the north and northeast, was adopted. Many of the details of the late Hohokam burial patterns were similar to the tradition practiced by the historic Tohono and Akimel O'odham; as an archaeological construct, the Hohokam chronological sequence uses a culture history-based period/phase scheme designed to provide a narrative of what has been perceived as a sequence of significant cultural change. Overall, the reason the HCS is confusing is that two primary methods of expressing this information are used, within this context, a vast plethora of theoretical variants have been posited. Only the two