CeCe McDonald is an African American bi trans woman and LGBTQ activist. She came to national attention in June 2012 for accepting a plea bargain of 41 months for second-degree manslaughter of a man she stabbed after McDonald and her friends were assaulted in Minneapolis outside a bar near closing time; the attack, a year prior, was seen as racist and transphobic, became physical when McDonald was struck in the face by the man's friend with "an alcoholic drink" glass causing a bleeding gash that needed stitches. According to Mother Jones, when McDonald was getting away from the bar the man came after her, she "took a pair of scissors out of her purse and turned around to face. McDonald said she saw how her case was progressing so took the plea bargain rather than face trial and risk a possible 20-year term. According to the Bay Area Reporter her conviction "sparked outrage, was viewed by many as an act of transphobia and racism against a woman who defended herself." Although a woman, McDonald was housed in two men's prisons.
An online petition "led to the state department of corrections administering the full regimen of hormones she needed."Her story got international attention including in May 2013 when an Ebony.com article about the case won the GLAAD Media Award for "Outstanding Digital Journalism Article". She received support from transgender activist and actress Laverne Cox, star of Orange Is the New Black, which includes story lines about trans women of color and hate crimes. Cox says McDonald is the image she has of her OITNB character, Sophia Burset, that she plays Burset as a homage to McDonald. Cox identifies with her experiences, "So many times I've... been harassed, any of them could have escalated... I easily could be CeCe."McDonald was released in January 2014 after serving 19 months. She was profiled in Rolling Stone among other publications and included as part of Advocate's annual "40 Under 40" list. FREE CeCe, a documentary about McDonald's experiences told through interviews by Laverne Cox, started production in December 2013.
The film centers on the attack on McDonald and her friends including the stabbing, her imprisonment, violence experienced by trans women of color. In August 2014 she was awarded the Bayard Rustin Civil Rights Award by the Harvey Milk LGBT Democratic Club. McDonald, born in 1989 and is from South Chicago, studied fashion at Minneapolis Community and Technical College. At around 11:30pm on June 5, 2011, McDonald, her roommate Latavia Taylor, their friends Larry Tyaries Thomas, Zavawn Smith, Roneal Harris, all of whom are African-American, walked the half-mile from McDonald and Taylor's apartment in Minneapolis to a Cub Foods to buy groceries. On the way, a police officer stopped and questioned the group without provocation. McDonald said she and her friends were confronted outside the Schooner Tavern by Dean Schmitz and others. According to the charges against McDonald, this occurred shortly after midnight. Schmitz, his girlfriend Jenny Thoreson, his ex-girlfriend Molly Flaherty had stepped out of the bar for a cigarette.
McDonald said they shouted racist and transphobic slurs, while Thoreson, in interviews with police, characterized the remarks as derogatory and sarcastic. Thomas recalled Schmitz and Flaherty saying "oh you faggots, you nigger lovers, whoop-de-woo, you ain't nothing but a bunch of nigger babies," and that in response he went over to talk to Schmitz. According to Thomas, Schmitz walked off and "started talking this stuff, like,'Oh, look at the tranny over there, look at that tranny.'" McDonald said in a letter from Hennepin County jail that Schmitz called everyone in McDonald's group the n-word. McDonald testified that she and her friends tried to walk away, but that Flaherty started a fight by smashing a glass of alcohol against her face, cutting her and requiring 11 stitches. McDonald was asked in court whether Flaherty said "I can take on all of you bitches", to which she replied in the affirmative. According to McDonald's testimony, at one point Schmitz said "look at that boy dressed like a girl and tucking her dick in".
David Crandell, Flaherty's boyfriend stepped out of the bar to find multiple members of McDonald's group attacking Flaherty, tried to pull them away from her. Gary Gilbert, a security worker at the Schooner Tavern, recalled seeing Schmitz pull McDonald away from Flaherty, that Schmitz and McDonald moved into the street. McDonald's defense characterized this move as McDonald having "attempted to leave the scene, attempted to get out of harm's way", added that she was followed by Schmitz. Gilbert recalled that McDonald appeared to be holding a blade, while Schmitz had his fists clenched and said to McDonald "you gonna stab me, you bitch?" Schmitz hunched over, put his hand to his shirt and said "you stabbed me," to which McDonald replied, according to a witness, "Yes I did." Schmitz was stabbed in the chest with a pair of scissors. McDonald told police. After those present saw Schmitz bleeding, the fighting stopped. Schmitz's wound pierced his heart in the right ventricle. Anthony Stoneburg, in the neighborhood visiting his aunt, tried to plug the wound, but Schmitz died in the ambulance.
In the parking lot of the grocery store, McDonald saw the police car searching for her and flagged the officers down. She was arrested and confessed to the stabbing, but in her letter from Hennepin Count
Black Lives Matter
Black Lives Matter is an international activist movement, originating in the African-American community, that campaigns against violence and systemic racism towards black people. BLM holds protests speaking out against police killings of black people, broader issues such as racial profiling, police brutality, racial inequality in the United States criminal justice system. In 2013, the movement began with the use of the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter on social media after the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the shooting death of African-American teen Trayvon Martin in February 2012. Black Lives Matter became nationally recognized for its street demonstrations following the 2014 deaths of two African Americans: Michael Brown—resulting in protests and unrest in Ferguson—and Eric Garner in New York City. Since the Ferguson protests, participants in the movement have demonstrated against the deaths of numerous other African Americans by police actions or while in police custody. In the summer of 2015, Black Lives Matter activists became involved in the 2016 United States presidential election.
The originators of the hashtag and call to action, Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, Opal Tometi, expanded their project into a national network of over 30 local chapters between 2014 and 2016. The overall Black Lives Matter movement, however, is a decentralized network and has no formal hierarchy. There have been many reactions to the Black Lives Matter movement; the U. S. population's perception of Black Lives Matter varies by race. The phrase "All Lives Matter" sprang up as a response to the Black Lives Matter movement, but has been criticized for dismissing or misunderstanding the message of "Black Lives Matter". Following the shooting of two police officers in Ferguson, the hashtag Blue Lives Matter was created by supporters of the police; some black civil rights leaders have disagreed with tactics used by Black Lives Matter activists. BLM claims inspiration from the civil rights movement, the Black Power movement, the 1980s Black feminist movement, Pan-Africanism, the Anti-Apartheid Movement, hip hop, LGBTQ social movements, Occupy Wall Street.
Several media organizations have referred to BLM as "a new civil rights movement." Some of the protesters, however distinguish themselves from the older generation of black leadership, such as Al Sharpton, by their aversion to middle-class traditions such as church involvement, Democratic Party loyalty, respectability politics. Political scientist Frederick C. Harris has argued that this "group-centered model of leadership" is distinct from the older charismatic leadership model that characterized civil rights organizations like Jesse Jackson's Rainbow PUSH Coalition and Sharpton's National Action Network. In the summer of 2013, after George Zimmerman's acquittal for the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, the movement began with the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter; the movement was co-founded by three black community organizers: Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, Opal Tometi. Garza and Tometi met through "Black Organizing for Leadership & Dignity", a national organization that trains community organizers.
They began to question how they were going to respond to what they saw as the devaluation of black lives after Zimmerman's acquittal. Garza wrote a Facebook post titled "A Love Note to Black People" in which she said: "Our Lives Matter, Black Lives Matter". Cullors replied: "#BlackLivesMatter". Tometi added her support, Black Lives Matter was born as an online campaign. In August 2014, BLM members organized their first in-person national protest in the form of a "Black Lives Matter Freedom Ride" to Ferguson, Missouri after the shooting of Michael Brown. More than five hundred members descended upon Ferguson to participate in non-violent demonstrations. Of the many groups that descended on Ferguson, Black Lives Matter emerged from Ferguson as one of the best organized and most visible groups, becoming nationally recognized as symbolic of the emerging movement; the activities in the streets of Ferguson caught the attention of a number of Palestinians who tweeted advice on how to deal with tear gas.
This connection helped to bring to Black activists' attention the ties between the Israeli armed forces and police in the United States, would influence the Israel section of the platform of the Movement for Black Lives, released in 2016. Since Black Lives Matter has organized thousands of protests and demonstrations. Expanding beyond street protests, BLM has expanded to activism on American college campuses, such as the 2015–16 University of Missouri protests. Black Lives Matter incorporates those traditionally on the margins of black freedom movements; the organization's website, for instance, states that Black Lives Matter is "a unique contribution that goes beyond extrajudicial killings of Black people by police and vigilantes" and, embracing intersectionality, that "Black Lives Matter affirms the lives of Black queer and trans folks, disabled folks, black-undocumented folks, folks with records and all Black lives along the gender spectrum." All three founders of the Black Lives Matter movement are women, Garza and Cullors identify as queer.
Additionally, Elle Hearns, one of the founding organizers of the global network, is a transgender woman. The founders believe that their backgrounds have paved the way for Black Lives Matter to be an intersectional movement. Several hashtags such as #BlackWomenMatter, #BlackGirlsMatter, #BlackQueerLivesMatter, #BlackTransLivesMatter have surfaced on the BLM website and throughout social media networks. Marcia Chatelain, associate professor of history at Georgetown University, has praised BLM for allowing "young, queer women play a central role" in the movement; the phrase "Black Lives Matter" can refer to a Twitter has
Dakota Access Pipeline
The Dakota Access Pipeline or Bakken pipeline is a 1,172-mile-long underground oil pipeline in the United States. It begins in the shale oil fields of the Bakken formation in northwest North Dakota and continues through South Dakota and Iowa to an oil terminal near Patoka, Illinois. Together with the Energy Transfer Crude Oil Pipeline from Patoka to Nederland, Texas, it forms the Bakken system; the $3.78 billion project was announced to the public in June 2014, informational hearings for landowners took place between August 2014 and January 2015. Dakota Access, LLC, controlled by Energy Transfer Partners, started constructing the pipeline in June 2016. Phillips 66, affiliates of Enbridge and Marathon Petroleum have minority interests in the pipeline; the pipeline was completed by April 2017 and its first oil was delivered on May 14, 2017. The pipeline became commercially operational on June 1, 2017. Protests of the Dakota Access Pipeline occurred at several places because of concerns about the pipeline's impact on the environment and to sites sacred to American Indians.
Indigenous nations around the country began opposing the pipeline, along with the Sioux tribal nations. In North Dakota, next to and on the Standing Rock Indian Reservation nearly 15,000 people from around the world protested, staging a sit-in for months; the pipeline, referred to as the Bakken pipeline, has a permanent easement of 50 feet and a construction right-of-way of up to 150 feet. The 30-inch diameter pipeline is at least 48 inches underground from the top of the pipe or 2 feet below any drain tiles; the pipeline carries 470,000 barrels per day of crude oil. The capacity may be increased up to 570,000 barrels per day; the pipeline cost $3.78 billion, of which $1.4 billion was invested in the North Dakota portion, $820 million was invested in the South Dakota portion, $1.04 billion was invested in the Iowa portion, $516 million was invested in the Illinois portion. Of this, $189 million was paid to landowners; the pipeline is estimated to have created 51 permanent jobs across the 4 states.
In 2014, Energy Transfer Partners estimated that the pipeline would create between 12 and 15 permanent jobs and from 2,000 to 4,000 temporary jobs in Iowa. The $1.35 billion capital investment in Iowa was projected to generate $33 million sales tax in Iowa during construction and $30 million property tax in 2017. Energy Transfer hired "Strategic Economics Group" in West Des Moines to prepare this analysis; the pipeline provides an outlet for oil to be transferred across the country and sold to international countries and corporations. The developer argued that the pipeline improves the overall safety to the public, would help the US to attain energy independence, is a more reliable and safer method of transport to refineries than rail or road. Proponents have argued that the pipeline will free up railroads, which will allow farmers to ship more Midwest grain. About 70% of Bakken oil is transported by rail because of pipeline limitations; as of July 2014 Bakken shale oil was transported through nine Iowa counties via three freight trains per week.
As of June 2014, 32 trains per week carrying Bakken oil traveled through Jo Daviess County in northwestern Illinois. Rail offers greater flexibility and adaptability and has had fewer spill volume per Billion-Ton-Miles, but costs more than pipeline transportation and, similar to pipeline, still requires additional investment; the pipeline is owned by Energy Transfer, MarEn Bakken Company LLC, Phillips 66 Partners. MarEn Bakken Company LLC is an entity owned by MPLX LP and Enbridge Energy Partners L. P. Bakken Holdings Company and Phillips 66 co-own another part of the Bakken system, the Energy Transfer Crude Oil Pipeline which runs from Patoka to storage terminals in Nederland, Texas; the pipeline project cost $3.78 billion, of which $2.5 billion was financed by loans, while the rest of the capital was raised by the sale of ownership in Dakota Access, LLC to Enbridge and Marathon Petroleum. The loans were provided by a group of 17 banks, including Citibank, Wells Fargo, BNP Paribas, SunTrust, Royal Bank of Scotland, Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi, Mizuho Bank, TD Securities, ABN AMRO Capital, ING Bank, DNB ASA, ICBC, SMBC Nikko Securities and Société Générale.
Due to the Dakota Access Pipeline protests, DNB ASA announced in November 2016 to use its position as a lender of over $342 million credit "to encourage a more constructive process to find solutions to the conflict that has arisen." In February 2017, Washington's city council unanimously voted to not renew its contract with Wells Fargo "in a move that cites the bank's role as a lender to the Dakota Access Pipeline project as well as its "creation of millions of bogus accounts" and saying the bidding process for its next banking partner will involve "social responsibility." The City Council in Davis, took a similar action voting unanimously to find a new bank to handle its accounts by the end of 2017. In March 2017, ING sold its stake in the loan, while retaining a potential risk in case of non-payment under the loan; the pipeline route runs from the northwestern North Dakota Three Forks sites. It starts in Stanley, North Dakota, travels in a southeastward direction to end at the oil tank farm near Patoka, Illinois.
It crosses 50 counties in four states. In North Dakota, the 346-mile route traverses seven counties; the project consists of 143 miles of oil gathering pipelines and 200 miles of larger transmission pipeline. The route starts with a terminal in the Stanley area, runs west with five more terminals in Ramberg Station, Trenton, Watford City and Johnson
An intentional community is a planned residential community designed from the start to have a high degree of social cohesion and teamwork. The members of an intentional community hold a common social, religious, or spiritual vision and follow an alternative lifestyle, they share responsibilities and resources. Intentional communities include collective households, cohousing communities, ecovillages, communes, survivalist retreats, kibbutzim and housing cooperatives. New members of an intentional community are selected by the community's existing membership, rather than by real-estate agents or land owners; the purposes of intentional communities vary in different communities. They may include sharing resources, creating family-oriented neighborhoods, living ecologically sustainable lifestyles, such as in ecovillages; some communities are secular. One common practice in spiritual communities, is communal meals. There is a focus on egalitarian values. Other themes are voluntary simplicity, interpersonal growth, self-sufficiency.
Some communities provide services to disadvantaged populations. These include, but are not limited to, war refugees, homeless people, or people with developmental disabilities; some communities operate learning and/or health centers. Other communities, such as Castanea of Nashville, offer a safe neighborhood for those exiting rehab programs to live in; some communities act as a mixed-income neighborhood to alleviate the damages of one demographic assigned to one area. Many intentional communities attempt to alleviate social injustices that are being practiced within the area of residence; some intentional communities are micronations, such as Freetown Christiania. Many communities have different levels of membership. Intentional communities have a selection process which starts with someone interested in the community coming for a visit. Prospective community members are interviewed by a selection committee of the community or in some cases by everyone in the community. Many communities have a "provisional membership" period.
After a visitor has been accepted, a new member is "provisional" until they have stayed for some period and the community re-evaluates their membership. After the provisional member has been accepted, they become a full member. In many communities, the voting privileges or community benefits for provisional members are less than those for full members. Christian intentional communities are composed of those wanting to emulate the practices of the earliest believers. Using the biblical book of Acts as a model, members of these communities strive for a practical working out of their individual faith in a corporate context; these Christian intentional communities try to live out the teachings of the New Testament and practice lives of compassion and hospitality. Communities such as the Simple Way, the Bruderhof and Rutba House would fall into this category; these communities, despite strict membership criteria, are open to visitors and not reclusive in the way that certain intentional communities are.
A survey in the 1995 edition of the "Communities Directory", published by Fellowship for Intentional Community, reported that 54 percent of the communities choosing to list themselves were rural, 28 percent were urban, 10 percent had both rural and urban sites, 8 percent did not specify. The most common form of governance in intentional communities is democratic, with decisions made by some form of consensus decision-making or voting. A hierarchical or authoritarian structure governs 9 percent of communities, 11 percent are a combination of democratic and hierarchical structure, 16 percent do not specify. Many communities which were led by an individual or small group have changed in recent years to a more democratic form of governance. Community garden Cooperation List of intentional communities Utopian socialism Christian, D. Creating a Life Together: Practical Tools to Grow Ecovillages and Intentional Communities New Society Publishers. ISBN 0-86571-471-1 Curl, John Memories of Drop City, the First Hippie Commune of the 1960s and the Summer of Love: a memoir.
IUniverse. ISBN 0-595-42343-4. Kanter, Rosabeth Moss Commitment and Community: communes and utopias in sociological perspective. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-14575-5 McLaughlin, C. and Davidson, G. Builders of the Dawn: community lifestyles in a changing world. Book Publishing Company. ISBN 0-913990-68-X Lupton, Robert C. Return Flight: Community Development Through Reneighboring our Cities, Georgia:FCS Urban Ministries. Moore, Charles E. Called to Community: The Life Jesus Wants for His People. Plough Publishing House, 2016. “Intentional Community.” Plough, Plough Publishing, www.plough.com/en/topics/community/intentional-community. Intentional community at Curlie Intentional Communities website Intentional Communities Wiki Intentional Community For Media and Spirituality Diggers & Dreamers UK directory & Journal eurotopia European Directory of Communities and Ecovillages The Twitter Age Embraces Communal Living – slideshow by The New York Times International Communes Desk
Minneapolis City Council
The Minneapolis City Council is the governing body of the City of Minneapolis. It consists of 13 members, elected from separate wards to four-year terms; the Council is dominated with a total of 12 members. The Green Party of Minnesota has Cam Gordon; the city has never had more than 13 wards, but at one time there were three representatives from each area, for a total of 39 members of the City Council. The City Council assumed its current size in the 1950s. In July 2001, DFL Council Member Brian Herron pleaded guilty to one count of felony extortion, he admitted to accepting a $10,000 bribe from a business owner who faced numerous health and safety inspections violations. Herron served a one-year sentence in federal prison. On November 21, 2002, ten-year DFL Council Member Joe Biernat was convicted of five federal felony charges, one count of embezzlement, three counts of mail fraud, one count of making a false statement. Biernat was found not guilty on conspiracy to extort charges. In September 2005, Green Party Council Member Dean Zimmermann was served with a federal search warrant to his home by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
The affidavit attached to the warrant revealed that the FBI had Zimmermann on video and audiotape accepting bribes for a zoning change. Zimmermann subsequently lost his re-election campaign, was convicted in federal court on three counts of accepting cash from a developer and found not guilty of soliciting property from people with business with the city. Zimmermann was released from prison in July 2008. In 2009, Council President Barbara A. Johnson was accused of misusing campaign funds for personal spending. An administrative hearing was held January 26, 2010; the administrative judges at the hearing dismissed six of the eight charges. Johnson paid a $200 fine for these violations, the lowest fine possible. In 2006, Minneapolis voters approved the use of the single transferable vote for its municipal elections; the first use of ranked-choice voting was in the 2009 municipal election. However, since the City Council uses single-member districts, the single transferable vote functions the same way as instant-runoff voting.
This system of voting is known in the United States as "ranked choice voting." Each member's term is four years, there are no limits on the number of terms a member may serve. As of 2018, all Council Members are paid a base salary of $98,696 annually; the City Council elected November 7, 2017, assumed office on January 2, 2018, is composed of: Government of Minneapolis Official website
Smoking bans, or smoke-free laws, are public policies, including criminal laws and occupational safety and health regulations, that prohibit tobacco smoking in workplaces and other public spaces. Legislation may define smoking as more being the carrying or possessing of any lit tobacco product. Smoking bans are enacted in an attempt to protect people from the effects of second-hand smoke, which include an increased risk of heart disease, cancer and other diseases. Laws implementing bans on indoor smoking have been introduced by many countries in various forms over the years, with some legislators citing scientific evidence that shows tobacco smoking is harmful to the smokers themselves and to those inhaling second-hand smoke. In addition such laws may reduce health care costs, improve work productivity, lower the overall cost of labour in the community thus protected, making that workforce more attractive for employers. In the US state of Indiana, the economic development agency included in its 2006 plan for acceleration of economic growth encouragement for cities and towns to adopt local smoking bans as a means of promoting job growth in communities.
Additional rationales for smoking restrictions include reduced risk of fire in areas with explosive hazards. The World Health Organization considers smoking bans to have an influence to reduce demand for tobacco by creating an environment where smoking becomes more difficult and to help shift social norms away from the acceptance of smoking in everyday life. Along with tax measures, cessation measures, education, smoking bans are viewed by public health experts as an important element in reducing smoking rates and promoting positive health outcomes; when implemented they are seen as an important element of policy to support behaviour change in favour of a healthy lifestyle. Banning smoking in public places has helped to cut premature births by 10 percent, according to new research from the United States and Europe. Research has generated evidence that second-hand smoke causes the same problems as direct smoking, including lung cancer, cardiovascular disease, lung ailments such as emphysema and asthma.
Meta-analyses show that lifelong non-smokers with partners who smoke in the home have a 20–30% greater risk of lung cancer than non-smokers who live with non-smokers. Non-smokers exposed to cigarette smoke in the workplace have an increased lung cancer risk of 16–19%. A study issued in 2002 by the International Agency for Research on Cancer of the World Health Organization concluded that non-smokers are exposed to the same carcinogens on account of tobacco smoke as active smokers. Sidestream smoke contains 69 known carcinogens benzopyrene and other polynuclear aromatic hydrocarbons, radioactive decay products, such as polonium-210. Several well-established carcinogens have been shown by the tobacco companies' own research to be present at higher concentrations in second-hand smoke than in mainstream smoke. Scientific organisations confirming the effects of second-hand smoke include the U. S. National Cancer Institute, the U. S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the U. S. National Institutes of Health, the Surgeon General of the United States, the World Health Organization.
Restrictions upon smoking in bars and restaurants can improve the air quality in such establishments. For example, one study listed on the website of the U. S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention states that New York's statewide law to eliminate smoking in enclosed workplaces and public places reduced RSP levels in western New York hospitality venues. RSP levels were reduced in every venue that permitted smoking before the law was implemented, including venues in which only second-hand smoke from an adjacent room was observed at baseline; the CDC concluded that their results were similar to other studies which showed improved indoor air quality after smoking bans were instituted. A 2004 study showed New Jersey bars and restaurants had more than nine times the levels of indoor air pollution of neighbouring New York City, which had enacted its smoking ban. Research has shown that improved air quality translates to decreased toxin exposure among employees. For example, among employees of the Norwegian establishments that enacted smoking restrictions, tests showed decreased levels of nicotine in the urine of both smoking and non-smoking workers.
In 2009, the Public Health Law Research Program, a national program office of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, published an evidence brief summarising the research assessing the effect of a specific law or policy on public health. They stated that "There is strong evidence supporting smoking bans and restrictions as effective public health interventions aimed at decreasing exposure to secondhand smoke." One of the world's earliest smoking bans was a 1575 Roman Catholic Church regulation which forbade the use of tobacco in any church in Mexico. In 1604, King James I of England published an anti-smoking treatise, A Counterblaste to Tobacco, that had the effect of raising taxes on tobacco; the Ottoman Sultan Murad IV had smokers executed. Pope Urban VII prohibited smoking in the Church in 1590 followed by Urban VIII in 1624. Pope Urban VII threatened to excommunicate anyone who "took tobacco in the porchway of or insi
A minimum wage is the lowest remuneration that employers can pay their workers—the price floor below which workers may not sell their labor. Most countries had introduced minimum wage legislation by the end of the 20th century. Supply and demand models suggest that there may be employment losses from minimum wages. However, if the labor market is in a state of monopsony, minimum wages can increase the efficiency of the market. There is debate about the effect of minimum wages; the movement for minimum wages was first motivated as a way to stop the exploitation of workers in sweatshops, by employers who were thought to have unfair bargaining power over them. Over time, minimum wages came to be seen as a way to help lower-income families. Although minimum wage laws are in effect in many jurisdictions, differences of opinion exist about the benefits and drawbacks of a minimum wage. Supporters of the minimum wage say it increases the standard of living of workers, reduces poverty, reduces inequality, boosts morale.
In contrast, opponents of the minimum wage say it increases poverty, increases unemployment and is damaging to businesses, because excessively high minimum wages require businesses to raise the prices of their product or service to accommodate the extra expense of paying a higher wage and some low-wage workers "will be unable to find work... will be pushed into the ranks of the unemployed."Modern national laws enforcing compulsory union membership which prescribed minimum wages for their members were first passed in New Zealand and Australia in the 1890s. Modern minimum wage laws trace their origin to the Ordinance of Labourers, a decree by King Edward III that set a maximum wage for laborers in medieval England. King Edward III, a wealthy landowner, was dependent, like his lords, on serfs to work the land. In the autumn of 1348, the Black Plague decimated the population; the severe shortage of labor caused wages to soar and encouraged King Edward III to set a wage ceiling. Subsequent amendments to the ordinance, such as the Statute of Labourers, increased the penalties for paying a wage above the set rates.
While the laws governing wages set a ceiling on compensation, they were used to set a living wage. An amendment to the Statute of Labourers in 1389 fixed wages to the price of food; as time passed, the Justice of the Peace, charged with setting the maximum wage began to set formal minimum wages. The practice was formalized with the passage of the Act Fixing a Minimum Wage in 1604 by King James I for workers in the textile industry. By the early 19th century, the Statutes of Labourers was repealed as capitalistic England embraced laissez-faire policies which disfavored regulations of wages; the subsequent 19th century saw. As trade unions were decriminalized during the century, attempts to control wages through collective agreement were made. However, this meant. In Principles of Political Economy in 1848, John Stuart Mill argued that because of the collective action problems that workers faced in organisation, it was a justified departure from laissez-faire policies to regulate people's wages and hours by the law.
It was not until the 1890s that the first modern legislative attempts to regulate minimum wages were seen in New Zealand and Australia. The movement for a minimum wage was focused on stopping sweatshop labor and controlling the proliferation of sweatshops in manufacturing industries; the sweatshops employed large numbers of women and young workers, paying them what were considered to be substandard wages. The sweatshop owners were thought to have unfair bargaining power over their employees, a minimum wage was proposed as a means to make them pay fairly. Over time, the focus changed to helping people families, become more self-sufficient; the first modern national minimum wages were enacted by the government recognition of unions which in turn established minimum wage policy among their members, as in New Zealand in 1894, followed by Australia in 1896 and the United Kingdom in 1909. In the United States, statutory minimum wages were first introduced nationally in 1938, they were reintroduced and expanded in the United Kingdom in 1998.
There is now legislation or binding collective bargaining regarding minimum wage in more than 90 percent of all countries. In the European Union, 22 member states out of 28 have national minimum wages. Other countries, such as Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland and Italy, have no minimum wage laws, but rely on employer groups and trade unions to set minimum earnings through collective bargaining. Minimum wage rates vary across many different jurisdictions, not only in setting a particular amount of money—for example $7.25 per hour under certain US state laws, $11.00 in the US state of Washington, or £7.83 in the United Kingdom—but in terms of which pay period or the scope of coverage. The United States federal minimum wage is $7.25 per hour. However, some states do not recognize the minimum wage law, such as Tennessee. Other states operate below the federal minimum wage such as Wyoming; some jurisdictions allow employers to count tips given to their workers as credit towards the minimum wage levels.
India was one of the first developing countries to intr