Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers
The Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers is a political office of Argentina, akin to a prime minister, created by the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution. The current office holder is Marcos Peña; the attributions of the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers are established by the articles 100 and 101 of the Constitution of Argentina. Most of his duties are related to organize the work of the other Ministers, or to its intermediary role between the Executive Power and the Argentine National Congress. To detail in full the powers and duties of the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers of Argentina under Articles 100 and 101 of the Constitution to quote: "Second Part: Authorities of the Nation Chapter IV The Chief of the Ministerial Cabinet and other Ministers of the Executive Power Section 100.- The Chief of the Ministerial Cabinet and the other secretary ministers, whose number and powers shall be determined by a special law, shall be in charge of the business of the Nation and shall countersign and legalize the acts of the President with their signatures, without which said acts are void.
The Chief of the Ministerial Cabinet, politically liable before the National Congress, is empowered: 1.- To exercise the general administration of the country. 2.- To perform the acts and issue the rules necessary to exercise the powers granted by this section as well as those delegated by the President of the Nation, being countersigned by the pertinent secretary minister to which the act or rule refers. 3.- To appoint the employees of the Administration, except for those pertaining to the President. 4.- To exercise the functions and powers delegated to him by the President of the Nation and, with the consent of the Cabinet, to decide about matters that the Executive Power may indicate to him or, on his own account, about those he deems it necessary due to their importance, within the scope of his jurisdiction. 5.- To coordinate and convoke the meetings of the ministerial cabinet, presiding at them in the absence of the President. 6.- To submit to Congress the bills on Ministries and National Budget, with the prior consent of the Cabinet and the approval of the Executive Power.
7.- To have the revenues of the Nation collected and to enforce the National Budget Act. 8.- To countersign regulatory decrees of the laws, decrees to extend the ordinary legislative session of Congress or to convoke to an extraordinary one, the messages of the President supporting legislative initiatives. - To attend the meetings of Congress and take part in its debates. 10.- Once the ordinary legislative session of Congress has begun, to submit together with the other ministers a detailed report on the state of the Nation regarding the business of the respective departments. 11.- To give such oral and written reports and explanations that either of the Houses may request from the Executive Power. 12.- To countersign decrees about powers delegated by Congress, which shall be under the control of the Joint Standing Committee. 13.- To countersign, together with the other ministers, decrees of necessity and urgency and decrees on partial promulgation of laws. Within ten days of their approval, he shall submit these decrees to the consideration of the Joint Standing Committee.
The Chief of the Ministerial Cabinet shall not be appointed to another ministry. Section 101.- The Chief of the Ministerial Cabinet shall attend Congress at least once a month, alternating between each House, to report on the progress of the government, notwithstanding the provisions of Section 71. He may be interpellated for the purpose of considering a vote of censure, by the vote of the absolute majority of all the members of either House, he may be removed by the vote of the absolute majority of the members of each House." "Congreso de la Nación Argentina". Congreso.gob.ar. Retrieved 27 October 2018
December 2001 riots in Argentina
The December 2001 crisis, sometimes known as the Argentinazo, was a period of civil unrest and rioting in Argentina, which took place during December 2001, with the most violent incidents taking place on 19 and 20 December in the capital, Buenos Aires and other large cities around the country. It was preceded by a popular revolt against the Argentine government, rallying behind the motto "All of them must go!", which caused the resignation of then-president Fernando de la Rúa, giving way to a period of political instability during which five government officials performed the duties of the Argentinian presidency. This period of instability occurred during the larger period of crisis known as the Argentine great depression, an economic and social crisis that lasted from 1998 until 2002; the December 2001 crisis was a direct response to the government's imposition of "Corral" policies at the behest of economic minister Domingo Cavallo, which restricted people's ability to withdraw cash from banks.
Rioting and protests became widespread on 19 December 2001 following the president's declaration of a state of emergency and his resignation on the following day. A state of extreme institutional instability continued for the next twelve days, during which the successor president Adolfo Rodríguez Saá resigned as well. While the degree of instability subsided, the events of December 2001 would become a blow against the legitimacy of the Argentine government that would persist for the following years; the majority of the participants in the protests were unaffiliated with any political party or organization. Over the course of the protests, 39 people were killed by security forces. Of the 39 killed, nine were minors, an indication of the degree of repression ordered by the government to oppose the protests. Fernando de la Rúa, as the candidate for the Alliance for Work and Education, had assumed the role of president in December of 1999 in the middle of a recession, caused in part by the Convertibility plan passed in 1991 which pegged the value of the Argentine peso to the United States dollar.
While political reforms under the previous president Carlos Menem had succeeded in reducing inflation, the downsides of his economic policies became more and more apparent starting in 1997. Maintaining the convertibility of pesos to dollars required the government of Argentina to obtain an abundant supply of American dollars. At first, this supply was maintained by the privatization of nearly all of the Argentinian state's industries and pension funds; as the privatization process was completed, Argentina's agriculture export-based economy was unable to maintain a sufficient flow of dollars to the state, the system began to require more and more sovereign debt. One of the key factors leading to the victory of the Alliance in the 1999 elections was its promise to uphold the convertibility plan. One of de la Rúa's campaign slogans declared "With me, one peso, one dollar". Despite a changing international economic situation, mounting demands for increased monetary sovereignty, the Alliance committed itself to maintain the status quo at all costs.
De la Rúa's political situation was precarious. His arrival to power in 1999 had been possible thanks to the Alliance for Work and Education, a coalition formed by the Radical Civic Union and the FrePaSo, which managed to defeat the incumbent Justicialist Party in that year's presidential elections. However, the Alliance failed to achieve a majority in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, lost the provincial elections to the Peronists, who remained in charge of large and critical districts such as the Buenos Aires, Córdoba and Santa Fe provinces; the government coalition was strained from the first moment. In late 2000 a political scandal broke out when it was reported that SIDE, Argentina's intelligence service, had paid massive bribes to a number of senators to approve a controversial Labor Reform Act; the head of SIDE, Fernando de Santibañes, was a personal friend of De la Rúa. The crisis came to a head on October 2000 when Vice President Carlos Álvarez resigned, citing De la Rúa's unwillingness to tackle corruption.
De la Rúa's economic policies suffered a severe blow in March 2001 when Economy Minister José Luis Machinea resigned from office. He was replaced by the then-Defense Minister Ricardo López Murphy, who himself was forced to resign following negative reception to his shock program. After only two weeks in office, López Murphy was replaced by Domingo Cavallo, who had served as Economy Minister between 1991 and 1996, and, the original author of the Convertibility plan during Menem's presidency; because of the worsening economic situation and mounting foreign debt, the government enacted two enormous campaigns of debt-expansion and refinancing under the supervision of the International Monetary Fund, named "The armoring" and "The Megaexchange" respectively. From the first moment, there were allegations of corruption and money laundering about the megacanje; the crisis caused the resignation of all the FrePaSo Cabin
Argentine Chamber of Deputies
The Chamber of Deputies is the lower house of the Argentine National Congress. It is made up of 257 national deputies who are elected in multi-member constituencies corresponding with the territories of the 23 provinces of Argentina by party list proportional representation. Elections to the Chamber are held every two years; the Constitution of Argentina lays out certain attributions that are unique to the Chamber of Deputies. The Chamber holds exclusive rights to levy taxes. Additionally, the Chamber of Deputies receives for consideration bills presented by popular initiative; the Chamber of Deputies is presided over by the President of the Chamber, deputized by three Vice Presidents. It has 257 seats and one-half of the members are elected every two years to serve four-year terms by the people of each district using proportional representation, D'Hondt formula with a 3% of the district registered voters threshold, the following distribution: All data from official website. In order for an Argentine citizen to be elected to congress, they have to fulfil certain requirements: He or she has to be at least twenty five years old with at least four years of active citizenship and it has to be naturalized in the province, being elected to or at least have two years of immediate residency in said province, according to art.
48 or the Argentine Constitution. The Chamber of Deputies was provided for in the Constitution of Argentina, ratified on May 1, 1853. Eligibility requisites are that members be at least twenty-five years old, have been a resident of the province they represent for at least four years. Otherwise patterned after Article One of the United States Constitution per legal scholar Juan Bautista Alberdi's treatise, Bases de la Constitución Argentina, the chamber was apportioned in one seat per 33,000 inhabitants; the constitution made no provision for a national census and because the Argentine population doubled every twenty years from 1870 to 1930 as a result of immigration, censuses were conducted generationally, rather than every decade, until 1947. The distribution of the Chamber of Deputies is regulated since 1983 by Law 22.847 called Ley Bignone, enacted by the last Argentine dictator, General Reynaldo Bignone, ahead of the 1983 general elections. This law established that each province shall have one deputy per 161,000 inhabitants, with standard rounding.
If a province has fewer than five deputies, the number of deputies for that province is increased to reach that minimum. Controversially, apportionment remains based on the 1980 population census, has not been modified since 1983; the minimum of five seat per province allots the smaller ones a disproportionately large representation, as well. Accordingly, this distribution does not reflect Argentina's current population balance; the President of the Chamber is elected by the majority caucus. The officeholders for this post since 1983 have been: Leadership positions include: List of current Argentine deputies Argentine Senate Politics of Argentina List of legislatures by country Chamber of Deputies Argentina - Official Site
Front for Victory
The Front for Victory is a centre-left Peronist electoral alliance in Argentina, it is formally a faction of the Justicialist Party. Both the former president Néstor Kirchner and the former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner belong to this party, located on the centre-left of the mainstream Argentine political spectrum; the party was led by Néstor Kirchner until his death in 2010. The Front for Victory is ideologically identified with; the Front should not be confused with the Party for Victory, just one of the political parties in it. Due to internal disagreements over leadership, the Justicialist Party did not participate as such in the 2003 presidential elections, so the Front for Victory was established on behalf of the presidential candidacy of Néstor Kirchner, in opposition to two other Peronist tickets. At the 2005 legislative elections the FPV, again running against other Peronist lists, won 50 of the 127 elected deputies and 14 of the 24 elected senators, thus obtaining the majority in both Houses of Congress.
At the 2007 presidential election, FPV rallied through the Plural Consensus alliance, including non-PJ candidates. Its presidential candidate Cristina Fernández de Kirchner won the Presidency on the first round, obtaining 45.29% of the total votes, some 22% ahead of her nearest challenger, this being the widest margin any candidate had got on any modern election held in Argentina at that time. At the 2009 mid-term legislative election, the FPV lost its congressional majorities in both chambers, gaining just 30.80% of the national votes, thus narrowly becoming the first minority party at the Argentine National Congress, while the Civic and Social Agreement alliance arrived a close second. At the October 2011 elections, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner secured her re-election with 54.11% of the votes in the first round, a 38% lead over her nearest challenger, much widening its former performance of 2007. With 11,864,456 votes, Cristina Fernández became the most voted person in the history of Argentine democracy, the FPV achieved a first-time third consecutive mandate for a Peronist alliance.
At the 2013 legislative election, the FPV and its allies marginally won the elections, maintaining its dominance over both chambers of the Congress. The Front for Victory has a Declaration of Principles headed by the motto: "Argentina and ability to build a new country." The FPV takes its principles from what it calls an "intolerable" gap between the rich and the poor, questions the role of those political parties allied to the regime in the 2001 crisis that affected the country. Hence "the vital need of deepening a process of social justice, which by leaving behind a past most Argentines want to overcome, will allow the construction of a new space for political and institutional management in Argentina"; the Declaration of Principles finishes explaining that "imagining and building a new country requires conviction and ability for joining the pieces of a fragmented society and the will to do so, not from a single political party, but from the formation of a broad national front which can bring us back as a Nation this Argentina that can't wait any longer".
The Front for Victory is composed by: In 2003 the FPV with the candidacy of Nestor Kirchner came second in the presidential elections with 22% of the vote, behind former president Carlos Menem with 24%. As provided in the Constitution, corresponded settling the election in a runoff, but Menem, with polls favoring Kirchner by more than 60%, withdrew from it, being for that reason elected President of Argentina, Nestor Carlos Kirchner, for the period 2003-10 December 2007. At that time Front of Victory had the decisive support of the leaders of Buenos Aires with involvement of the "duhaldismo", political force of whom until was President Eduardo Duhalde. In the 2005 elections there was a break between the Peronist Kirchner and Duhalde, which led to the exclusion of the latter from the Front for Victory and electoral confrontation between the two sectors; the decision to move against corporate economic and livestock sector employers of soybean roots caused the confrontation. In 2005, FPV presented as presidential candidate Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, while duhaldismo introduced Hilda "Chiche" González de Duhalde, the wife of the former president, being Cristina the first winner by a large margin.
During the Kirchner administration an advance payment of the total debt to the International Monetary Fund was made, declaring the aim of ending the subjection of the respective national economic policies to the international body. Afterwards a swap debt is performed, which began renegotiations for the bonds, in default since 2001; as a symbol of his administration, pursued an active policy to promote human rights. His government incorporated members of recognized human rights organization and prompted the prosecution of those responsible for crimes against humanity that occurred during the 70s, made by the Triple A and the government of National Reorganization Process. To carry it out, supporters in Congress voted the cancellation of the laws of Due Obedience and Full Stop, which had remained restraining such judgments since the government of Raul Alfonsin; this decision was subsequently ratified by the Judicial. Regarding international policy, in November of that year was held in Mar del Plata the IV Summit of the
Vilma Lidia Ibarra is an Argentine politician Senator for Buenos Aires and now a National Deputy. She is the sister of the former Chief of the Buenos Aires government. Ibarra was born in Lomas de Zamora, Buenos Aires Province and moved to the city of Buenos Aires in 1966, she studied at the Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires. She worked as a lawyer. In 1996, Ibarra became Secretary of the FrePaSo block in the Chamber. In 1999 she was elected to the Senate. In 2000 she became a city councillor in Buenos Aires, taking a leading role in her brother's administration. In 2001 she was re-elected to the Senate. Since 2003 she has been a supporter of Peronist President Néstor Kirchner. In August 2004, Ibarra proposed legislation to legalise abortion in certain circumstances. In 2007 she suggested legislative changes to permit same sex marriage. In 2007, Ibarra stepped down from the Senate and was re-elected as a national deputy for Buenos Aires, second on the list of Kirchner's Front for Victory, she sits in the Social Encounter block.
Senate profile Interview La Nación, 12 February 2006
The Justicialist Party, or PJ, is a Peronist political party in Argentina, the largest component of the Peronist movement. It is the main opposition party. Former presidents Carlos Menem, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner have been elected from this party. Justicialists have been the largest party in the Congress covering nearly the entire period since 1987; the Justicialist Party is the largest party in the Congress. The Justicialist Party was founded in 1947 by Juan and Evita Perón, superseded the Labour Party on which Perón had been elected a year earlier. Following the enactment of women's right to vote in 1948, a Peronist Women's Party, led by the First Lady, was established. All Peronist entities were banned from elections after 1955, when the Revolución Libertadora overthrew Perón, civilian governments' attempt to lift Peronism's ban from legislative and local elections in 1962 and 1965 resulted in military coups. Basing itself on the policies espoused by Juan Perón as president of Argentina, the party's platform has from its inception centered around populism, its most consistent base of support has been the CGT, Argentina's largest trade union.
Perón ordered the mass nationalization of public services, strategic industries, the critical farm export sector, while enacting progressive labor laws and social reforms, accelerating public works investment. His tenure favored technical schools while harassing university staff, promoted urbanization as it raised taxes on the agrarian sector; these trends earned Peronism the loyalty of much of the working and lower classes, but helped alienate the upper and middle class sectors of society. Censorship and repression intensified, following his loss of support from the influential Catholic Church, Perón was deposed in a violent 1955 coup; the alignment of these groups as pro or anti-Peronist endured, though the policies of Peronism itself varied over the subsequent decades, as did those put forth by its many competing figures. During Perón's exile, it became a big tent party united solely by their support for the aging leader's return. A series of violent incidents, as well as Perón's negotiations with both the military regime and diverse political factions, helped lead to his return to Argentina in 1973, to his election.
An impasse followed in which the PJ had a place both for leftist armed organizations such as Montoneros, far-right factions such as José López Rega's Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance. Following Perón's death in 1974, this tenuous understanding disintegrated, a wave of political violence ensued resulting in a March 1976 coup; the Dirty War of the late 1970s, which cost hundreds of Peronists their lives, solidified the party's populist outlook following the failure of conservative Economy Minister José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz's free trade and deregulatory policies after 1980. In the first democratic elections after the end of the dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process, in 1983, the Justicialist Party lost to the Radical Civic Union. Six years it returned to power with Carlos Menem, during whose term the Constitution was reformed to allow for presidential reelection. Menem adopted neoliberal right-wing policies; the Justicialist Party was defeated by a coalition formed by the UCR and the centre-left FrePaSo in 1999, but regained political weight in the 2001 legislative elections, was left in charge of managing the selection of an interim president after the economic collapse of December 2001.
Justicialist Eduardo Duhalde, chosen by Congress, ruled during 2002 and part of 2003. The 2003 elections saw the constituency of the party split in three, as Carlos Menem, Néstor Kirchner and Adolfo Rodríguez Saá ran for the presidency leading different party coalitions. After Kirchner's victory, the party started to align behind his leadership, moving to the left; the Justicialist Party broke apart in the 2005 legislative elections when two factions ran for a Senate seat in Buenos Aires Province: Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Hilda González de Duhalde. The campaign was vicious. Kirchner's side allied with other minor forces and presented itself as a heterodox, left-leaning Front for Victory, while Duhalde's side stuck to older Peronist tradition. González de Duhalde's defeat to her opponent marked, according to many political analysts, the end to Duhalde's dominance over the province, was followed by a steady defection of his supporters to the winner's side. Néstor Kirchner proposed the entry of the party into the Socialist International in February 2008.
His dominance of the party was undermined, however, by the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector, when a bill raising export taxes was introduced with presidential support. Subsequent growers' lockouts helped result in the defection of numerous Peronists from the FpV caucus, further losses during the 2009 mid-term elections resulted in the loss of the FpV absolute majorities in both houses of Congress; the Justicialist Party was, since its foundation, a Peronist catch-all party, which focuses on the figure of Juan Perón and his wife Eva. However, another wing of the party was well more than the left-