Category:1792 events of the French Revolution
Pages in category "1792 events of the French Revolution"
The following 21 pages are in this category, out of 21 total. This list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).
The following 21 pages are in this category, out of 21 total. This list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).
1. Cult of Reason – The Cult of Reason was Frances first established state sponsored atheistic religion, intended as a replacement for Roman Catholicism during the French Revolution. Most of the dechristianisation of France was motivated by political and economic concerns, jacques Hébert gained a significant degree of popularity after being arrested for attacks on Girondists. Upon his release and with his popularity, along with Pierre Gaspard Chaumette. Unlike Robespierres Cult of the Supreme Being, Héberts cult rejected the existence of a deity, the cult was founded on the principles of the Enlightenment and anticlericalism. The Cult of Reason was explicitly anthropocentric and its goal was the perfection of mankind through the attainment of Truth and Liberty, and its guiding principle to this goal was the exercise of the human faculty of Reason. In the manner of conventional religion, it encouraged acts of congregational worship and they are not gods, for properly speaking, they are part of ourselves. The overarching theme of the Cult was summarized by Anacharsis Clootz, the Cult was intended as a civic religion—inspired by the works of Rousseau, Quatremère de Quincy, and Jacques-Louis David, it presented an explicit religion of man. Adherence to the Cult of Reason became an attribute of the Hébertist faction. It was also pervasive among the ranks of the sans-culottes, numerous political factions, anti-clerical groups and events only loosely connected to the cult have come to be amalgamated with its name. As a military commander dispatched by the Jacobins to enforce their new laws and his methods were brutal but efficient, and helped spread the developing creed through many parts of France. The official nationwide Fête de la Raison, supervised by Hébert and Momoro on 20 Brumaire, in ceremonies devised and organised by Chaumette, churches across France were transformed into modern Temples of Reason. The largest ceremony of all was at the cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris, the Christian altar was dismantled and an altar to Liberty was installed and the inscription To Philosophy was carved in stone over the cathedrals doors. Festive girls in white Roman dress and tricolor sashes milled around a costumed Goddess of Reason who impersonated Liberty, before his retirement, Georges Danton had warned against dechristianizers and their rhetorical excesses, but support for the Cult only increased in the zealous early years of the First Republic. Undeterred, Chaumette and Hébert proudly led a delegation of deputies to Notre Dame. Many contemporary accounts reported the Festival of Reason as a lurid, licentious affair of scandalous depravities and these accounts, real or embellished, galvanized anti-revolutionary forces and even caused many dedicated Jacobins like Robespierre to publicly separate themselves from the radical faction. Robespierre particularly scorned the Cult and denounced the festivals as ridiculous farces, Robespierre denounced the Hébertistes on various philosophical and political grounds, specifically rejecting their perceived atheism. Both cults were banned by Napoleon Bonaparte with his Law on Cults of 18 Germinal, Year X. Dechristianisation of France during the French Revolution Religion of Humanity Carlyle. The Oxford History of the French Revolution, encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760–1815
2. National Convention – The National Convention was the third government of the French Revolution, following the two-year National Constituent Assembly and the one-year Legislative Assembly. Created after the insurrection of 10 August 1792, it was the first French government organized as a republic. The Convention sat as an assembly from 20 September 1792 to 26 October 1795. The National Convention was therefore the first French assembly elected by a suffrage without distinctions of class, although the Convention lasted until 1795, power was effectively stripped from the elected deputies and concentrated in the small Committee of Public Safety from April 1793. After the fall of Robespierre, the Convention lasted for year until a new constitution was written. The election took place from 2 to 6 September 1792 after the election of the colleges by primary assemblies on 26 August. Therefore, the increased suffrage had very little impact, the electorate returned the same sort of men that the active citizens had chosen in 1791. In the whole of France, only eleven primary assemblies wanted to retain the monarchy, of the electoral assemblies, all tacitly voted for a republic – though only Paris used the word. None of the deputies stood as a royalist for elections, out of the five million Frenchmen able to vote, only a million showed up at the polls. The Salle des Machines had galleries for the public who often influenced the debates with interruptions or applause, the members of the Convention came from all classes of society, but the most numerous were lawyers. 75 members had sat in the National Constituent Assembly,183 in the Legislative Assembly, the full number of deputies was 749, not counting 33 from the French colonies, of whom only some arrived in Paris in time. Besides these, however, the newly formed départements annexed to France from 1792 to 1795 were allowed to send deputations, according to its own ruling, the Convention elected its President every fortnight, and the outgoing President was eligible for re-election after the lapse of a fortnight. Ordinarily the sessions were held in the morning, but evening sessions also occurred frequently, sometimes in exceptional circumstances the Convention declared itself in permanent session and sat for several days without interruption. For both legislative and administrative the Convention used committees, with more or less widely extended and regulated by successive laws. The most famous of these included the Committee of Public Safety. The Convention held legislative and executive powers during the first years of the French First Republic and had three periods, Girondin, Montagnard or Jacobin, and Thermidorian. The abolition of the royalty is a matter you cannot put off till tomorrow, the first session was held on 20 September 1792. The following day, amidst profound silence, the proposition was put to the assembly, on the 22nd came the news of the Battle of Valmy
3. Society of the Friends of the Blacks – The Society of the Friends of the Blacks was a group of French men and women, mostly white, who were abolitionists. The Society was created in Paris in 1788, and remained in existence until 1793 and it was led by Jacques Pierre Brissot, with advice from Thomas Clarkson, who headed the abolitionist movement in the Kingdom of Great Britain. At the beginning of 1789, it had 141 members, during the five-year period of its existence, it published anti-slavery literature and addressed its concerns on a substantive political level in the National Assembly of France. Ironically, however, any real, practical legislative mitigation of the slaves plight would emerge only after the demise of the Society in 1793, in February 1794, the National Assembly legislated the Universal Emancipation decree, which effectively freed all colonial slaves. The economy of France was dependent upon revenues from the colonies, figures indicate that slave-trade activity during the years leading up to the French Revolution resulted in some profit percentages exceeding 100 percent. In 1784, for example, the outfitter Chaurands realized a profit of 110 percent through the use of a single ship, in 1789, one outfitter reached 120 per cent. The initial formation of La Société des Amis des Noirs was undertaken by Jacques Pierre Brissot, a follower of the Philosophes, Brissots anti-slavery efforts were also due to his exposure to humanitarian activities on both sides of the Atlantic. In the United States, where he visited Philadelphias constitutional convention, in England, Thomas Clarkson invited Brissot to attend a meeting of the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade. So enthused was Brissot that shortly thereafter he would create his own abolitionist society in Paris and its objectives would be to suppress the slave trade and, at a later date, to attain equal rights for free men of color. The Amis advocated freedom in the French colonies, arguing that the ideas of the Revolution should extend to the colonies. The French concept of liberté, égalité, fraternité did not include the liberation of slaves, the Societys founder, Brissot, decided at the outset that the method of spreading the societys message would be through literature, and this he did in profusion. The Society emitted not only French translation of the English literature, but also written by Brissot. Addresses were delivered to other societies as well, such as the Amis de lhumanité, and it was a reflection of not only the Philosophe upbringing of the Society members, but also of their efforts to be active participants in the moulding of the revolutionary government. La Société des Amis des Noirs was most active dispersing its anti-slavery literature in and around Paris, the Society, nevertheless, did make attempts to convey its message to those living outside Paris. The political activities of the Friends of the Blacks also included addresses to the National Assembly, addresses promoting the abolition of the slave trade were made in February and April 1790. Another address was delivered a few months later, four months later, a discourse was presented concerning the violence in Saint Domingue. In July 1791, Clavière addressed the National Assemblys commercial interests, the Society also addressed government individuals such as Barnave, who was a member of the Committee on Colonies, and Jacques Necker, Frances Controller-General Of Finance. Although Necker was a believer in the in-humaneness of slavery, he could not sanction emancipation unless the practice of slavery, in this manner, the existing economic balance between nations would be maintained
4. French National Convention election, 1792 – The French National Convention election elected the National Convention. The election was held in September and were the first to be held under universal suffrage, an absolute majority of the deputies elected belonged to the Marais party, a political faction of vague but largely moderate policies. The Montagnards or Jacobins received 200 seats and the republican, though more moderate Girondin faction 160 seats
5. 9 September massacres – The 9 September massacres were two series of massacres of prisoners at Versailles on 9 September 1792 during the French Revolution. They occurred in the context of the September Massacres, Claude Fournier was accused of complicity in them. Those killed included Charles dAbancour, Claude Antoine de Valdec de Lessart, the same evening, the assassins returned to the écuries de la Reine, which had become Versailles prison, to carry out another massacre of 30 prisoners there. Diagnopsy, Les massacres de septembre Quid, see the chapter Constitution du 3-9-1791
6. Demonstration of 20 June 1792 – The demonstration occurred during the French Revolution. Its objectives were to convince the government to enforce the Legislative Assemblys, rulings, defend France against foreign invasion, the demonstrators hoped that the king would withdraw his veto and recall the Girondin ministers. The Demonstration was the last phase of the attempt to establish a constitutional monarchy in France. After the Insurrection of 10 August 1792, the monarchy fell, under the Girondin ministry, on 20 April 1792, they declared war against Austria. The resulting war, which would last almost continuously until 1815 and shake the foundations of Europe. The monarchy was its first victim, of even greater consequence was a major economic crisis. As it struck Frances towns, it set the masses in motion. The crisis was caused by inflation rather than scarcity as past crises, with continued depreciation of the assignat, the exchange rate fell even more rapidly. By March of 1793, French money once worth British ₤100 would buy only ₤50 worth of goods in Paris, the flood of paper notes, misused by speculators, aggravated unrest. France declared war on the King of Bohemia and Hungary on 20 April 1792, the French troops and their leadership were inadequate from the beginning, leaving the French army in a state of total disarray. But despite these attractions, even the battalions were slow to form. Few volunteers were motivated to fight. Frequently, National Guardsmen, not wishing to leave their homes, offered bonuses to convince others to take their place, consequently, it took time for a sufficient quantity of men to enlist. Equipment was furnished by local authorities but arrived slowly, and insufficient arms were available, French general Charles François Dumouriez thought the army could get its training in combat. He argued that the enemy had no more than 30,000 men to throw into a campaign, and that foreign troops would be arranged in a cordon from the sea to Lorraine. He proposed to break through this barrier, one each from Furnes, Lille, Valenciennes. The other generals, however, were trained for regular war, additionally, the officers distrusted their undisciplined troops, while the troops were suspicious of their generals in return. Out of 9,000 officers, at least half had already emigrated, in May, several others took three regiments into the enemy camp
7. September Massacres – The September Massacres were a wave of killings in Paris and other cities in late summer 1792, during the French Revolution. There was a fear that foreign and royalist armies would attack Paris, radicals called for preemptive action, especially journalist Jean-Paul Marat, who called on draftees to kill the prisoners before they could be freed. The action was undertaken by mobs of National Guardsmen and some fédérés, it was tolerated by the city government, the Paris Commune, by 6 September, half the prison population of Paris had been summarily executed, some 1200 to 1400 prisoners. Of these,233 were nonjuring Catholic priests who refused to submit to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, however, the great majority of those killed were common criminals. The massacres were repeated in many other French cities, no one was prosecuted for the killings, but the political repercussions first injured the Girondists and later the Jacobins. The political situation in Paris on the eve of the September Massacres was highly excited and aroused by rumors of traitors. The next day the insurrectionists stormed the Tuileries Palace, the 48 sections of Paris were fully equipped with munitions from the plundered arsenals in the days before the assault, substituting for the 60 National Guard battalions. Now, supported by a new armed force, the Commune and its sans-culottes took control of the city and dominated the Legislative Assembly, for some weeks the Commune functioned as the actual government of France. These events meant a change of direction from the political and constitutional perspective of the Girondists to a more social approach given by the Commune, besides these measures, the Commune engaged in a policy of political repression of all suspected counter-revolutionary activities. Beginning on 11 August, every Paris section named its committee of vigilance, mostly these decentralized committees, rather than the Commune, brought about the repression of August and September 1792. From 15 to 25 August, around 500 detentions were registered, half the detentions were made against non-juring priests, but even priests who had sworn the required oath were caught in the wave. In Paris, all monasteries were closed and the rest of the orders were dissolved by the law of 15 August. On 2 September, news reached Paris that the Duke of Brunswicks Prussian army had invaded France and he was advancing quickly toward the capital. On 1 August, Brunswick had issued the Brunswick Manifesto, additionally, the Manifesto threatened the French population with instant punishment should it resist the Imperial and Prussian armies, or the reinstatement of the monarchy. Such information fueled this first wave of mob hysteria of the Revolution, by the end of August, rumors circulated that many in Paris – such as non-juring priests – who opposed the Revolution, would support the First Coalition of foreign powers allied against it. Furthermore, Paris lacked extensive food stocks, when news that Brunswick had captured Verdun reached the Convention, they ordered the alarm guns fired, which escalated the sense of panic. Of 284 prisoners,135 were killed,27 were transferred,86 were set free, in the afternoon of 2 September 150 priests in the convent of Carmelites were massacred, mostly by sans-culottes. On 3 and 4 September, groups broke into other Paris prisons, where they murdered the prisoners, from 2 to 7 September, summary trials took place in all Paris prisons
8. Revolution Controversy – The Revolution Controversy was a British debate over the French Revolution, lasting from 1789 through 1795. A pamphlet war began in earnest after the publication of Edmund Burkes Reflections on the Revolution in France, because he had supported the American colonists in their rebellion against England, his views sent a shock-wave through the country. Many writers responded, defending the revolution in France, among them Thomas Paine, Mary Wollstonecraft, alfred Cobban calls the debate that erupted perhaps the last real discussion of the fundamentals of politics in Britain. The themes articulated by those responding to Burke would become a feature of the radical working-class movement in Britain in the nineteenth century. Most Britons celebrated the storming of the Bastille in 1789, believing that Frances monarchy should be curtailed by a democratic form of government. However, by December 1795, after the Reign of Terror and war with France, when he failed to do so, it shocked the populace and angered his friends and supporters. Burkes book sold 30,000 copies in two years, the Reflections defended the aristocratic concepts of paternalism, loyalty, chivalry, the hereditary principle and property. Burke criticized the view of many British thinkers and writers who had welcomed the early stages of the French Revolution and he viewed the French Revolution as the violent overthrow of a legitimate government, contending that citizens do not have the right to overthrow their government. Civilizations and governments, he maintained, are the result of social and political consensus, liberals such as William Godwin, Thomas Paine, and Mary Wollstonecraft argued for republicanism, agrarian socialism, and anarchism. Many of their works were published by Joseph Johnson, who was jailed for his seditious activities. Wollstonecraft had been influenced by the ideas she ingested from Prices sermons at Newington Green Unitarian Church. These seeds germinated into A Vindication of the Rights of Men, wollstonecrafts most famous work, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was written in 1792, in the spirit of rationalism extending Prices arguments about equality to women. Butler, Marilyn, ed. Burke, Paine, Godwin, Vindication, A Life of Mary Wollstonecraft
9. Armoire de fer – Larmoire de fer refers to a hiding place at the apartments of Louis XVI of France at the Tuileries Palace where some secret documents were kept. The existence of this cabinet, hidden behind wooden panelling, was publicly revealed in November 1792 to Roland. The resulting scandal discredited the King, a locksmith by the name of François Gamain helped reveal these documents to the authorities, who rewarded him with a government pension. The cabinet hid correspondence between Louis XVI and, among others, Mirabeau, whose venality and duplicity were exposed, most of the pieces of correspondence in the cabinet involved ministers of Louis XVI. Other letters involved prominent figures of the Revolution, such as General Santerre, Lafayette, Antoine Rivarol, there were rumors that only selected documents were made public, and that certain other documents were destroyed. The Interior Minister Roland would have played a role in this regard and these documents, despite the likely gaps and pre-selection, showed the duplicity of advisers and ministers—at least those that Louis XVI trusted—who had set up parallel policies. After the discovery of the armoire de fer, Mirabeaus remains were removed from the Pantheon, on 20 November 1792, Jean-Marie Roland filed these archives—at least what was left of them —with the office of the National Convention, negating all maneuvers to prevent putting Louis XVI on trial. By the order of the Convention of 6 December 1792, many of these documents were published by the printing office in 1792–1793. This article is based on French Wikipedia, andrew Freeman, The Compromising of Louis XVI, the armoire de fer and the French Revolution, University of Exeter Press, collection « Exeter studies in history »,1989. Olivier Blanc, La corruption sous la Terreur, Paris, Robert Laffont, paul and Pierrette Girault de Coursac, Enquête sur le procès du Roi Louis XVI, La Table Ronde,1982. An alternative version This is a version of the story by Louis XVIs defenders—based on the work of Girault de Coursac—that claims that the iron chest didnt even exist
10. Louis XVI and the Legislative Assembly – The National Constituent Assembly dissolved itself on 1 October 1791. Upon Robespierres motion it had decreed that none of its members should be capable of sitting in the next legislature and its legacy, the Constitution of 1791, attempted to institute a liberal constitutional monarchy. This had been envisioned as an arrangement not to be tampered with for a generation but, in the event, in the attempt to govern, the Assembly failed altogether. In the words of the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica, It left behind an empty treasury, an army and navy. The Legislative Assembly first met on 1 October 1791, few were nobles, very few were clergymen, and the great body came from the middle class. The members were young, and, since none had sat in the previous Assembly. The Right consisted of about 165 Feuillants, among the extreme Left—those who would retain the name of Jacobins—sat Cambon, Couthon, Antoine-Christophe Merlin, François Chabot, and Claude Bazire. The Girondins could claim the most brilliant orators, Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud, Marguerite-Élie Guadet, Armand Gensonné and this strong representation of the left in the Assembly was supplemented by the political clubs and the disorderly revolutionary elements in Paris and throughout France. The remainder of the Assembly, about 350 deputies, did not belong to any definite party, the kings ministers, named by him and excluded from the Assembly, were mostly persons of little mark. Montmorin gave up the portfolio of foreign affairs on 31 October 1791 and was succeeded by De Lessart, bon-Claude Cahier de Gerville was minister of the interior, Louis Hardouin Tarbé, minister of finance, and Bertrand de Molleville, minister of marine. But the only minister who influenced the course of affairs was the comte de Narbonne, overtly, the king had embraced the newly codified constitution. Marie Antoinette surely wished to shake off the impotence and humiliation of the Crown, the Left had three objects of enmity. First among these was the couple, King Louis XVI, Queen Marie Antoinette. The Left as a whole wished to replace the monarchy with a republic, second came the émigrés – now seen as a threat from abroad—and, third, the non-juring clergy. Those émigrés who had assembled in arms on the territories of the electors of Mainz and Treves and their chiefs were the kings brothers, who affected to consider Louis as a captive and his acts as therefore invalid. The count of Provence gave himself the airs of a regent, the non-juring clergy – those who refused to take an oath under the Civil Constitution of the Clergy – although harassed by the local authorities, kept the respect and confidence of most Catholics. But the anti-clerical bias of the Legislative Assembly was too strong for such a policy and it was increasingly unlikely that two rival Churches could co-exist. Insurrection along religious lines broke out in Calvados, Gévaudan, from the first, relations between the king and the Legislative Assembly were less than friendly