Pages in category "Non-proliferation treaties"
The following 6 pages are in this category, out of 6 total. This list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).
The following 6 pages are in this category, out of 6 total. This list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).
1. Biological Weapons Convention – The Convention was the result of prolonged efforts by the international community to establish a new instrument that would supplement the 1925 Geneva Protocol. The Geneva Protocol prohibits use but not possession or development of chemical and biological weapons and it commits the 178 states which are party to it as of December 2016 to prohibit the development, production, and stockpiling of biological and toxin weapons. However, the absence of any formal verification regime to monitor compliance has limited the effectiveness of the Convention, an additional six states have signed the BWC but have yet to ratify the treaty. The scope of the BWCs prohibition is defined in Article 1 and this includes all microbial and other biological agents or toxins and their means of delivery. Subsequent Review Conferences have reaffirmed that the general purpose criterion encompasses all future scientific and it is not the objects themselves, but rather certain purposes for which they may be employed which are prohibited, similar to Art. II,1 in the Chemical Weapons Convention. Permitted purposes under the BWC are defined as prophylactic, protective, the objects may not be retained in quantities that have no justification or which are inconsistent with the permitted purposes. The United States Congress passed the Bioweapons Anti-Terrorism Act in 1989 to implement the Convention, the law applies the Conventions convent to countries and private citizens, and criminalizes violations of the Convention. Article I, Never under any circumstances to acquire or retain biological weapons, Article II, To destroy or divert to peaceful purposes biological weapons and associated resources prior to joining. Article III, Not to transfer, or in any way assist, Article IV, To take any national measures necessary to implement the provisions of the BWC domestically. Article V, To consult bilaterally and multilaterally to solve any problems with the implementation of the BWC, Article VI, To request the UN Security Council to investigate alleged breaches of the BWC and to comply with its subsequent decisions. Article VII, To assist States which have exposed to a danger as a result of a violation of the BWC. Article X, To do all of the above in a way that encourages the peaceful uses of biological science, the BWC has 178 States Parties as of November 2016, with Guinea the most recent to become a party. The Republic of China had deposited an instrument of ratification before the changeover of the United Nations seat to the Peoples Republic of China. Of the UN member states which are not a party to the treaty, six have signed, a long process of negotiation to add a verification mechanism began in the 1990s. Previously, at the second Review Conference of State Parties in 1986, the following Review Conference in 1991 established a group of government experts. Negotiations towards an internationally binding verification protocol to the BWC took place between 1995 and 2001 in a known as the Ad Hoc Group. On 25 July 2001, the Bush administration, after conducting a review of policy on biological weapons, States Parties have formally reviewed the operation of the BWC at quinquennial review conferences held in 1980,1986,1991,1996, 2001/02,2006,2011, and 2016. These additional understandings are contained in the Final Declarations of the Review Conferences, there has been an increase in the percentage of delegates from States Parties who have been women since the first review conference, with just 7 percent in 1980 to 26 percent in 2011
2. Chemical Weapons Convention – The Chemical Weapons Convention is an arms control treaty which outlaws the production, stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons and their precursors. The treaty entered force in 1997. The parties main obligation under the convention is to prohibit the use and production of chemical weapons, the destruction activities are verified by the OPCW. As of April 2016,192 states have given their consent to be bound by the CWC, israel has signed but not ratified the agreement, while three other UN member states have neither signed nor acceded to the treaty. Most recently, Angola deposited its instrument of accession to the CWC on 16 September 2015, as of October 2016, about 93% of the worlds declared stockpile of chemical weapons had been destroyed. On 3 September 1992 the Conference on Disarmament submitted to the U. N. General Assembly its annual report, the General Assembly approved the Convention on 30 November 1992, and the U. N. Secretary-General then opened the Convention for signature in Paris on 13 January 1993. The CWC remained open for signature until its entry into force on 29 April 1997,180 days after the deposit of the 65th instrument of ratification, the convention augments the Geneva Protocol of 1925 for chemical weapons and includes extensive verification measures such as on-site inspections. It does not, however, cover biological weapons, the convention is administered by the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, which acts as the legal platform for specification of the CWC provisions. The Conference of the States Parties is mandated to change the CWC, the Technical Secretariat of the organization conducts inspections to ensure compliance of member states. These inspections target destruction facilities, chemical production facilities which have been dismantled or converted for civil use. The Secretariat may furthermore conduct investigations of alleged use of chemical weapons, the classification is based on the quantities of the substance produced commercially for legitimate purposes. Each class is split into Part A, which are chemicals that can be used directly as weapons and this includes all such chemicals, regardless of their origin or of their method of production, and regardless of whether they are produced in facilities, in munitions or elsewhere. Schedule 1 chemicals have few, or no uses outside chemical weapons and these may be produced or used for research, medical, pharmaceutical or chemical weapon defence testing purposes but production above 100 grams per year must be declared to the OPCW. A country is limited to possessing a maximum of 1 tonne of these materials, examples are sulfur mustard and nerve agents, and substances which are solely used as precursor chemicals in their manufacture. A few of these chemicals have very small scale non-military applications, schedule 2 chemicals have legitimate small-scale applications. Manufacture must be declared and there are restrictions on export to countries which are not CWC signatories, an example is thiodiglycol which can be used in the manufacture of mustard agents, but is also used as a solvent in inks. Schedule 3 chemicals have large-scale uses apart from chemical weapons, plants which manufacture more than 30 tonnes per year must be declared and can be inspected, and there are restrictions on export to countries which are not CWC signatories. The treaty also deals with carbon compounds called in the treaty discrete organic chemicals and these are any carbon compounds apart from long chain polymers, oxides, sulfides and metal carbonates, such as organophosphates
3. Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty – The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty is a multilateral treaty that bans all nuclear explosions, for both civilian and military purposes, in all environments. It was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 10 September 1996 but has not entered into force as eight specific states have not ratified the treaty. The movement for control of nuclear weapons began in 1945, with a call from Canada. The plan, which would serve as the basis for United States nuclear policy into the 1950s, was rejected by the Soviet Union as a US ploy to cement its nuclear dominance. Between the Trinity nuclear test of 16 July 1945 and the signing of the Partial Test Ban Treaty on 5 August 1963,499 nuclear tests were conducted. Between 1945 and 1963, the US conducted 215 atmospheric tests, the Soviet Union conducted 219, the UK conducted 21, and France conducted three. In 1954, following the Castle Bravo test, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India issued the first appeal for an agreement on testing. Negotiations on a comprehensive test ban, primarily involved the US, UK, of primary concern throughout the negotiations, which would stretch with some interruptions to July 1963, was the system of verifying compliance with the test ban and detecting illicit tests. On the Western side, there were concerns that the Soviet Union would be able to circumvent any test ban and these fears were amplified following the US Rainier shot of 19 September 1957, which was the first contained underground test of a nuclear weapon. On the Soviet side, conversely, the on-site compliance inspections demanded by the US, disagreement over verification would lead to the Anglo-American and Soviet negotiators abandoning a comprehensive test ban in favor of a partial ban, which would be finalized on 25 July 1963. The PTBT, joined by 123 states following the three parties, banned detonations for military and civilian purposes underwater, in the atmosphere. On the one hand, enactment of the treaty was followed by a drop in the atmospheric concentration of radioactive particles. On the other hand, nuclear proliferation was not halted entirely, compared to the 499 tests from 1945 to the signing of the PTBT,436 tests were conducted over the ten years following the PTBT. Furthermore, US and Soviet underground testing continued venting radioactive gas into the atmosphere, additionally, though underground testing was generally safer than above-ground testing, underground tests continued to risk the leaking of radionuclides, including plutonium, into the ground. From 1964 through 1996, the year of the CTBTs adoption, the final non-underground test was conducted by China in 1980. The PTBT has been seen as a step towards the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty of 1968, under the NPT, non-nuclear weapon states were prohibited from possessing, manufacturing, and acquiring nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices. All signatories, including nuclear weapon states, were committed to the goal of nuclear disarmament. In 1974, a step towards a comprehensive test ban was made with the Threshold Test Ban Treaty, ratified by the US and Soviet Union, which banned underground tests with yields above 150 kilotons
4. Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons – Opened for signature in 1968, the treaty entered into force in 1970. As required by the text, after years, NPT Parties met in May 1995. More countries have adhered to the NPT than any other arms limitation and disarmament agreement, four UN member states have never accepted the NPT, three of which are thought to possess nuclear weapons, India, Israel, and Pakistan. In addition, South Sudan, founded in 2011, has not joined, the treaty effectively recognizes five states as nuclear-weapon states, the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, and China. The treaty is reviewed every five years in meetings called Review Conferences of the Parties to the Treaty of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. S, government efforts led by Ambassador Thomas Graham Jr. At the time the NPT was proposed, there were predictions of 25–30 nuclear weapon states within 20 years, instead, over forty years later, five states are not parties to the NPT, and they include the only four additional states believed to possess nuclear weapons. Critics argue that the NPT cannot stop the proliferation of weapons or the motivation to acquire them. Several high-ranking officials within the United Nations have said that they can do little to stop states using nuclear reactors to produce nuclear weapons, the NPT consists of a preamble and eleven articles. These pillars are interrelated and mutually reinforcing, with the right to access the benefits of peaceful nuclear technology comes the responsibility of nonproliferation. Progress on disarmament reinforces efforts to strengthen the regime and to enforce compliance with obligations. Under Article III of the Treaty, non-nuclear-weapon states pledge to accept IAEA safeguards to verify that their nuclear activities serve only peaceful purposes. Five states are recognized by NPT as nuclear weapon states, China, France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and these five nations are also the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. These five NWS agree not to nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices and not in any way to assist, encourage. NNWS parties to the NPT agree not to receive, manufacture, however, these undertakings have not been incorporated formally into the treaty, and the exact details have varied over time. The U. S. also had nuclear warheads targeted at North Korea, Article VI of the NPT represents the only binding commitment in a multilateral treaty to the goal of disarmament by the nuclear-weapon states. Under this interpretation, Article VI does not strictly require all signatories to conclude a disarmament treaty. Rather, it requires them to negotiate in good faith. On the other hand, some governments, especially non-nuclear-weapon states belonging to the Non-Aligned Movement, have interpreted Article VIs language as being anything, the ICJ opinion notes that this obligation involves all NPT parties and does not suggest a specific time frame for nuclear disarmament
5. Nuclear weapons and Ukraine – Prior to 1991, Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union and had Soviet nuclear weapons in its territory. In 1994 Ukraine agreed to destroy the weapons, and to join the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, a 2016 study argues that the denuclearization of Ukraine was not a stupid mistake and that it is unclear that Ukraine would be better off as a nuclear state. The study argues that the push for Ukrainian independence was with a view to make it a nonnuclear state, the United States would also not have made Ukraine an exception when it came to the denuclearization of other post-Soviet states such as Belarus and Kazakhstan. The ICBMs also had a range of 5. 000-10.000 km, Ukraine would also likely have faced retaliatory action by Russia. Ukraine would also have struggled with replacing the nuclear weapons once their service life expired, in exchange for giving up its nuclear weapons, Ukraine received financial compensation, as well as the security guarantees of the Budapest Memorandum. The four parties signed the memorandum, containing a preamble and six paragraphs, france and China also provided Ukraine with assurances similar to the Budapest Memorandum, but with some significant differences. China fully understands the desire of Ukraine for security assurance, the Chinese Government has always maintained that under no circumstances will China use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States or nuclear-weapon-free zones. This principled position also applies to Ukraine, the Chinese Government urges all other nuclear-weapon States to undertake the same commitment, so as to enhance the security of all non-nuclear-weapon States, including Ukraine. The Chinese Government has constantly opposed the practice of exerting political and it maintains that disputes and differences should be settled peacefully through consultations on an equal footing. Thus, Chinas pledge, similar to Frances, does not pledge to involve UN or consultative mechanisms in case of crisis, however, it does pledge to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Despite Russias claimed annexation of Crimea, the Government of Ukraine in 2014 reaffirmed its 1994 decision to accede to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear-weapon state, after the Ukrainian Parliament voted to remove President Viktor Yanukovych from office, a power vacuum formed, and Russia annexed Crimea. The Russian pretext used nationalist and cultural rhetoric, stating that the Russian military was protecting ethnic Russians from attack in Crimea, Russias military actions violated the Budapest Memorandum. He said We gave up nuclear weapons because of this agreement, now, theres a strong sentiment in Ukraine that we made a big mistake. He also said that, In the future, no matter how the situation is resolved in Crimea, if you have nuclear weapons, people dont invade you. On 13 December 2014 Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko stated that he did not want Ukraine to become a nuclear power again
6. Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty – The impetus for the test ban was provided by rising public anxiety over the magnitude of nuclear tests, particularly tests of new thermonuclear weapons, and the resulting nuclear fallout. A test ban was also seen as a means of slowing nuclear proliferation, though the PTBT did not halt proliferation or the arms race, its enactment did coincide with a substantial decline in the concentration of radioactive particles in the atmosphere. The PTBT was signed by the governments of the Soviet Union, United Kingdom, the treaty formally went into effect on 10 October 1963. Since then,123 other states have become party to the treaty, ten states have signed but not ratified the treaty. In 1952–53, the US and Soviet Union detonated their first thermonuclear weapons, in 1954, the US Castle Bravo test at Bikini Atoll had a yield of 15 megatons of TNT, more than doubling the expected yield. In the same year, a Soviet test sent radioactive particles over Japan, around the same time, victims of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima visited the US for medical care, which attracted significant public attention. Between 1951 and 1958, the US conducted 166 atmospheric tests, the Soviet Union conducted 82, in 1945, Britain and Canada made an early call for an international discussion on controlling atomic power. At the time, the US had yet to formulate a policy or strategy on nuclear weapons. Taking advantage of this was Vannevar Bush, who had initiated and administered the Manhattan Project, as a first step in this direction, Bush proposed an international agency dedicated to nuclear control. Truman to help construct US nuclear weapons policy, a version of the Acheson-Lilienthal plan was presented to the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission as the Baruch Plan in June 1946. The Baruch Plan proposed that an International Atomic Development Authority would control all research on and material, the Soviet Union dismissed the Baruch Plan as a US attempt to secure its nuclear dominance, and called for the US to halt weapons production and release technical information on its program. The Acheson–Lilienthal paper and Baruch Plan would serve as the basis for US policy into the 1950s, between 1947 and 1954, the US and Soviet Union discussed their demands within the United Nations Commission for Conventional Disarmament. A series of events in 1954, including the Castle Bravo test and spread of fallout from a Soviet test over Japan, additionally, by 1954, both US and Soviet Union had assembled large nuclear stockpiles, reducing hopes of complete disarmament. Interest in nuclear control and efforts to stall proliferation of weapons to other states grew as the Soviet Unions nuclear capabilities increased, in the same year, the British Labour Party, then led by Clement Attlee, called on the UN to ban testing of thermonuclear weapons. 1955 marks the beginning of negotiations, as Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev first proposed talks on the subject in February 1955. On 10 May 1955, the Soviet Union proposed a test ban before the UN Disarmament Commissions Committee of Five, the May 1955 proposal is now seen evidence of Khrushchevs new approach to foreign policy, as Khrushchev sought to mend relations with the West. The proposal would serve as the basis of the Soviet negotiating position through 1957, Eisenhower had supported nuclear testing after World War II. In 1947, he rejected arguments by Stafford L. Warrens arguments were lent credence in the scientific community, everybody seems to think that were skunks, saber-rattlers and warmongers