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Category A services

Category A services were a class of Canadian specialty television channel which, as defined by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission, must be offered by all digital cable and direct broadcast satellite providers that have the capability to do so. Category A services were an amalgamation of the former analog pay and specialty services licensed prior to digital television and the former category 1 digital specialty channels. In a policy decision released on October 30, 2008, the CRTC decided that all Category 1 digital services as well as all analog pay and specialty channels would be renamed Category A services, effective September 1, 2011. Category A services share a number of similar regulations, including that they must be offered by all television providers in Canada, have higher Canadian content quota levels than Category B services, they were previously protected by "genre protection" rules forbidding other specialty channels from directly competing with them, but the CRTC is in the process of phasing out these policies in favour of switching all specialty services to standardized licenses as discretionary services.

BNN Bloomberg CMT CP24 CPAC CTV Comedy Channel CTV Drama Channel CTV Life Channel CTV Sci-Fi Channel Discovery DTour E! Food Network HGTV History MTV Much OLN OWN Showcase Slice Sportsnet 360 Teletoon Treehouse VisionTV W Network The Weather Network YTV AMI-tv BookTelevision Cottage Life Crime + Investigation Documentary Channel Fashion Television History2 MTV2 One OutTV T+E Canal D Canal Vie CPAC Elle Fictions Évasion Historia Ici ARTV Max MétéoMédia SériesPlus Télétoon TV5 Unis Vrak Z addikTV RDS Info ATN Channel Fairchild TV Odyssey Talentvision TLN Family Channel Family Jr; the Movie Network HBO Canada TMN2 TMN3 The Movie Network Encore The Movie Network Encore 2 Super Channel Super Channel 2 Super Channel 3 Super Channel 4 Super Écran Super Écran 2 Super Écran 3 Super Écran 4 Argent Encore Avenue FYI G4 IFC M3 Movie Central Viceland WTSN List of television stations in Canada by call sign List of Canadian television networks List of Canadian television channels List of Canadian specialty channels Category B services Category C services List of foreign television channels available in Canada List of United States stations available in Canada Digital television in Canada Multichannel television in Canada List of Canadian stations available in the United States List of television stations in North America by media market CRTC list of all 21 original category 1 licensees

Press coverage during the Armenian Genocide

This page contains a selected list of press headlines relevant to the Armenian Genocide in chronological order, as recorded in newspaper archives. The sources prior to 1914 relate in large part to the Adana massacre; the Armenian Genocide was covered in the international community and in many publications such as magazines, newspapers and memoirs. Some organizations, such as the Near East Foundation, used media and newspapers to raise the plight of the Armenians. However, after World War I ended, the Armenian Genocide received little press coverage for the first half of the 20th century. Coverage and public discussion resumed in the last quarter of the 20th century and continued into the 21st century. Press discussion and photographs have been important in educating the public about the Genocide. Press coverage is considered valuable and important because it constitutes primary sources of direct evidence. During the time period, much of the global press had condemned the nature of the massacres and calls for aid of the Armenians.

Coverage of the Armenian Genocide was done by many throughout the world and were similar when depicting the massacres. Many well-known newspapers in the English language such as The Times, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times, The Globe and Mail, The Toronto Star, The Montreal Gazette, others reported extensively about the events, it is believed that The New York Times published thousands of articles pertaining to the Armenian massacres between 1894-1922 and 124 articles in 1915 alone. Some countries, like Australia, relied on news agencies in Europe for their information, it is noted that newspapers such as The Washington Post and The New York Times reported on the Armenian massacres daily for over a year. The coverage included reports by correspondents and consuls or ambassadors of different countries based in the different regions of the Ottoman Empire. Additionally, detailed reports came from missionaries who witnessed the massacres and attempted to aid orphans and other survivors.

Local press coverage in the Ottoman Empire came from the Takvim-i Vekayi, the official gazette of the Ottoman government. During the Turkish Courts-Martial of 1919–1920, the newspaper became important because it reported the cross-examinations of Turkish officials and the verdict of court which sentenced Talat and Cemal Pashas to death for their roles in massacres against Armenians. Noteworthy studies of the press coverage of Muslim communities in the Middle East and that of Syria have been instrumental in depicting first hand accounts of the Armenian deportees exiled to the area; the Syrian press made note of the demographic impact of the Armenian deportees into the region and condemned the Ottoman government for what it believed was a campaign of "annihilation", "extermination", the "uprooting of a race". Terms such as "massacre", "killed", "murdered", "slaughtered", "systematic massacre", "extermination", "atrocities", "war crimes" were used instead of "genocide" during the period, as Raphael Lemkin coined the term "genocide" much in 1943.

It was during this time, that stereotypes arose which favored the plight of the Armenians over the Turks. Claims such as the "Terrible Turk" were invented to depict Turks as such during which Armenians were oftentimes depicted as innocent; such stereotypes have been considered Anti-Turkish by scholars today. Exhibitions set up by the Armenian Genocide Museum in Yerevan have been held in Denmark, Lebanon and the United States displaying numerous periodicals from the international press dating from 1860 to 1922. There have been numerous studies and books published about the press coverage of the Genocide including: "El Genocidio armenio en la prensa del Uruguay, año 1915" by Daniel Karamanoukian, "Le Genocide Armenien dans la presse Canadian" by the Armenian Youth Federation of Canada, "The Armenian Genocide: News Accounts From the American Press 1915-1922" by Richard G. Kloian, "The Armenian Genocide as Reported in the Australian Press" by Vahe Kateb, "Heralding of the Armenian Genocide: Reports in The Halifax Herald, 1894-1922" by Katia Minas Peltekian, ""The Globe"'s representation of the Armenian genocide and Canada's acknowledgement" by Karen Ashford, "Through the Eyes of the "Post": American Media Coverage of the Armenian Genocide by Jessica L. Taylor" and others.

Included in this list are examples of newspaper articles as republished by various secondary sources. The list includes press coverage of the massacres prior to the Armenian Genocide such as the Hamidian massacre and the Adana massacre; these massacres are viewed by scholars as beginning a process of exterminating the Armenian people which, in large part, culminated in the final process of genocide in 1915. Much of this is apparent in the press articles themselves since they place the massacres of 1915 in the context of the previous massacres. Other scholars, such as the Soviet historians Mkrtich G. Nersisyan, Ruben Sahakyan, John Kirakosyan, Yehuda Bauer subscribe to the view that the mass killings of 1894–96 during the Hamidian massacre were the first phase of the Armenian Genocide. Though the Hamidian massacres ended in 1896, Armenians continued to be massacred during what many believed to be "peaceful times"; the massacres conducted during these times involved dislocation, disarmament and murder.

July 25, 1890, Los Angeles Times, "Turkish Atrocities: Details of the Massacre at Erzeroum" July 26, 1890, New York Times, "The Erzeroum Massacre: Armenians slaughtered and the British Consulate st

Rocheuse River

The Rocheuse river is a tributary of the rivière du Malin, located in the unorganized territory of Lac-Jacques-Cartier, in the La Côte-de-Beaupré Regional County Municipality, in the administrative region of Capitale-Nationale, in Quebec, Canada. The course of the river passes in particular in the Laurentides Wildlife Reserve. Forestry is the main economic activity in the sector; the surface of the Rocheuse River is frozen from the beginning of December to the end of March, but the safe circulation on the ice is made from the end of December to the beginning of March. The main watersheds adjacent to the Rocky River are: north side: rivière du Malin, Jacques-Cartier River; the Rocheuse river originates at the confluence of two mountain streams 780 metres, located in the unorganized territory of Lac-Jacques-Cartier, in the regional county municipality La Côte-de-Beaupré Regional County Municipality. From this confluence, the Rocheuse river flows on 17.5 kilometres, with a total drop of 223 metres, according to the following segments: 3.4 kilometres to the south, forming a large curve towards the east, to an unidentified stream.

From the confluence of the Rocky River, the current flows for 4.6 kilometres to the southwest, following the course of the rivière du Malin, a deep valley. The toponym "rivière Rocheuse" was formalized on December 5, 1968 at the Place Names Bank of the Commission de toponymie du Québec. Laurentides Wildlife Reserve Lac-Jacques-Cartier, a TNO La Côte-de-Beaupré Regional County Municipality, a MRC Rivière du Malin Jacques-Cartier River Lac des Alliés Fragasso Lake Walsh Lake List of rivers of Quebec Réserve faunique des Laurentides


The Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania, or the Seimas, is the unicameral parliament of Lithuania. The Seimas constitutes the legislative branch of government in Lithuania, enacting laws and amendments to the Constitution, passing the budget, confirming the Prime Minister and the Government and controlling their activities, its 141 members are elected for a four-year term, with 71 elected in individual constituencies, 70 elected in a nationwide vote based on open list proportional representation. A party must receive at least 5%, a multi-party union at least 7%, of the national vote to qualify for the proportional representation seats. Following the elections in 2016, the Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union is the largest party in the Seimas, forming a ruling coalition with the Social Democratic Labour Party of Lithuania, the Electoral Action of Poles; the Seimas traces its origins to the Seimas of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Sejm of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, as well as the Seimas of inter-war Lithuania.

The first Seimas after the restoration of independence of Lithuania convened in 1992. The Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania exercises legislative power in Lithuania; the powers of the Seimas are defined by the laws of Lithuania. The primary function of the Seimas is to consider and issue laws and amendments to the Constitution; the Seimas approves the state budget proposed by the Government, supervises its implementation, sets state taxation. In foreign relations, the Seimas ratifies international treaties. Decisions of the Seimas are taken in open simple majority votes. In some cases prescribed by law, a secret ballot is held, for example in expressing no-confidence in the government. Constitutional laws are adopted by the Seimas in a majority vote and can be changed only by a 3/5 majority vote; the list of constitutional laws needs to be approved in a 3/5 majority vote. Changes to the Constitution itself need to be approved in two votes separated by no less than three months, by a 2/3 majority.

Changes to international borders of Lithuania need to be approved by 4/5 of the members of the Seimas. The Seimas rejects the candidate for the Prime Minister nominated by the President; the Seimas must give its assent to the newly formed Government and its programme before the Government can start their work. The Government remains accountable to the Seimas for its activities. If the Seimas expresses no-confidence in the Prime Minister or the Government as a whole, the Government must resign and can ask the president to call an early election. Members of Seimas have legal immunity and cannot be arrested or detained without the consent of the vote of Seimas; the Seimas appoints and dismisses justices and presidents of the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeals, proposed by the President. In its legislative capacity, the Seimas sets the basis for a judiciary institution advising and, to some extent, binding the President in appointing, promoting or dismissing other judges.

The Seimas establishes and disestablishes ministries of the Government, establishes state awards, can declare martial law and emergencies, start mobilization and introduce direct local rule on municipalities. The Seimas has 141 members, elected to a four-year term in parallel voting, with 71 members elected in single-seat constituencies and 70 members elected by proportional representation. Ordinary elections to the Seimas take place on the second Sunday of October, with the voting open for all citizens of Lithuania who are at least 18 years old. Members of Parliament in the 71 single-seat constituencies are elected in a majority vote, with a run-off held within 15 days, if necessary; the remaining 70 seats are allocated to the participating political parties using the largest remainder method. Parties need to receive at least 5% of the votes to be eligible for a seat. Candidates take the seats allocated to their parties based on the preference lists submitted before the election and adjusted by preference votes given by the voters.

Seven elections of the Seimas have been held in Lithuania since independence in 1990. Democratic Labor Party of Lithuania won the absolute majority of seats in the first election in 1992, the only time it has been achieved in independent Lithuania as of 2015; the party suffered electoral setback in 1996, but remained a major electoral force in the election of 2000, allowing it to form the government in 2001. The two parties merged under the banner of Social Democratic Party of Lithuania and formed the government after the elections of 2004 and 2012, participated in the government as a junior partner after the elections of 2016. Sąjūdis, which had led Lithuania into independence, finished distant second in 1992, its right wing formed the Homeland Union, a conservative party which won the election in 1996, gaining 70 seats and governing with the Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party. The two parties merged in 2008 under the banner of Homeland Union, winning the election in the same year with 45 seats.

Other parties that have gained at least 10 seats in any election to the Seimas are Centre Union of Lithuania, New Union, Liberal Union of Lithuania, Labour Party and Justice, Liberal and Centre Union (part of the ruling coalition bet

Colombo Club

The Colombo Club is the second oldest gentlemen's club in Sri Lanka. The Colombo Club was established on 4 March 1871 by prominent British colonialists in the island at the Colpity Race Course Grandstand; the original resolution stating, "That a club be formed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining reading, billiard and refreshment rooms in Colombo for the benefit of the members and for the carrying out of all purposes incidental to social clubs of the above description. And that the Club be called The Colombo Club."On 15 July 1871 the club received the official seal approval when the Governor Sir Hercules Robinson agreed to become the club's patron and president. The Colombo Club was the most exclusive club in the country, its membership was limited to British and Europeans until Ceylon gained independence in 1948, thereafter membership was extended to Ceylonese. In 1956 the first Ceylonese member, Dr. H. C. P. Gunawardene, was admitted to the Club and until 1958 the office bearers of the club were all European.

In 1995 membership was extended to include women, with Chloe de Soysa become the first female member. Following Sri Lanka's independence the club house was returned to the government and the club moved to the Grand Oriental Hotel to Ceylinco House to the Hilton International and after that to the Oberoi Hotel before in 2003 it moved to its present location within the Taj Samudra hotel, a member of the Taj Hotels Resorts and Palaces; the club premises contains a sixty seat dining room, four meeting rooms, a bar, a business centre and a billiards table. The club has 425 members, including 31 life members and has reciprocal arrangements with 52 other similar clubs around the world. Robert Singleton-Salmon Mallory E Wijesinghe R. M. Canekeratne T. M. Moy B. R. Jesudason R. S. R. Candappa Deshamanya Dev Rodrigo T. K. Bandaranayake Hemaka Amarasuriya Dickie Juriansz Sega Nagendra G. Manik Pereira Amerasinghe, Franklyn; the History of the Colombo Club Est. 1871

Kahr Arms

Kahr Arms is an American small arms manufacturer specializing in compact and mid-size semi-automatic pistols chambered for popular cartridges, including.380 ACP, 9mm Luger.40 S&W and.45 ACP. Kahr pistols feature polymer or stainless steel frames, single-stack magazines, double-action-only striker firing actions. Kahr Arms is part of the Kahr Firearms Group, a US-based firearms manufacturer, which includes Thompson Auto-Ordnance and Magnum Research; the Kahr Firearms Group company headquarters is in Greeley, with a manufacturing facility in Worcester, Massachusetts. Kahr Arms was founded by Justin Moon, CEO and president, he is the son of founder of the Unification Church. From the age of 14, Justin Moon enjoyed shooting guns. At age 18, Moon got a license to carry a handgun, co-signed by one of his older brothers, but he was not satisfied with the small calibers available in compact handguns. "I had been licensed to carry in New York State since I was 18 and had looked for an ultra-compact 9mm pistol," Justin told American Handgunner.

"To my chagrin, I could not find a pistol with the quality of construction and features in design which I felt were appropriate for a carry gun. Therefore, I decided to design an ultra-compact 9-mm pistol that I could carry." By his junior year of college, he decided to design one himself. In 1999, Kahr Arms bought Auto-Ordnance Company, not associated with the original AOC, maker of Thompson submachine guns owned and operated by Numrich Arms who had bought the crated assets of Auto-Ordnance started by General John T. Thompson and his investors. Now Kahr manufactures Auto-Ordnance's line of semi-automatic weapons, including a long-barreled rifle version of the famous "Tommy Gun". Kahr offers its line of compact pistols at a time of significant liberalization of concealed weapons laws in many U. S. states. Since the 1990s, many states have passed "shall-issue" laws, as promoted by the American National Rifle Association and other gun rights organizations; such laws mandate that state authorities must issue permits to carry concealed weapons to all law-abiding applicants who met certain conditions set forth by state law, including passing a comprehensive background check.

In 1994, the U. S. government banned manufacture and importation of pistol magazines with more than a 10-round capacity. These were the so-called "high-capacity" magazines, which again became legal to manufacture and import in most states in September 2004, after the relevant federal law expired; this change in federal law rendered many staggered-magazine pistol models less popular in the American market. They were now overly large in light of their newly mandated 10-shot limit. Kahr was at the forefront, offering small, well-made pistols with magazine capacities of up to eight rounds of 9mm or.40-caliber ammunition. These single-stack magazines allow for slender, compact pistols that have proven popular with the buying public. Since late 2003 or early in 2004, Kahr has changed from offering a Limited Lifetime Warranty on their pistols to one of only five years' duration. In 2003 the New York Daily News reported that the Kahr K9 was popular as a back-up weapon with New York City police officers, who called it the "Moonie gun".

In June 2010, Kahr bought Magnum Research. During the Shot Show in January 2015, the Kahr Arms company changed its name to the Kahr Firearms Group. Kahr Arms is under the Kahr Firearms Group as a private firearms manufacturer, alongside Magnum Research and Auto-Ordnance; the company's trademarks include: Kahr Arms, Auto-Ordinance, Magnum Research, BFR, Desert Eagle. In September 2019, Kahr Firearms Group donated eight Thin Blue Line PM9's to the NRA Law Enforcement Division, two of which were used as special Firearm Awards at the National Police Shooting Championships. On July 1, 2013, the Kahr Arms company announced that it was leaving New York state because of New York's Secure Ammunition and Firearms Enforcement Act of 2013. Kahr purchased 620 acres in Pike County and said it will move its corporate staff after building offices in 2014 with plans to build a new factory by 2019; the firearms group ceremoniously cut the ribbon at the grand opening of their new 40,000-square-foot headquarters on August 11, 2015, in Blooming Grove Township, Pike County, Pennsylvania.

Beginning September 17, 2018, all Kahr Firearms Group repairs and product returns must be sent prepaid via UPS Air or FedEx Overnight to the company's new location with a mailing address of Greeley, instead of to the old service/repair address of Worcester, Massachusetts. An RMA number is required for all repairs; the Kahr action is a Browning locked-breech design featuring a striker-operated firing pin with a passive firing pin safety, making it a true hammerless action. When the trigger is pulled, the trigger bar begins to rotate a double-lobed cocking cam; this cam begins to draw the striker to the rear, compressing the spring behind it, while depressing and deactivating the firing pin block. At the end of the trigger's travel, the lobe contacting the striker slips off the striker and releases it; this single piece takes the place of more fragile designs employed in other pistols. It is similar in principle, though different in execution, to the action design of Glocks, it allows the firing pin block to be located further to the rear of the slide and therefore further from possible contamination by combustion gases and powder fouling.

For this innovation, Justin