Navajo Preparatory School
Navajo Preparatory School is a college preparatory school located in Farmington, New Mexico. The school is sanctioned by the Navajo Nation since 1991 when the previous Navajo Academy closed due to lack of funding; the campus is undergoing a remodelling project for the past few years that includes new dormitories, an athletic sports complex. The school colors are black, turquoise and white which represent the four seasons in Navajo Culture and the mascot is the eagle; the previous school colors for Navajo Mission and Navajo Academy were red and blue. Navajo Prep was known as Navajo Methodist Mission, Navajo Mission Academy and Navajo Academy. In 1891, Mary L. Eldridge and Miss Mary Raymond were sent by the Women’s Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church to build a mission to administer to the spiritual needs of the Navajos in Jewett, known today as Hogback, New Mexico. Mrs. Mary Eldridge Tripp opened her cabin in 1896 as a day school for Navajo children. In 1899, a three-bedroom school house opened in New Mexico.
The school house consisted of three rooms. Two rooms were used as dorms. In 1899, a boarding school was attached to the school building. There were thirteen Navajo children enrolled as boarding students and twenty three white students as day students. From 1896 to 1903, the cabin that started the United Methodist Mission School was expanded. There was a new school house, new dormitory, a new dining room built. Native American children that attended the school were so far away from home that they had trouble adjusting to the life they now lived by. Teachers would get frustrated not at the children, but rather at the fact that their teaching techniques did not seem to be effective. Livestock and farming was a great part of the school’s historic character. Without the staff and students at the Mission, the students and staff would have little to eat because of how low the school budget became. More land was purchased in 1913 for fruit trees to be planted. There were one hundred acres of land for livestock and planting of crops, with ten acres of school ground.
Children grew various types such as fruit trees and vegetables. In 1911, Farmington experienced its heaviest rainfall ever. With a flood watch on 5 October 1911, children were still put to bed because the staff thought that the water would never reach their campus. On 6 October 1911 the Mission staff received a phone call at midnight that Durango, Colorado had three feet of water. Children were woken, given a blanket, a loaf of bread; the flood hit the campus at four in the morning. The flood was half mile wide below the junction of the San Juan and Animas Rivers, the main channel was forty feet deep. With no insurance, the loss to the Methodist amounted to $34,000. In 1976, the Navajo Tribal Council created the Navajo Academy with its first location in Ganado, Arizona. Navajo Academy and Navajo Mission had a similar academic goal that would help enhance the education of the Navajo people. With a similar mission, both schools decided to share the Mission campus in New Mexico; this school became known as Navajo Methodist Mission Academy.
The schools were not considered one school. Each school had different objectives. Students were enrolled into different schools. During 1979, the Mission and the Academy combined their academic programs and came under the direction of one Board of Trustees. Over time the Navajo Mission School stopped its operation and the school became known as Navajo Academy. Navajo Academy continued to operate until July 1991. Navajo Prep competes in NMAA's District 1-AA with Navajo Pine, Pine Hill, Rehoboth in most sports and Navajo Pine, Laguna-Acoma, Dulce in football. Navajo Prep1995 Girls Basketball, Class AA-2 1996 Girls Basketball, Class AA 1997 Girls Basketball, Class AA 1999 Girls Basketball, Class AANavajo Academy1991 Girls Basketball, Class AA-1Navajo Mission1968 Football, Class B Official website
The Navajo Rangers is an organization of the Navajo Nation in the Southwestern United States, which maintains and protects the tribal nation's public works, natural resources and historical sites and assist travelers. The Rangers form part of the Navajo Nation Department of Resource Enforcement; the agency consists of 16 officers in four different field locations. The organization was founded by Richard Fowler Van Valkenburgh. "No white man has worked among us with greater devotion and understanding." Navajo Tribal Council Resolution, August 6, 1957 Richard Fowler Van Valkenburgh founded the Navajo Rangers in 1957. Valkenburgh was born in Alameda County, California, he graduated from Compton Union High School in California and began working with Standard Oil and Richfield Oil Companies between 1923 and 1928. He soon after began work in Archaeology as a student assistant in the Los Angeles Museum of History and Science. Valkenburgh developed a strong interest in the Indians of Southern California and Arizona during his archaeological research in these areas.
Richard started research in Navajo archaeology and ethnology in 1934. In 1938 he wrote A Short History of the Navajo People, in wrote many other articles for western magazines over the years. More than forty of his articles were published in Desert Magazine alone. Most important to Richard, in the course of his life, was his work for and with the Navajo people. Valkenburgh was employed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs to oversee research on land problems, but resigned in 1942. In 1951, he returned to the reservation to work on Navajo land claims for the Tribal Council, he was Chief of the Land Use and Surveys Section of the Navajo Tribe, did a great deal to establish proof of the historical occupancy rights of the Hopi and Navajo Indians from earliest times. Richard was involved in many other projects benefiting the Navajo Nation, he analyzed boundary line disputes, was influential in the Governmental decision to add lands to the Navajo Reservation, aided in preserving historic records and files of the Navajo Tribe, brought about the establishment of a Navajo Park Commission for preservation of Navajo antiquities.
He lived, ate and slept among the natives throughout his extensive work with Navajo. Richard died of a heart attack on June 19, 1957, he is buried in the Navajo Cemetery at Fort Defiance, in an honored place next to the late leader of the Navajos, Chee Dodge. "To protect and preserve the cultural and archaeological resources of the Navajo Nation, through law enforcement, public education, preventive patrols, regulatory enforcement. To safeguard and preserve the livestock property of residents to maintain the cultural and traditional significance of this resource for future generations of Diné." The Navajo Rangers are responsible for many different areas of protection. Some of these areas of responsibility include but are not limited to cultural resources, forestry and scenic areas and game, back country patrol, all terrain vehicle patrol and rescue, technical rescue, boat operations, mud flood snow emergencies, wild land fire investigation and response, they are responsible for many livestock inspections.
They administer both annual and seasonal permits for rodeo stock as well as seasonal permits for 4-H, inspect livestock for resale and assist in the reading of brands for many new livestock owners. In addition to these normal, day to day tasks the rangers have been involved in a large number of paranormal investigations. Although these paranormal cases account for less than one percent of cases retired ranger, John Dover, still considers them to be a significant part of their job. All of their officers are trained at the federal law enforcement training center and are recognized by the federal government as federal officers. With their extensive training nothing prepared them for some of the strange paranormal cases that they investigate. Dover, along with his partner, Stan Milford, have come across reports of several different instance of paranormal activity and sightings such as ghosts, UFOs, Bigfoot and creatures in Navajo folklore like skinwalkers. Requirements to be a Navajo Ranger are similar to that of any other job in law enforcement.
Applicants must be U. S. citizens, twenty-one years of age prior to their graduation from the academy, a high school graduate or G. E. D equivalent, be both physically and mentally healthy, have no felony convictions, misdemeanor convictions within the past three years, domestic violence convictions, excessive traffic citations or have been dishonorably discharged from any United States Armed force. Applicants must submit many different copies of identification such as a valid state driver's license, a notarized copy of Certificate of Indian Blood and copies of their high school or G. E. D. Certificate. Division of Natural Resources, Navajo Nation Navajo Nation - Natural Resource Law Enforcement -Navajo Rangers at USAcops.com
Tuba City, Arizona
Tuba City is an unincorporated town in Coconino County, Arizona, on Navajo lands, in the United States. It is the second-largest community in Coconino County; the population of the census-designated place was 8,611 at the 2010 census. It is the Navajo Nation's largest community larger than Shiprock, New Mexico, the headquarters of the Western Navajo Agency; the Hopi village of Moenkopi lies directly to its southeast. The name of the town honors a Hopi man from Oraibi who converted to Mormonism; the Navajo name for Tuba City, Tó Naneesdizí translates as "tangled waters", which refers to the many below-ground springs that are the source of several reservoirs. Tuba City is located within the Painted Desert near the western edge of the Navajo Nation; the town is situated on U. S. Route 160, near the junction with Arizona State Route 264. Tuba City is located about 50 miles from the eastern entrance to Grand Canyon National Park. Most of Tuba City's residents are Navajo, with a small Hopi minority, it is located within Arizona's 1st Congressional District represented by Tom O'Halleran.
The written history of the town dates back more than 200 years. When Father Francisco Garcés visited the area in 1776, he recorded that the Hopi Indians were cultivating crops; the town was named after a Hopi man. Tuuva converted to Mormonism circa 1870, invited the Mormons to settle near Moenkopi without permission. Tuba City was founded by the Mormons in 1872. Tuba City drew Navajo and Paiute Indians to the area because of its natural springs, Hopi Indians were present. In 1956, Tuba City became a uranium town, as the regional office for the Rare Metals Corporation and the Atomic Energy Commission; the mill closed in 1966, reclamation of the millsite and tailings pile was completed in 1990. Tuba City is located at 36°7′45″N 111°14′19″W. According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 8.9 square miles, all land. Geologically, Tuba City sits upon the Glen Canyon Group from the early Jurassic and on modern superficial Quaternary deposits. Arizona does not observe Daylight Saving Time, though the Navajo reservation does.
In practice the community has a varied observance: tribal offices and schools observe DST, while most businesses do not. Tuba City, owing to its location in the rain shadow of the Mogollon Rim which keeps out moisture from the Gulf of California, has a cold desert climate with hot, dry summers—though less hot than Phoenix—and cold, dry winters. Frosts are normal from October to April but the majority of winters do not have measurable snowfall due to the dryness of the air descending from mountains to the south; as of the census of 2015, there were 9,722 people, 2,360 households, 1,675 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 921.6 people per square mile. There were 2,465 housing units at an average density of 274.0 per square mile. The racial make-up of the CDP was 76.17% Native American, 8.36% White, 0.31% Black or African American, 0.8% Asian, 0.04% Pacific Islander, 0.63% from other races, 1.47% from two or more races. 14.35% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.
There were 2,360 households out of which 52.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 49.0% were married couples living together, 26.0% had a female householder with no husband present, 17.7% were non-families. 15.1% of all households were made up of individuals and 2.3% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 4.00 and the average family size was 4.49. In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 42.8% under the age of 18, 9.8% from 18 to 24, 27.5% from 25 to 44, 15.7% from 45 to 64, 4.3% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 23 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 87.3 males. Tuba City's median household income is $47,091, the median income for a family was $37,813. Males had a median income of $29,280 versus $26,855 for females; the per capita income for the CDP was $14,140. About 23.1% of families and 28.2% of the population were below the poverty line, including 33.0% of those under age 18 and 44.8% of those age 65 or over.
The Explore Navajo Interactive Museum opened in 2007 in the center of Tuba City, next to the historic Tuba City Trading Post. Tuba City is noted for dinosaur tracks, found about 5 miles west. Coal Mine Canyon, a colorful canyon with many hoodoos, is 15 miles southeast. Hahonogeh Canyon, near Coal Mine Canyon, is noteworthy for its blue colors at sunset. There is a flea market held every Friday just northeast of the Chapter House, off Peshlaki Avenue; the flea market offers a variety of Navajo and Hopi arts and crafts, as well as local foods, such as mutton sandwiches and frybread. There a Basha's supermarket, Sonic and McDonald's located on Main Street. Tuba City Trading Post, a store selling Navajo handmade crafts, has a building dating from 1905, it is adjacent to the Navajo Interactive museum, Navajo Code Talkers museum off of Main Street and Edgewater Drive. The Hopi tribe opened the Tuuvi Travel Center in a $6.3 million complex. They opened a 13 million dollar motel in 2010 and Denny's restaurant in 2011 across the street on US Highway 160.
The Hopis plan a $100 million "Gateway to Hopiland" nearby. Tuba City is served by the Tuba City Airport; the area is served by the Tuba City Unified School District, as well as several independent schools within the area. Schools in Tuba City include: Tuba City High School Greyhills Academy High School Tuba City Boarding School established c1906 Tuba City Primary School Tuba City Jr. Hi
Treaty of Bosque Redondo
The Treaty of Bosque Redondo was an agreement between the Navajo and the US Federal Government signed on June 1, 1868. It ended the Navajo Wars and allowed for the return of those held in internment camps at Fort Sumner following the Long Walk of 1864; the treaty established the Navajo as a sovereign nation. Following conflicts between the Navajo and US forces, scorched earth tactics employed by Kit Carson, which included the burning of tribal crops and livestock, James Henry Carleton issued an order in 1862 that all Navajo would relocate to the Bosque Redondo Reservation near Fort Sumner, in what was the New Mexico Territory; those who refused would face "immediate military action". This culminated in the Long Walk of 1864, wherein some 8,000 to 10,000 Navajo and Apache, including women and children, were forced to march over 350 miles from their native land near the Four Corners area. According to Carleton's planned assimilation, while at Bosque Redondo the Navajo would "become farmers, would live in villages, would be instructed in Christianity and other American practices".
However, the site up, chosen by Carleton, proved difficult and expensive to maintain, the conditions for those interned there deplorable. Farming was impractical in the poor quality soil, with inadequate irrigation, the unpredictable and destructive waters of the Pecos River. What crops grew were destroyed by worms and floods. Many died of starvation. According to one estimate, from March to December 1865, the total population dropped from 9,000 to some 6,000. Meanwhile, Bosque Redondo was incurring great expense to the government to maintain. In 1865 the cost of feeding and guarding the Navajo reached some $1,250,000. Sherman wrote to Carleton that the government "cannot and will not maintain" this "extravagant system of expendature," and joked to Gernal John A. Rawlins, that they would be better off sending the Navajo to the "Fifth Avenue Hotel to board at the cost of the United States." By Sherman's own calculation, Bosque Redondo would cost the government some $2,002,277 between 1865 and 1868.
Issues of the camp and the fate of those interred there was debated in Congress, the Doolittle Committee was formed, led by Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs James Rood Doolittle, in order to in part investigate the squalid conditions and provide recommendations to Congress. In 1867, Carleton was removed from command; the newly formed Indian Peace Commission, established to resolve the pressing issues of the western tribes, made their official report in January of the following year and recommended their course of action concerning the Navajo, that "a treaty be made with them, or their consent in some way obtained, to remove at an early day to the southern district selected by us, where they may soon be made self- supporting."After negotiating the Second Treaty of Fort Laramie, peace commissioners William Tecumseh Sherman along with Samuel F. Tappan departed to treat with the Navajo and bring an end to their current arrangement. There they met with Barboncito as tribal representative along with 10 headsmen.
Sherman and Tappan arrived at Fort Sumner on May 28, 1868 with full authority granted by Congress earlier that year to negotiate a treaty. The conditions on the reservation "deeply impressed Sherman" and "appalled Tappan". Tappan likened the plight of the Navajo to that of prisoners of war during the Civil War, imprisoned at Andersonville, where conditions deteriorated so nearly 13,000 had died there. In Sherman's words, "The Navajos had sunk into a condition of absolute poverty and despair."Initially, Sherman proposed moving the Navajo to the Indian Territory, in what would be become the US state of Oklahoma. He offered to send a delegation there at the government's expense. Barboncito refused, the Navajo resolved that they would not plant again at Bosque Redondo. Barboncito recited his grievances, according to one source: the crowding together and dying of his people and their stock, their toil in vain, the cursed ground and the shame of going to the commissary for food, the grubbing of mesquite roots for fuel and carrying them on one's back for miles and miles, the Comanches' murderous raids."
The Indian Bureau agent impressed upon the commissioners, that the Navajo were resolute that they should not remain at Bosque Redondo, although they had remained peaceable thus far, "if not permitted to return to their own country, would leave anyway, comitting depredations as they went." Sherman telegraphed to Senator John B. Henderson, who had assumed the chair of the Indian Affairs Committee, advising him that "the Navajos were unalterably opposed to any resettlement in Texas, or any place further east, would not remain at the Bosque Redondo without the use of overwhelming military force."Tappan had been in favor of a return to their homeland from the outset, Sherman relented, convinced that the land was unfit for white settlement, that he had failed in his efforts to divert the Navajo elsewhere. What was left was to define the area to which they would return, negotiations where not well understood, he agreed they could go outside the reservation to hunt and trade, but must make their homes and farms within its bounds, the area of which he overestimated by nearly double.
A dozen miles south of the proposed reservation lay the surveyed route for planned rail construction along the 35th parallel, land, promised to the railroad for forty miles on either side. Regardless of what may have been put down on the "white man's document", the
Long Walk of the Navajo
The Long Walk of the Navajo called the Long Walk to Bosque Redondo, refers to the 1864 deportation and attempted ethnic cleansing of the Navajo people by the government of the United States of America. Navajos were forced to walk from their land in; some 53 different forced marches occurred between August 1864 and the end of 1866. Some anthropologists claim that the "collective trauma of the Long Walk...is critical to contemporary Navajos' sense of identity as a people". The traditional Navajo homeland spans from Arizona through western New Mexico, where the Navajo had houses, planted crops and raised livestock. There was a long historical pattern in the Southwest of groups or bands raiding and trading with each other, with treaties being made and broken; this included interactions between Navajo, Mexican, Apache, Comanche and the "Americans." Individual civilians and Native Americans could be victims of these conflicts and instigate conflicts to serve their special interests. Hostilities escalated between the Americans and Navajos following the scalping of the respected Navajo leader Narbona in 1849.
In August 1851, Colonel Edwin Vose Sumner established Fort Defiance for the U. S. government and Fort Wingate. Prior to the Long Walk, there were a series of treaties signed in 1849, 1858, 1861. There are many examples of friction between Americans and Navajo groups between 1846 and 1863. Manuelito and Barboncito reminded the Navajo that the Army was bringing in troops to wage war, it had flogged a Navajo messenger, opened fire on tribal headsman Agua Chiquito, during talks for peace, they argued that the army had refused to bring in feed for their many animals at Ft. Defiance, took over the prime grazing land, killed Manuelito's livestock, there. On April 30, 1860, Manuelito and Barboncito with 1,000 Navajo warriors attacked the fort and took control. Typical truces and treaties said. However, the army allowed other Native American tribes and Mexicans to steal livestock and capture Navajo to be used as slaves. A truce between the army and Navajo was signed on February 15, 1861, they were again given in protection, but two of their four sacred mountains were lost to them, as well as about one-third of their traditionally held land.
In March, a company of 52 citizens led by Jose Manuel Sanchez drove off a bunch of Navajo horses, but Captain Wingate followed the trail and recovered the horses for the Navajo, who had killed Sanchez. Another group of citizens ravaged Navajo rancherias in the vicinity of Beautiful Mountain. During this time, a party of Mexicans and Pueblo Indians captured 12 Navajo in a raid, three were brought in. On August 9, 1861, Lt. Col. Manuel Antonio Chaves of the New Mexico Volunteer Militia took command of a garrison of three companies numbering 8 officers and 206 men at Fort Fauntleroy. Chaves was accused of being frugal in dispensing his post's supplies to the 1,000 or more Navajos that had remained close to the fort and was maintaining remarkably lax discipline. Horse races began on September 10 and continued into the late afternoon of September 13. Col. Chaves permitted Post Sutler A. W. Kavanaugh to supply liquor to the Navajos. There was a dispute. A shot rang out, followed by a fusillade. 200 Navajo, well-armed and mounted, advanced towards the Guard, shooting at the men.
They were scattered, leaving 12 dead bodies and forty prisoners. On hearing this, Gen. Canby demanded a full report from Chaves. Col. Canby sent Captain Andrew W. Evans to the fort, named Fort Lyon since September 25, he took command. Manuel Chaves, suspended from command, was confined to the limits of Albuquerque pending court-martial. In February 1861, Manuel Chaves took the field with 400 militia and ransacked Navajo land without federal authority. With Confederate troops moving into southern New Mexico, Col. Canby sent Agent John Ward into Navajo lands to persuade any who might be friendly to move to a central encampment near the village of Cubero where they would be offered the protection of the government. Ward was instructed to warn all Navajos who refused to come in that they would be treated as enemies. Captain Evans was overseeing the abandonment of Fort Lyon and had been told that the new policy would be that the Navajo had to colonize in settlements or pueblos, mentioning the region of the Little Colorado west of Zuni as an ideal place.
In November, some Navajo were raiding again. On December 1, Col. Canby wrote to his superior in St. Louis that "recent occurrences in the Navajo country have so demoralized and broken up nation that there is now no choice between their absolute extermination or their removal and colonization at points so remote...as to isolate them from the inhabitants of the Territory. Aside from all considerations of humanity the extermination of such a people will be the work of the greatest difficulty". By 1862, the Union Army had pushed the Confederates down the Rio Grande; the United States government again turned its attention to the Navajos, determined to eliminate Navajo raiding and raids on the Navajo. James H. Carleton was ordered to relieve Canby as the Commander for the New Mexico Military Department in September 1862. Carleton gave the orders to Kit Carson to proceed to Navajo territory and to receive the Navajo surrender on July 20, 1863; when no Navajos showed up, Carson and another officer entered Navajo territory in an attempt to persuade Navajos to surrender and
Navajo rugs and blankets are textiles produced by Navajo people of the Four Corners area of the United States. Navajo textiles are regarded and have been sought after as trade items for over 150 years. Commercial production of handwoven blankets and rugs has been an important element of the Navajo economy; as one expert expresses it, "Classic Navajo serapes at their finest equal the delicacy and sophistication of any pre-mechanical loom-woven textile in the world."Navajo textiles were utilitarian blankets for use as cloaks, saddle blankets, similar purposes. Toward the end of the 19th century, weavers began to make rugs for export. Typical Navajo textiles have strong geometric patterns, they are a flat tapestry-woven textile produced in a fashion similar to kilims of Eastern Europe and Western Asia, but with some notable differences. In Navajo weaving, the slit weave technique common in kilims is not used, the warp is one continuous length of yarn, not extending beyond the weaving as fringe. Traders from the late 19th and early 20th century encouraged adoption of some kilim motifs into Navajo designs.
The original function of Navajo weaving was to produce clothing: "shoulder robes, rectangular panel or wrap-around-dresses, semi-tailored shirts, a variety of belts, shoulder robes, hair ties, garters." The production of weaving flourished after the mid 1800s for trade with the white settlers. The Navajo may have learned to weave from their Pueblo Indian neighbors when they moved into the Four Corners region during the year 1000 A. D; some experts contend. The Navajo obtained cotton through local trade routes before the arrival of the Spanish, after which time they began to use wool; the Pueblo and Navajo were not on friendly terms due to frequent Navajo raids on Pueblo settlements, yet many Pueblo sought refuge with their Navajo neighbors in the late 17th century to evade the conquistadors in the aftermath of the Pueblo Revolt. This social interchange is the probable origin of the distinctive Navajo weaving tradition. Spanish records show that Navajo people began to herd sheep and weave wool blankets from that time onward.
The extent of Pueblo influence on Navajo weaving is uncertain. As Wolfgang Haberland notes, "Prehistoric Puebloan textiles were much more elaborate than historic ones, as can be seen in the few remnants recovered archaeologically and in costumed figures in pre-contact kiva murals." Haberland suggests that the absence of surviving colonial-era Pueblo textile examples make it impossible to do more than conjecture about whether the creative origins of Navajo weaving arose from Navajo culture or were borrowed from the neighboring people. Written records establish the Navajo as fine weavers for at least the last 300 years, beginning with Spanish colonial descriptions of the early 18th century. By 1812, Pedro Piño called the Navajo the best weavers in the province. Few remnants of 18th-century Navajo weaving survive. In 1804, a group of Navajo were shot and killed there, where they were seeking refuge from Spanish soldiers. For a hundred years the cave remained untouched due to Navajo taboos until a local trader named Sam Day entered it and retrieved the textiles.
Day sold it to various museums. The majority of Massacre Cave blankets feature plain stripes, yet some exhibit the terraces and diamonds characteristic of Navajo weaving. Commerce expanded after the Santa Fe Trail opened in 1822, greater numbers of examples survive; until 1880, all such textiles were blankets as opposed to rugs. In 1850, these prized trade items sold for $50 in gold, a huge sum at that time. Railroad service reached Navajo lands in the early 1880s and resulted in considerable expansion of the market for Navajo woven goods. According to Kathy M'Closkey of the University of Windsor in Ontario, Canada, "wool production more than doubled between 1890 and 1910, yet textile production escalated more than 800%". Purchases of manufactured yarn compensated for the deficit in wool production. Federal government reports affirmed that this weaving, performed exclusively by women, was the most profitable Navajo industry during that era. Quality declined; however in today's society an average price of a rug goes for about $8000.00.
Several European-American merchants influenced Navajo weaving during the next decades. The first to advertise Navajo textiles in a catalog was C. N. Cotton in 1894. Cotton encouraged professional production and marketing among his peers and the weavers whose work they handled. Another trader named John. B. Moore, who settled in the Chuska Mountains in 1897 attempted to improve the quality of textiles he traded, he attempted to regulate the cleaning and dyeing process of artisans who did business with him, shipped wool intended for higher grade weaving outside the region for factory cleaning. He limited the range of dyes in textiles he traded and refused to deal fabric that had included certain commercially produced yarns. Moore's catalogs identified individual textile pieces rather than illustrating representative styles, he appears to have been instrumental in introducing new motifs to Navajo weaving. Carpets from the Caucasus region were popular among Anglo-Americans at that time. Both the Navajo and the Caucasus weavers worked under similar conditions and in similar styles, so it was simple for them to incorporate Caucasus patterns such as an octagonal motif known as a gul.
Traders encouraged the locals to weave rugs into distinct styles. They included "Two
Navajo music is music made by Navajos hailing from the Four Corners region of the Southwestern United States and the territory of the Navajo Nation. While it traditionally takes the shape of ceremonial chants and echoes themes found in Diné Bahaneʼ, contemporary Navajo music includes a wide range of genres, ranging from country music to rock and rap, performed in both English and Navajo. Traditional Navajo music is always vocal, with most instruments, which include drums, rattles, flute and bullroarer, being used to accompany singing of specific types of song. In 1982, there were over 1,000 Hataałii, or Singers, otherwise known as'Medicine People', qualified to perform one or more of thirty ceremonials and countless prayer rituals which restore hózhǫ́ which holds the semantic field of'harmonious condition' and'beauty', good health and balance; these songs are the most sacred holy songs, the "complex and comprehensive" spiritual literature of the Navajo, may be considered classical music, while all other songs, including personal, daily work, recreation and less sacred ceremonial songs, may be considered popular music.
The "popular" side is characterized by public performance while the holy songs are preserved of their sacredness by reserving it only for ceremonies. The longest ceremonies may last up to ten days and nights while performing rituals that restore the balance between good and evil, or positive and negative forces; the hataałii, aided by sandpaintings or masked yéʼii bicheii, as well as numerous other sacred tools used for healing, chant the sacred songs to call upon the Navajo gods and natural forces to restore the person to harmony and balance within the context of the world forces. In ceremonies involving sandpaintings, the person to be supernaturally assisted, the patient, becomes the protagonist, identifying with the gods of the Diné Creation Stories, at one point becomes part of the Story Cycle by sitting on a sandpainting with iconography pertaining to the specific story and deities; the lyrics, which may last over an hour and are sung in groups, contain narrative epics including the beginning of the world, phenomenology and other lessons.
Longer songs are divided into two or four balanced parts and feature an alternation of chantlike verses and buoyant melodically active choruses concluded by a refrain in the style and including lyrics of the chorus. Lyrics, songs and topics include cyclic: Changing Woman, an immortal figure in the Navajo traditions, is born in the spring, grows to adolescence in the summer, becomes an adult in the autumn, an old lady in the winter, repeating the life cycles over and over, her sons, the Hero Twins, Monster Slayer and Born-for-the-Water, are sung about, for they rid the world of giants and evil monsters. Stories such as these are spoken of during these sacred ceremonies; the "popular" music resembles the active melodic motion of the choruses, featuring wide intervallic leaps and melodic range an octave to octave and a half. Structurally, the songs are created from the complex repetition and combinations of most no more than four or five phrases, with short songs immediately following each other for continuity as needed in work songs.
Their lyrics are vocables, with certain vocables specific to genres, but may contain short humorous or satirical texts. Long ago when the animals roamed the earth they came together to play Késhjééʼ, or the Navajo moccasin game. Yéʼiitsoh and Owl discussed putting a game together and they came up with the Navajo Shoegame. There is a story that goes with this, however it remains only to be heard orally by a Diné. Today throughout the Navajo Nation, many families play the Navajo Shoegame. At times, local communities play against each other during the winter season. There are many prominent Navajo Shoegame singers throughout the Navajo Nation. Notably the Nez Family of Hunter's Point and Pinedale, New Mexico, who are well known for their singing and playing of the game. Leo Nez Sr. and his son Titus Jay Nez who come from the Nez family are well known for their singing of Shoegame songs and attendance of Shoegames throughout the Navajo Nation. Other notable members include Jimmy Cody, Sammie Largo.
Navajo children's songs are about animals, such as pets and livestock. Some songs are about family members, about chores and other activities as well, it includes anything in a child's daily life. A child may learn songs from an early age from the mother; as a baby, if the child cries, the mother will sing to it. Navajo songs are rhythmic, therefore soothing to a baby. Thus, songs are a major part of Navajo culture, it may have been a kind of beginner's course in learning the songs and prayers for self-protection from bad things and other evil figures in Navajo traditions. Blessings, such as when one does with corn pollen in the early morning, may be learned as well. In children's songs, a short chant starts off the song, followed by at least one stanza of lyrics, finishing up with the same chant. All traditional songs include chants, are not made up of lyrics. There are specific chants for some types of songs as well. Contemporary children's songs, such as Christmas songs and Navajo versions of nursery rhymes, may have lyrics only.
Today, both types of songs may be taught in elementary schools on the reservation, depending on the knowledge and ability of the particular teacher. In earlier times, Navajo children may have sung songs like