Jihad is an Arabic word which means striving or struggling with a praiseworthy aim. In an Islamic context, it can refer to any effort to make personal and social life conform with God's guidance, such as struggle against one's evil inclinations, religious proselytizing, or efforts toward the moral betterment of the ummah, though it is most associated with war. In classical Islamic law, the term refers to armed struggle against unbelievers, while modernist Islamic scholars equate military jihad with defensive warfare. In Sufi and pious circles and moral jihad has been traditionally emphasized under the name of greater jihad; the term has gained additional attention in recent decades through its use by terrorist groups. The word jihad appears in the Quran with and without military connotations in the idiomatic expression "striving in the path of God". Islamic jurists and other ulema of the classical era understood the obligation of jihad predominantly in a military sense, they developed an elaborate set of rules pertaining to jihad, including prohibitions on harming those who are not engaged in combat.
In the modern era, the notion of jihad has lost its jurisprudential relevance and instead given rise to an ideological and political discourse. While modernist Islamic scholars have emphasized defensive and non-military aspects of jihad, some Islamists have advanced aggressive interpretations that go beyond the classical theory. Jihad is classified into inner jihad, which involves a struggle against one's own base impulses, external jihad, further subdivided into jihad of the pen/tongue and jihad of the sword. Most Western writers consider external jihad to have primacy over inner jihad in the Islamic tradition, while much of contemporary Muslim opinion favors the opposite view. Gallup analysis of a large survey reveals considerable nuance in the conceptions of jihad held by Muslims around the world. Jihad is sometimes referred to as the sixth pillar of Islam, though this designation is not recognized. In Twelver Shi'a Islam jihad is one of the ten Practices of the Religion. A person engaged in jihad is called a mujahid.
The term jihad is rendered in English as "Holy War", although this translation is controversial. Today, the word jihad is used without religious connotations, like the English crusade. In Modern Standard Arabic, the term jihad is used for a struggle for causes, both religious and secular; the Hans Wehr Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic defines the term as "battle. Nonetheless, it is used in the religious sense and its beginnings are traced back to the Qur'an and the words and actions of Muhammad. In the Qur'an and in Muslim usage, jihad is followed by the expression fi sabil illah, "in the path of God." Muhammad Abdel-Haleem states that it indicates "the way of truth and justice, including all the teachings it gives on the justifications and the conditions for the conduct of war and peace." It is sometimes used without religious connotation, with a meaning similar to the English word "crusade". According to Ahmed al-Dawoody, seventeen derivatives of jihād occur altogether forty-one times in eleven Meccan texts and thirty Medinan ones, with the following five meanings: striving because of religious belief, non-Muslim parents exerting pressure, that is, jihād, to make their children abandon Islam, solemn oaths, physical strength.
The context of the Quran is elucidated by Hadith. Of the 199 references to jihad in the most standard collection of hadith—Bukhari—all assume that jihad means warfare. Among reported saying of the Islamic prophet Muhammad involving jihad are The best Jihad is the word of Justice in front of the oppressive sultan. and The Messenger of Allah was asked about the best jihad. He said: "The best jihad is the one in which your horse is slain and your blood is spilled." Ibn Nuhaas cited a hadith from Musnad Ahmad ibn Hanbal, where Muhammad states that the highest kind of jihad is "The person, killed whilst spilling the last of his blood". According to another hadith, supporting one's parents is an example of jihad, it has been reported that Muhammad considered well-performing hajj to be the best jihad for Muslim women. The practice of periodic raids by Bedouins against enemy tribes and settlements to collect spoils predates the revelations of the Quran. According to some scholars, while Islamic leaders "instilled into the hearts of the warriors the belief" in jihad "holy war" and ghaza, the "fundamental structure" of this bedouin warfare "remained... raiding to collect booty".
According to Jonathan Berkey, the Quran's statements in support of jihad may have been directed against Muhammad's local enemies, the pagans of Mecca or the Jews of Medina, but these same statements could be redirected once new enemies appeared. According to another scholar, it was the shift in focus to the conquest and spoils collecting of non-Bedouin unbelievers and away from traditional inter-bedouin tribal raids, that may have made it possible for Islam not only to expand but to avoid self-destruction. "From an early date Muslim law laid down" jihad in the military sense as "one of the principal obligations" of both "the head of the Muslim state", who declared the jihad, the Muslim community. According to legal historian Sadakat Kadri, Islamic jurists first developed classical doctrine of jihad "towards th
Special Intervention Group
The Special Intervention Group is a special forces group created in Algeria in 1987 with 400 members. Since 1992, GIS forces have operated within the context of violent confrontation between the Algerian government and Islamic militants. A resulting arms embargo against Algeria prevented the GIS from obtaining equipment such as night-vision goggles typical for such units. However, after the September 11, 2001 attacks, western matériel vendors were allowed to sell equipment to Algeria in the name of the international War on Terrorism. A sub-unit of the Départment du Renseignement et de la Sécurité, it is responsible for counter-terrorism, it has a base at Blida, 50 km from Algiers. The Grouping of special intervention made trainings elaborate with several training courses in various domains to the Officers' training school of the special troops in Algeria, without forgetting the training in the rated of the groups Alpha of Russia; the men of the GIS are introduced to the Ju-Jitsu art of Japanese fight and to the Kuk Sool Won art of Korean fight, but in a purely military aspect.
With that outfit of trainings and are experiment on the ground the GIS became one of the units the most experimented by the world and recognized by the various tactical groups in the field of counter-terrorisms by the point where the G. I. S was recommended by the USSOCOM to form several European groups. Assault rifleAKM Steyr AUG Heckler and Koch G36Machine gunsPKM machine gunSMGBeretta M12 Heckler & Koch MP5 Heckler & Koch MP7Sniper rifleDragunov sniper rifle Remington 700ShotgunsFranchi SPAS-12PistolsGlock 17 Beretta 92 Beretta 93R Browning Hi Power Caracal pistol
Armed Islamic Group of Algeria
The Armed Islamic Group, was one of the two main Islamist insurgents groups that fought the Algerian government and army in the Algerian Civil War. It was created from smaller armed groups following the 1992 military coup and arrest and internment of thousands of officials in the Islamist Islamic Salvation Front party after that party won the first round of parliamentary elections in December 1991, it was led by a succession of amirs who were arrested one after another. Unlike the other main armed groups, the Mouvement Islamique Arme and the Islamic Salvation Army, in its pursuit of an Islamic state the GIA sought not to pressure the government into concessions but to destabilise and overthrow it, to "purge the land of the ungodly", its slogan inscribed on all communiques was: "no agreement, no truce, no dialogue". The group desired to create "an atmosphere of general insecurity" and employed kidnapping and bombings, including car bombs and targeted not only security forces but civilians. Between 1992 and 1998, the GIA conducted a violent campaign of civilian massacres, sometimes wiping out entire villages in its area of operation.
It attacked and killed other Islamists that left the GIA or attempted to negotiate with the government. It targeted foreign civilians living in Algeria, killing more than 100 expatriate men and women in the country; the group established a presence outside Algeria, in France, Britain and the United States, launched terror attacks in France in late 1994. The "undisputed principal Islamist force" in Algeria in 1994, by 1996, militants were deserting "in droves", alienated by its execution of civilians and Islamists leaders. In 1999, a government amnesty law motivated large numbers of jihadis to "repent"; the remnants of the GIA proper were hunted down over the next two years, leaving a splinter group the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat, which announced its support for Al-Qaeda in October 2003. The GIA is considered a terrorist organisation by the governments of Algeria and France. To what extent the group was infiltrated and manipulated by Algerian security services is disputed; the GIA remains a Proscribed Organisation in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act 2000.
According to Algerian veterans of the Afghan jihad who founded the GIA, the idea of forming an armed group to fight jihad against the Algerian government was developed not after the coup but in 1989 after leaders of the Islamic Armed Movement of Mustafa Bouyali, were freed from prison, but was not acted on due to the spectacular electoral political success of the FIS. Early in 1992, Mansour Meliani, a former aid to Bouyali, along with many "Afghans", broke with his former friend Abdelkader Heresay and left the MIA, founding his own Jihadi group around July 1992. Meliani was arrested in July and executed in August 1993. Meliani was replaced by Mohammed Allal, aka Moh Leveilley, killed on 1 September 1992 by the Algerian military when they attacked a meeting held to unify command of the jihad. Leveilley was replaced in January 1993 by Abdelhak Layada, who declared his group independent of the FIS and MIA and not obedient to its orders, it adopted the radical Omar El-Eulmi as a spiritual guide, Layada affirmed that "political pluralism is equivalent to sedition".
He believed jihad in Algeria was fard ayn, or an individual obligation of adult male Muslims. Layada threatened not just the families of Algerian soldiers. From its inception on, the GIA called for and implemented the killing of anyone collaborating with or supporting the authorities, including government employees such as teachers and civil servants. Layada did not last long and was arrested in Morocco in May 1993. Beside's the GIA, the other major branch of the Algerian resistance was the Islamic Armed Movement, it was led by the ex-soldier "General" Abdelkader Chebouti, was "well-organized and structured and favored a long-term jihad" targeting the state and its representatives and based on a guerrilla campaign like that of the War of Independence. From prison, Ali Benhadj issued a fatwa giving the MIA his blessing. In August 1993, Seif Allah Djafar, aka Mourad Si Ahmed, aka Djafar al-Afghani, a 30-year-old black marketer with no education beyond primary school, became GIA amir. Violence escalated under Djafar.
Under him, the group named and assassinated specific journalists and intellectuals, saying that "The journalists who fight against Islamism through the pen will perish by the sword." The GIA explicitly affirmed that it "did not represent the armed wing of the FIS", issued death threats against several FIS and MIA members, including MIA's Heresay and FIS's Kebir and Redjam. About the time al-Afghani took power of GIA, a group of Algerian jihadists returning from Afghanistan came to London. Together with Islamist intellectual Abu Qatada, they started up a weekly magazine, Usrat al-Ansar as a GIA propaganda outlet. Abu Qatada "provided the intellectual and ideological firepower" to justify GIA actions, the journal became "a trusted source of news and information about the GIA for Islamists around the world."The GIA soon broadened its attacks to civilians who refused to live by their prohibitions, foreigners living in Algeria. A hostage released on 31 October 1993 carried a message ordering foreigners to "leave the country.
We are giving you one month. Anyone who exceeds that period will be responsible for his own sudden death." By the end of 1993 26 foreigners had been killed. In November 1993 Shei
A referendum is a direct vote in which an entire electorate is invited to vote on a particular proposal. This may result in the adoption of a new law. In some countries, it is synonymous with a vote on a ballot question; some definitions of'plebiscite' suggest that it is a type of vote to change the constitution or government of a country. However, some other countries define it differently. For example, Australia defines'referendum' as a vote to change the constitution, and'plebiscite' as a vote that does not affect the constitution. In Ireland, the vote to adopt its constitution was called a "plebiscite", but a subsequent vote to amend the constitution is called a'referendum', so is a poll of the electorate on a non-constitutional bill; the word referendum is a general word used for both legislative referrals and initiatives.'Referendum' is the gerundive form of the Latin verb refero "to carry back". As a gerundive is an adjective, not a noun, it cannot be used alone in Latin and must be contained within a context attached to a noun such as Propositum quod referendum est populo, "A proposal which must be carried back to the people".
The addition of the verb sum to a gerundive, denotes the idea of necessity or compulsion, that which "must" be done, rather than that, "fit for" doing. Its use as a noun in English is thus not a grammatical usage of a foreign word, but is rather a freshly coined English noun, which therefore follows English grammatical usage, not Latin grammatical usage; this determines the form of the plural in English, which according to English grammar should be "referendums". The use of "referenda" as a plural form in English is thus insupportable according to the rules of both Latin and English grammar alike; the use of "referenda" as a plural form is posited hypothetically as either a gerund or a gerundive by the Oxford English Dictionary, which rules out such usage in both cases as follows: Referendums is logically preferable as a plural form meaning'ballots on one issue'. The Latin plural gerundive'referenda', meaning'things to be referred' connotes a plurality of issues, it is related to the political agenda, "those matters which must be driven forward", from ago, to drive.
The name and use of the'referendum' is thought to have originated in the Swiss canton of Graubünden as early as the 16th century. The term'plebiscite' has a similar meaning in modern usage, comes from the Latin plebiscita, which meant a decree of the Concilium Plebis, the popular assembly of the Roman Republic. Today, a referendum can often be referred to as a plebiscite, but in some countries the two terms are used differently to refer to votes with differing types of legal consequences. For example, Australia defines'referendum' as a vote to change the constitution, and'plebiscite' as a vote that does not affect the constitution. In contrast, Ireland has only held one plebiscite, the vote to adopt its constitution, every other vote has been called a referendum. Plebiscite has been used to denote a non-binding vote count such as the one held by Nazi Germany to'approve' in retrospect the so-called Anschluss with Austria, the question being not'Do you permit?' but rather'Do you approve?' of that which has most already occurred.
The term referendum covers a variety of different meanings. A referendum can be advisory. In some countries, different names are used for these two types of referendum. Referendums can be further classified by who initiates them: mandatory referendums prescribed by law, voluntary referendums initiated by the legislature or government, referendums initiated by citizens. A deliberative referendum is a referendum designed to improve the deliberative qualities of the campaign preceding the referendum vote, and/or of the act of voting itself. From a political-philosophical perspective, referendums are an expression of direct democracy. However, in the modern world, most referendums need to be understood within the context of representative democracy. Therefore, they tend to be used quite selectively, covering issues such as changes in voting systems, where elected officials may not have the legitimacy or inclination to implement such changes. Since the end of the 18th century, hundreds of national referendums have been organised in the world.
Italy ranked second with 72 national referendums: 67 popular referendums, 3 constitutional referendums, one institutional referendum and one advisory referendum. A referendum offers the electorate a choice of accepting or rejecting a proposal, but not always; some referendums give voters the choice among multiple choices and some use Transferable voting even. In Switzerland, for example, multiple choice referendums are common. Two multiple choice referendums were held in Sweden, in 1957 and in 1980, in which voters were offered three options. In 1977, a referendum held in Australia to determine a new national anthem was held in which voters had four choices. In 1992, New Zealand held a five-option referendum on their electoral system. In 1982, Guam had referendum that used six options, with an additional blank option for anyone wishing to vote for their own seventh option. A multiple choice referendum pose
Torture is the act of deliberately inflicting severe physical or psychological suffering on someone by another as a punishment or in order to fulfill some desire of the torturer or force some action from the victim. Torture, by definition, is a knowing and intentional act. Torture has been carried out or sanctioned by individuals and states throughout history from ancient times to modern day, forms of torture can vary in duration from only a few minutes to several days or longer. Reasons for torture can include punishment, extortion, political re-education, coercion of the victim or a third party, interrogation to extract information or a confession irrespective of whether it is false, or the sadistic gratification of those carrying out or observing the torture. Alternatively, some forms of torture are designed to inflict psychological pain or leave as little physical injury or evidence as possible while achieving the same psychological devastation; the torturer may or may not kill or injure the victim, but torture may result in a deliberate death and serves as a form of capital punishment.
Depending on the aim a form of torture, intentionally fatal may be prolonged to allow the victim to suffer as long as possible. In other cases, the torturer may be indifferent to the condition of the victim. Although torture is sanctioned by some states, it is prohibited under international law and the domestic laws of most countries. Although illegal and reviled, there is an ongoing debate as to what is and is not defined as torture, it is a serious violation of human rights, is declared to be unacceptable by Article 5 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Signatories of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols I and II of 8 June 1977 agree not to torture captured persons in armed conflicts, whether international or internal. Torture is prohibited for the signatories of the United Nations Convention Against Torture, which has 163 state parties. National and international legal prohibitions on torture derive from a consensus that torture and similar ill-treatment are immoral, as well as impractical, information obtained by torture is far less reliable than that obtained by other techniques.
Despite these findings and international conventions, organizations that monitor abuses of human rights report widespread use condoned by states in many regions of the world. Amnesty International estimates that at least 81 world governments practice torture, some of them openly; the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, in force since 26 June 1987, provides a broad definition of torture. Article 1.1 of the UN Convention Against Torture reads: For the purpose of this Convention, the term "torture" means any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him, or a third person, information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.
It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in, or incidental to, lawful sanctions. This definition was restricted to apply only to nations and to government-sponsored torture and limits the torture to that perpetrated, directly or indirectly, by those acting in an official capacity, such as government personnel, law enforcement personnel, medical personnel, military personnel, or politicians, it appears to exclude: torture perpetrated by gangs, hate groups, rebels, or terrorists who ignore national or international mandates. Some professionals in the torture rehabilitation field believe that this definition is too restrictive and that the definition of politically motivated torture should be broadened to include all acts of organized violence. An broader definition was used in the 1975 Declaration of Tokyo regarding the participation of medical professionals in acts of torture: For the purpose of this Declaration, torture is defined as the deliberate, systematic or wanton infliction of physical or mental suffering by one or more persons acting alone or on the orders of any authority, to force another person to yield information, to make a confession, or for any other reason.
This definition includes torture as part of domestic violence or ritualistic abuse, as well as in criminal activities. The Rome Statute is the treaty; the treaty was adopted at a diplomatic conference in Rome on 17 July 1998 and went into effect on 1 July 2002. The Rome Statute provides a simplest definition of torture regarding the prosecution of war criminals by the International Criminal Court. Paragraph 1 under Article 7 of the Rome Statute provides that: "Torture" means the intentional infliction of severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, upon a person in the custody or
A militia is an army or some other fighting organization of non-professional soldiers, citizens of a nation, or subjects of a state, who can be called upon for military service during a time of need, as opposed to a professional force of regular, full-time military personnel, or members of a warrior nobility class. Unable to hold ground against regular forces, it is common for militias to be used for aiding regular troops by skirmishing, holding fortifications, or irregular warfare, instead of being used in offensive campaigns by themselves. Militia are limited by local civilian laws to serve only in their home region, to serve only for a limited time. With the emergence of professional forces during the Renaissance, Western European militias wilted; the civic humanist ideal of the militia was spread through Europe by the writings of Niccolò Machiavelli Beginning in the late 20th century, some militias act as professional forces, while still being "part-time" or "on-call" organizations. For instance, the members of some U.
S. Army National Guard units are considered professional soldiers, as they are trained to maintain the same standards as their "full-time" counterparts. Militias thus can be paramilitary, depending on the instance; some of the contexts in which the term "militia" is used include: Forces engaged in defense activity or service, to protect a community, its territory and laws. The entire able-bodied population of a community, county, or state, available to be called to arms. A subset of these who may be penalized for failing to respond to a call-up. A subset of these who respond to a call-up, regardless of legal obligation. A private, non-government force, not directly supported or sanctioned by its government. An irregular armed force enabling its leader to exercise military and political control over a subnational territory within a sovereign state. An official reserve army, composed of citizen soldiers. Called by various names in different countries, such as the Army Reserve, National Guard, or state defense forces.
The national police forces in several former communist states such as the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact countries, but in the non-aligned SFR Yugoslavia. The term was inherited in other former CIS countries, where they are known as militsiya. In France the equivalent term "Milice" has become tainted due to its use by notorious collaborators with Nazi Germany. A select militia is composed of a small, non-representative portion of the population politicized. Militia derives from Latin roots: miles /miːles/: soldier -itia /iːtia/: a state, quality or condition of being militia /mil:iːtia/: Military serviceThe word militia dates back to ancient Rome, more to at least 1590 when it was recorded in a book by Sir John Smythe, Certain Discourses Military with the meanings: a military force, it should be noted that the term is used by several countries with the meaning of "defense activity" indicating it is taken directly from Latin. In the early 1800s Buenos Aires, by the capital of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, was attacked during the British invasions of the Río de la Plata.
As regular military forces were insufficient to counter the British attackers, Santiago de Liniers drafted all males in the city capable of bearing arms into the military. These recruits included the criollo peoples, who ranked low down in the social hierarchy, as well as some slaves. With these reinforcements, the British armies were twice defeated; the militias became a strong factor in the politics of the city afterwards, as a springboard from which the criollos could manifest their political ambitions. They were a key element in the success of the May Revolution, which deposed the Spanish viceroy and began the Argentine War of Independence. A decree by Mariano Moreno derogated the system of promotions involving criollos, allowing instead their promotion on military merit; the Argentine Civil War was waged by militias again, as both federalists and unitarians drafted common people into their ranks as part of ongoing conflicts. These irregular armies were organized at a provincial level, assembled as leagues depending on political pacts.
This system had declined by the 1870s due to the establishment of the modern Argentine Army, drafted for the Paraguayan War by President Bartolome Mitre. Provincial militias were outlawed and decimated by the new army throughout the presidential terms of Mitre, Sarmiento and Roca. Armenian militia, or fedayi played a major role in the independence of various Armenian states, including Western Armenia, the First Republic of Armenia, the de facto independent Republic of Artsakh. Armenian militia played a role in the Georgia-Abkhazia War of 1992–1993. In the Colony of New South Wales Governor Lachlan Macquarie proposed a colonial militia but the idea was rejected. Governor Ralph Darling felt. A military volunteer movement attracted wide
Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité
Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité was the Algerian state intelligence service. Its existence dates back to the struggle for independence. In 2016 it was dissolved by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika and replaced by the Direction des services de sécurité; the DRS was formed as the Ministère de l'Armement et des Liaisons générales during the Algerian War for independence, under the direction by Abdelhafid Boussouf, whose role was to lead both the national and international networks of the Front de libération nationale. After independence in 1962, with the accession of Houari Boumédiène to the leadership of the country in 1965, the Algerian intelligence services professionalised and institutionalised. MALG was organized under five departments: DTN: National Communications department DDR: Documentation and Research department, responsible for military research DVCR: Vigilance and Counter Intelligence DLG: Army post network Management of logistics for acquiring and routing weapons and equipment.
This change of internal organization was modeled to a large extent on the intelligence and internal security services of the Eastern bloc Nations. Renamed Sécurité Militaire its directives were: Counter-espionage Internal security Foreign intelligenceThe first appointed Chairman of Military Security was the colonel Kasdi Merbah who stayed until the death of president Boumédiène in 1978, he was succeeded for a short time by colonel Yazid Zerhouni. President Chadli Bendjedid, who mistrusted the SM, dismantled it and renamed it the DGPS. Chadli appointed to the chair of the DGPS general Lakehal Ayat, reorganising the agency to work in foreign intelligence; the riots and turmoil of October 1988 caused president Chadli Bendjedid to dismiss General Ayat, succeeded by General Betchine. His tenure saw major political change, beginning with the advent of a multi-party political system and the rise of the Islamist movement of the FIS. Betchine was replaced by Mohamed Mediène in November 1990, who served until 2015.
Following this, the Services changed its name once again, from DGPS to DRS. Outside observers have charged that Mediène was one of the junta of generals who forced the cancellation the 1991 elections which the Islamists were set to win, plunging the nation into a war against the Islamist, increasing the power of the military—and the DRS—in Algeria's government, it was in this period that the DRS reasserted its role in internal security, becoming an active player in the Algerian Civil War of the 1990s. It had as many as 100,000 agents that infiltrated many segments of society. DRS agents infiltrated and manipulated terrorist groups, repressed different Islamist groups, it blocked negotiations both by the ruling and opposition powers with the FIS. In September 2013, the DRS was reorganized to bring more of its power under the state's control; the Groupe d'Intervention Spécial is a special force under the direction of the DRS. Abdelhafid Boussouf from 1954 to 1958 Houari Boumédiène from 1958 to 1965 Kasdi Merbah from 1965 to 1978 Yazid Zerhouni from 1979 to 1981 Lakehal Ayat from 1981 to 1988 Mohamed Betchine from 1988 to 1990 Mohamed Mediène from 1990 to 2015 Athmane Tartag since 2015 to 2019 Algerians count cost of burying the past.
Financial Times. July 4, 2007. Algérie. Pratique persistante de la torture par la Sécurité militaire dans des lieux tenus secrets. Amnesty International. 10 June 2007. Algeria: Unrestrained powers: Torture by Algeria's Military Security. Amnesty International. Index Number: MDE 28/004/2006. 9 July 2006. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. Algeria: The anti-terrorism campaign conducted by the army between 1997 and 2000, including the army's strategy, 27 August 2007. DZA102593. E. Online. Available at UNHCR Refworld, accessed 30 March 2009. Martin Evans, John Phillips. Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed. Yale University Press ISBN 0-300-10881-8 Hugh Roberts. Demilitarizing Algeria. Carnegie Papers Middle East Program, Number 86. May 2007. Yahia H. Zoubir, Haizam Amirah Fernández. North Africa: Politics and the Limits of Transformation. Routledge ISBN 0-415-42921-8 pp. 299–300