Xi Jinping Thought
Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era known as Xi Jinping Thought, is a political theory derived from the Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping. The thought consists of a 14-point basic policy as follows: Ensuring Communist Party of China leadership over all forms of work in China; the Communist Party of China should take a people-centric approach for the public interest. The continuation of "comprehensive deepening of reforms". Adopting new science-based ideas for "innovative, green and shared development". Following "socialism with Chinese characteristics" with "people as the masters of the country". Governing China with Rule of Law. "Practice socialist core values", including Marxism and socialism with Chinese characteristics. "Improving people's livelihood and well-being is the primary goal of development". Coexist well with nature with "energy conservation and environmental protection" policies and "contribute to global ecological safety".
Strengthen national security. The Communist Party of China should have "absolute leadership over" China's People's Liberation Army. Promoting the one country, two systems system for Hong Kong and Macau with a future of "complete national reunification" and to follow the One-China policy and 1992 Consensus for Taiwan. Establish a common destiny between Chinese people and other people around the world with a "peaceful international environment". Improve party discipline in the Communist Party of China; the first official mention of the term was at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and it has been developed since 2012 after Xi became General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. The 19th Congress affirmed the ideology as a guiding political and military ideology of the Communist Party of China; the affirmation received unanimous support as every delegate voted to approve by raising hands when Xi asked their opinions on the Congress. The incorporation made Xi the third Chinese leader after Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping whose names appeared in the list of fundamental doctrines of the CPC, which raised Xi above his two most recent predecessors, former General Secretaries Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin.
In his report, Xi promised to make China strong, propelling the country into a "new era". Xi first made mention of the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in the opening day speech delivered to the 19th Party Congress in October 2017. In their own reviews of Xi's keynote address at the Congress, his Politburo Standing Committee colleagues prepended the name "Xi Jinping" in front of "Thought". Xi himself has described the thought as part of the broad framework created around socialism with Chinese characteristics, a Dengist term that places China in the "primary stage of socialism". In official party documentation and pronouncements by Xi's colleagues, the thought is said to be a continuation of Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, "the important thought of the Three Represents" and the scientific development perspective as part of a series of guiding ideologies that embody "Marxism adapted to Chinese conditions" and contemporary considerations.
At its closing session on 24 October, the 19th Party Congress approved the incorporation of Xi Jinping Thought into the Constitution of the Communist Party of China. Dozens of Chinese universities have established research institutes for Xi Jinping Thought after the Congress dedicated to advocating the incorporation of Xi Jinping Thought in all aspects of daily life; the concepts behind Xi Jinping Thought are elaborated in Xi's The Governance of China book series, published by the Foreign Languages Press for an international audience. Volume one was published in September 2014, followed by volume two in November 2017. On 27 November, more than 100 of China's top filmmakers and pop stars were gathered for a day in Hangzhou to study the report of the 19th Party Congress featuring Xi Jinping Thought. In July 2018, the carriages of a train in Changchun Metro were decked out in red and dozens of Xi's quotes to celebrate the 97th anniversary of Communist Party of China; the train was described as a "highly condensed spiritual manual" of Xi Jinping Thought by the local government.
Deng Xiaoping Theory General Secretary Xi Jinping important speech series Mao Zedong Thought Scientific Outlook on Development Three Represents Xi Jinping's Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New era. A course on edX by Tsinghua University
Simplified Chinese characters
Simplified Chinese characters are standardized Chinese characters prescribed in the Table of General Standard Chinese Characters for use in mainland China. Along with traditional Chinese characters, they are one of the two standard character sets of the contemporary Chinese written language; the government of the People's Republic of China in mainland China has promoted them for use in printing since the 1950s and 1960s to encourage literacy. They are used in the People's Republic of China and Singapore. Traditional Chinese characters are used in Hong Kong and the Republic of China. While traditional characters can still be read and understood by many mainland Chinese and the Chinese community in Malaysia and Singapore, these groups retain their use of simplified characters. Overseas Chinese communities tend to use traditional characters. Simplified Chinese characters may be referred to by their official name colloquially; the latter refers to simplifications of character "structure" or "body", character forms that have existed for thousands of years alongside regular, more complicated forms.
On the other hand, the official name refers to the modern systematically simplified character set, which includes not only structural simplification but substantial reduction in the total number of standardized Chinese characters. Simplified character forms were created by reducing the number of strokes and simplifying the forms of a sizable proportion of Chinese characters; some simplifications were based on popular cursive forms embodying graphic or phonetic simplifications of the traditional forms. Some characters were simplified by applying regular rules, for example, by replacing all occurrences of a certain component with a simplified version of the component. Variant characters with the same pronunciation and identical meaning were reduced to a single standardized character the simplest amongst all variants in form. Many characters were left untouched by simplification, are thus identical between the traditional and simplified Chinese orthographies; some simplified characters are dissimilar to and unpredictably different from traditional characters in those where a component is replaced by a simple symbol.
This has led some opponents of simplification to complain that the'overall process' of character simplification is arbitrary. Proponents counter that the system of simplification is internally consistent. Proponents have emphasized a some particular simplified characters as innovative and useful improvements, although many of these have existed for centuries as longstanding and widespread variants. A second round of simplifications was promulgated in 1977, but was retracted in 1986 for a variety of reasons due to the confusion caused and the unpopularity of the second round simplifications. However, the Chinese government never dropped its goal of further simplification in the future. In August 2009, the PRC began collecting public comments for a modified list of simplified characters; the new Table of General Standard Chinese Characters consisting of 8,105 characters was implemented for use by the State Council of the People's Republic of China on June 5, 2013. Although most of the simplified Chinese characters in use today are the result of the works moderated by the government of the People's Republic of China in the 1950s and 60s, character simplification predates the PRC's formation in 1949.
Cursive written text always includes character simplification. Simplified forms used in print are attested as early as the Qin dynasty. One of the earliest proponents of character simplification was Lufei Kui, who proposed in 1909 that simplified characters should be used in education. In the years following the May Fourth Movement in 1919, many anti-imperialist Chinese intellectuals sought ways to modernise China. Traditional culture and values such as Confucianism were challenged. Soon, people in the Movement started to cite the traditional Chinese writing system as an obstacle in modernising China and therefore proposed that a reform be initiated, it was suggested that the Chinese writing system should be either simplified or abolished. Lu Xun, a renowned Chinese author in the 20th century, stated that, "If Chinese characters are not destroyed China will die". Recent commentators have claimed that Chinese characters were blamed for the economic problems in China during that time. In the 1930s and 1940s, discussions on character simplification took place within the Kuomintang government, a large number of Chinese intellectuals and writers maintained that character simplification would help boost literacy in China.
In 1935, 324 simplified characters collected by Qian Xuantong were introduced as the table of first batch of simplified characters, but they were suspended in 1936. The PRC issued its first round of official character simplifications in two documents, the first in 1956 and the second in 1964. Within the PRC, further character simplification became associated with the leftists of the Cultural Revolution, culminating with the second-round simplified characters, which were promulgated in 1977. In part due to the shock and unease felt in the wake of the Cultural Revolution and Mao's death, the second-round of simplifications was poorly received. In 1986 the authorities retracted the second round completely. In the same year, the authorities promulgated a final list of simplifications, identical to the 1964 list except for six changes (including the restoration of three characters, simplified in the First Round: 叠, 覆, 像.
Traditional Chinese characters
Traditional Chinese characters are Chinese characters in any character set that does not contain newly created characters or character substitutions performed after 1946. They are most the characters in the standardized character sets of Taiwan, of Hong Kong and Macau, in the Kangxi Dictionary; the modern shapes of traditional Chinese characters first appeared with the emergence of the clerical script during the Han Dynasty, have been more or less stable since the 5th century. The retronym "traditional Chinese" is used to contrast traditional characters with Simplified Chinese characters, a standardized character set introduced by the government of the People's Republic of China on Mainland China in the 1950s. Traditional Chinese characters are used in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau. In contrast, Simplified Chinese characters are used in mainland China and Malaysia in official publications. However, several countries – such as Australia, the US and Canada – are increasing their number of printed materials in Simplified Chinese, to better accommodate citizens from mainland China.
The debate on traditional and simplified Chinese characters has been a long-running issue among Chinese communities. A large number of overseas Chinese online newspapers allow users to switch between both character sets. Although simplified characters are taught and endorsed by the government of China, there is no prohibition against the use of traditional characters. Traditional characters are used informally in regions in China in handwriting and used for inscriptions and religious text, they are retained in logos or graphics to evoke yesteryear. Nonetheless, the vast majority of media and communications in China is dominated by simplified characters. In Hong Kong and Macau, Traditional Chinese has been the legal written form since colonial times. In recent years, simplified Chinese characters in Hong Kong and Macau has appeared to accommodate Mainland Chinese tourists and immigrants; this has led to concerns by many residents to protect their local heritage. Taiwan has never adopted simplified characters.
The use of simplified characters in official documents is prohibited by the government of Taiwan. Simplified characters are understood to a certain extent by any educated Taiwanese, learning to read them takes little effort; some stroke simplifications that have been incorporated into Simplified Chinese are in common use in handwriting. For example, while the name of Taiwan is written as 臺灣, the semi-simplified name 台灣 is acceptable to write in official documents. In Southeast Asia, the Chinese Filipino community continues to be one of the most conservative regarding simplification. While major public universities are teaching simplified characters, many well-established Chinese schools still use traditional characters. Publications like the Chinese Commercial News, World News, United Daily News still use traditional characters. On the other hand, the Philippine Chinese Daily uses simplified. Aside from local newspapers, magazines from Hong Kong, such as the Yazhou Zhoukan, are found in some bookstores.
In case of film or television subtitles on DVD, the Chinese dub, used in Philippines is the same as the one used in Taiwan. This is because the DVDs belongs to DVD Region Code 3. Hence, most of the subtitles are in Traditional Characters. Overseas Chinese in the United States have long used traditional characters. A major influx of Chinese immigrants to the United States occurred during the latter half of the 19th century, before the standardization of simplified characters. Therefore, United States public notices and signage in Chinese are in Traditional Chinese. Traditional Chinese characters are called several different names within the Chinese-speaking world; the government of Taiwan calls traditional Chinese characters standard characters or orthodox characters. However, the same term is used outside Taiwan to distinguish standard and traditional characters from variant and idiomatic characters. In contrast, users of traditional characters outside Taiwan, such as those in Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities, users of simplified Chinese characters, call them complex characters.
An informal name sometimes used by users of simplified characters is "old characters". Users of traditional characters sometimes refer them as "Full Chinese characters" to distinguish them from simplified Chinese characters; some traditional character users argue that traditional characters are the original form of the Chinese characters and cannot be called "complex". Simplified characters cannot be "standard" because they are not used in all Chinese-speaking regions. Conversely, supporters of simplified Chinese characters object to the description of traditional characters as "standard," since they view the new simplified characters as the contemporary standard used by the vast majority of Chinese speakers, they point out that traditional characters are not traditional as many Chinese characters have been made more elaborate over time. Some people refer to traditional characters as "proper characters" and modernized characters as "simplified-stroke characters" (sim
Minqi Li is a Chinese political economist, world-systems analyst, historical social scientist professor of Economics at the University of Utah. Li is known as a Marxian economist. Li was a student at the Economic Management Department of Beijing University during the period 1987–90. There he became convinced of neoliberal ` Chicago School' economics, he engaged in many protests of the existing economic system, engaged in much activism after the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989. Li was arrested after advocating free market principles in 1990, made a vast switch to become a Marxist after extensive reading of the works of Karl Marx, Mao Zedong, others while a political prisoner until his release in 1992. Li spent the next two years traveling in China, debating with remaining liberal dissident activists and conducting his own research into political,economic, social development in modern China, using fake identification to visit provincial and city libraries, his view became one opposed to the mainstream, being that Mao Zedong's influence was a "revolutionary legacy rather than a historical burden for future socialist revolutionaries."In 1994, he authored the book Capitalist Development and Class Struggle in China, which consisted of an analysis of the economic development of China in the Maoist era and the 1980s, as well as a Marxist analysis of the 1989 “democratic movement”, arguing that it was not a popular democratic movement and was abandoned by the liberal intellectuals, led to the physical and ideological slaughter of the urban working class, led to a victory of the bureaucratic capitalists.
He attempted to show. He criticized neoliberal economics and its relation to economic rationality, inherent contradictions between democracy and capitalism, the social and material conditions that had led to China's rise with a conclusion focusing on a criticism of state-capitalism and advocating democratic socialism. After completing a political and intellectual break with the mainstream Chinese liberal tradition and their political counterparts, he established himself as a revolutionary Marxist. Li arrived in the United States on December 25, 1994 and became a graduate student at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. Since he has been among the foremost promoters of the Chinese "New Left."Li went on to author many Marxist articles for Monthly Review in this period, notably "After Neoliberalism: Empire, Social Democracy, or Socialism?". In 2001 Li's focus shifted to World Capitalist Systems, the work of Immanuel Wallerstein in particular. Inspired by Wallerstein's arguments, he wrote a Chinese article, “Reading Wallerstein’s Capitalist World-Economy—And the China Question in the First Half of the 21st Century,” being the first economist to link the "rise of China" to the demise of capitalism.
The article gained popularity among the New Left in China without his knowledge, was published in Currents of Thought: China’s New Left and Its Influences which he found by surprise while browsing in a Chinese bookstore in Philadelphia. In late 2001 he expanded his study of China in relation to World-Systems in a critique of Jiang Zemin's theory of Chinese social strata, in his “China’s Class Structure from the World-System’s Perspective.” Li argued that China’s economic rise would in fact destabilize the capitalist world-economy in various ways and contribute to its final demise. Building upon his previous two papers, he wrote “The Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World-Economy: Historical Possibilities of the 21st Century.” He incorporated these and several other papers into his book "The Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World-Economy" in 2009, in which he argued, based upon an analysis of environmental data in relation to the Capitalist world economy, that the only way to avoid the inevitable collapse of civilization is to adopt a socialist world government by the middle of the 21st century.
From 2003 to 2006, he taught graduate and undergraduate courses on political economy at York University in Toronto, Ontario and went on to teach at the University of Utah, where he teaches. He worked on translation of Ernest Mandel's "Power and Money" into Chinese with Meng Jie, was an analyst of Chinese issues in 2008 for The Real News; the Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World-Economy. London: Pluto Press; the Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World Economy. NYU Press. March 2009. ISBN 978-1-58367-182-5. Three Essays on China’s State Owned Enterprises: Towards An Alternative to Privatization. Hamburg: VDM Verlag. Quanli yu Ziben, translation from English into Chinese. Beijing: Zhongyang Bianyi Chubanshe. ‘China und der globale Klassenkampf – Passagen der Revolution? (China and the Global Class Struggle – Passages of Revolution?,” in Ingo Schmidt, ed. Spielarten des Neoliberalismus, pp. 191–212. ‘Capitalism with Zero Profit Rate? Limits to Growth and the Law of the Tendency for the Rate of Profit to Fall,” in Growth and Crisis: Social Structure of Accumulation Theory and Analysis.
‘China: Hyper-Development and Environmental Crisis,’ in Leo Panitch and Colin Leys, eds. Coming to Terms with Nature (London: The Merlin Press
Cui Zhiyuan, born in Beijing in 1963, is a professor at the School of Public Policy and Management in Tsinghua University, Beijing. His father was a nuclear engineer in Sichuan province, he is a leading member of the Chinese New Left through his work on alternatives to neo-liberal capitalism. Cui first gained fame as a post-graduate student in 1994 when he published an article named "Institutional Innovation and the Second Thought Liberation". Cui went on to publish a book on the Nanjie Village, which along with his previous publications cemented his reputation as one of the founding members of China's New Left movement. Cui was one of the first scholars who had introduced Game theory into China. Cui is an admirer of James Meade's work on liberal socialism, who affects his most characteristic article "'Xiaokang Socialism': A Petty-Bourgeois Manifesto". Following Meade's theory, Cui was the first scholar who proposed a systematic social dividend program in China, including a "Chinese People's Permanent Trust Fund".
Cui edited Politics:The Central Texts, the selection of key texts from Roberto Mangabeira Unger’s three-volume Politics. His selective writings include The Dilemma of the Paradigm of the Invisible Hand: Soft-Budget-Constraint in the Capitalist Economy. Cui co-authored Sustainable Democracy and China: Human Development Report 1999, he was one of the contributors to Whither China?: Intellectual Politics in Contemporary China. He co-edited China and Globalization: Washington Consensus, Beijing Consensus or What? and was considered to be the first person who introduced the Beijing Consensus into the Chinese policy debate. Cui published an paper on Zhang Pengchun’s role in drafting United Nations’ the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. Zhang Pengchun studied with John Dewey and got his Ph. D. from Columbia University and was the first Provost of Tsinghua University in 1923. He was the only Vice Chairman of the Commission on Human Rights in drafting the Universal Declaration in inserting the Chinese concept “Ren”.
Zhang translated “Ren” as two men mindedness, because “two men mindedness” is considered as too awkward, thus “conscience” was used in the final text of the Preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Cui's article discusses the important implications of this discovery in the UN archive about Zhang's key role for the current Chinese political and cultural debates—transcending the dichotomy of “Western Centralism” and “Cultural Particularism”— and has been translated into French and published Cui is popular in South Korea where his several books have been translated into Korean, including "프티부르주아 사회주의 선언" and "중국은 어디로 가고 있는가"; the latter embodied Cui's famous article, "Institutional Innovation and the Second Thought". What's more, Unger's Politics:The Central Texts edited by Cui is translated into Korean and published in South Korea, he was invited to the International Conference on Basic Income held in Seoul in 2015 to give a Key Note speech concerning social dividend. Cui was invited to give Chun-tu Hsueh Distinguished Lecture, “Chinese Reform in light of James Meade’s Liberal Socialism”, Oxford University, December 5, 2014.
In 2003, Cui was invited to LSE to give a Ralph Miliband Lecture, "The Bush Doctrine and Neoconservatism: A Chinese Perspective". More Cui has become known for his work on and as a proponent of the Chongqing model as a model for development, he argues that it could end China's dependence on exports and savings, reduce the growing economic divide between rural and urban areas as well as stimulate private business by way of public ownership and state planning. Cui is close to Chongqing's mayor Huang Qifan and has served as the associate director of State Asset Management Committee of Chongqing government from 2010 to 2011, his views are discussed in the essay-collection One China, Many Paths. He has been critical of recent privatizations of state assets, has called for more democracy within the party. Since last year, Cui started a research project on “Experimental Governance: Its Promise and Limits in China”, in collaboration with Charles Sabel of Columbia University Law School, a leading scholar on experimental governance.
He gave a public lecture in the India-China Institute of New School for Social Research in April 2014 on ‘Understanding Xi Jinping’s Grand Reform Strategy” in light of experimental governance with Charles Sabel as a discussant. With his current and former students, Cui runs a free weekly Wechat publication titled “Experimental Governance”, they have so far published 80 issues with more than 2000 subscribers from academic, policy-research think tanks. Sample pages of an essay in The Chinese Model Of Modern Development Tsinghua University School of Public Policy and Management: Cui Zhiyuan public profile, English version, retrieved 6 August 2010. Tsinghua University School of Public Policy and Management: Cui Zhiyuan public profile, Chinese version, retrieved 6 August 2010. Cui Zhiyuan's website
Wei Jingsheng is a Chinese human rights activist known for his involvement in the Chinese democracy movement. He is most prominent for having authored the essay, "The Fifth Modernization", posted on the Democracy Wall in Beijing in 1978. Due to the manifesto, Wei was arrested and convicted of "counter-revolutionary" activities, was detained as a political prisoner from 1979–93. Released in 1993, Wei continued with his dissident activities by speaking to visiting journalists, was imprisoned again from 1994–97, spending a total of 18 years in different prisons, he was deported to the United States on 16 November 1997, on medical parole. Still a Chinese citizen, in 1998 Wei established the Wei Jingsheng Foundation in New York City whose stated aim is to work to improve human rights and democratization in China. Wei was the oldest of four children, brought up by Chinese Communist Party cadres. In 1966, Wei joined the Red Guards as a 16-year-old student during the Cultural Revolution, he lived in remote rural areas in Northern China and was able to speak with peasant farmers about the widespread famines that had occurred a few years before, during the Great Leap Forward.
He uncovered the role that the communist government under Mao Zedong played in causing the famines, it forced Wei to start questioning the nature of the system he lived under. Wei would write about this period: "I felt as if I had awakened from a long dream, but everyone around me was still plunged in darkness." In 1973, he began working as an electrician at the Beijing Zoo. Wei did not publicly voice his feelings until 1978, when he decided to take part in the newly emerged Democracy Wall movement taking place in Beijing. On 5 December 1978, he posted an essay he authored to the wall, entitled, "The Fifth Modernization" as a response to Paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's essay, the Four Modernizations. Wei's basic theme in the essay is that democracy should be be a modernization goal for China along with the other four proposed by Deng. Wei signed the essay with his real address; the essay caused a stir because of its boldness and because it was not anonymous. It was the only essay to address Deng Xiaoping by name, refer to him as a dictator.
Of course, internal problems cannot be solved overnight but must be addressed as part of a long-term process. Mistakes and shortcomings will be inevitable; this is infinitely better than facing abusive overlords against. Those who worry that democracy will lead to anarchy and chaos are just like those who, following the overthrow of the Qing dynasty, worried that without an emperor the country would fall into chaos, their decision was to patiently suffer oppression because they feared that without the weight of oppression, their spines might collapse! To such people, I would like to say, with all due respect: We want to be the masters of our own destiny. We need no gods or emperors and we don't believe in saviors of any kind...we do not want to serve as mere tools of dictators with personal ambitions for carrying out modernization. We want to modernize the lives of the people. Democracy and happiness for all are our sole objectives. Wei was known for his editorial work in the short-lived magazine Explorations in 1979.
He had published a letter under his name in March 1979 denouncing the inhuman conditions of the Chinese Qincheng Prison, where the 10th Panchen Lama was imprisoned. His dissident writings saw him tried and imprisoned. Writes Orville Schell, a writer and academic specializing in China: On March 25, hearing through the grapevine that a crackdown was imminent and his colleagues rushed out a special edition of Explorations entitled "Do We Want Democracy or a New Dictatorship?"... Wei and some thirty other Democracy Wall activists were rounded up; that October, Wei Jingsheng was brought to trial and accused of "supplying military intelligence to a foreigner and of agitating for the overthrow of the government of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system in China."... For his outspoken views Wei was sentenced to a prison term of 15 years. Wei spent a total of 18 years in different prisons in China; the letters that he wrote while he was in prison explaining his views were compiled into a book, The Courage to Stand Alone: Letters from Prison and Other Writings.
Some of the letters were addressed directly to Deng Xiaoping, others to different family members of Wei. He remained imprisoned until 14 September 1993, when he was released just one week prior to a vote by the International Olympic Committee over whether to award the 2000 Summer Olympics to Beijing or Sydney. Wei continued to speak out, despite the threat of arrest. On 27 February 1994, Wei met with United States Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights John Shattuck to discuss human rights conditions in China, met with journalists. Wei was arrested the following week along with fifteen other labor activists. Although released shortly afterward and sent into exile in Tianjin, Wei was arrested once more on 1 April 1994 when he tried to return to Beijing. Charged with plotting against the state, he was sentenced to 14 years in prison, but he would only remain in jail until 16 November 1997, when he was released for "medical reasons" and promptly deported to the United States, he was sent to the United States due to international pressure the request by US President Bill Clinton.
In 1996, Wei Jingsheng was awarded the Sak
2011 crackdown on dissidents in China
The 2011 crackdown on dissidents in China refers to the arrest of dozens of mainland Chinese rights lawyers and grassroots agitators in a response to the 2011 Chinese pro-democracy protests. Since the protests, at least 54 Chinese activists have been arrested or detained by authorities in the biggest crackdown on dissent since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989. Since the start of the protests in mid-February 2011, human rights groups have claimed that more than 54 people have been arrested by authorities, some of whom have been charged with crimes. Among those arrested are bloggers who criticise the government such as Ai Weiwei, lawyers who pursue cases against the government, human rights activists. At least 54 leading activists have been arrested or detained by authorities including: Ai Weiwei, prominent dissident, had expressed his sympathy with the 2011 Chinese pro-democracy protests: Amid Boxun's online campaign, Ai had posted on his Twitter account on 24 February: "I didn’t care about jasmine at first, but people who are scared by jasmine sent out information about how harmful jasmine is which makes me realize that jasmine is what scares them the most.
What a jasmine!" Ai's studio was raided by police. He was arrested on 3 April; the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs said on 7 April that Ai was under investigation for'economic crimes'. On 20 April Ai was appointed Visiting Professor of the University of the Arts in Berlin. Chen Wei, 42, a leading human rights activist in central Sichuan province, on the morning of 20 February was charged with "subversion of state power" and "inciting subversion of state power". Chen Wei was sentenced in late December to nine years in prison. Chen Xi, 57, was sentenced in late December to ten years in prison in Guiyang, Guizhou, on charges linked essays he published online and after he campaigned for independent candidates to win seats in elections to the local People's Congress. Cheng Li. Ding Mao, an activist, was arrested between 28 March. Dong Jiqing, husband of housing rights lawyer Ni Yulan Gu Chuan, critical writer. Hu Mingfeng, accountant of Ai Weiwei. On 20 February, police in Beijing went to the home of Jiang Tianyong’s brother, where Jiang was temporarily staying, confiscated his laptop computer.
On 21 February they returned and searched Jiang’s room, confiscating a desktop computer and other items. Jiang was released on 19 April 2011. Jiang earlier was tortured in prison. Jiao Guobiao, a crusader activist against the Central Propaganda Department, was detained on 12 September 2012 in Beijing during the run-up to the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. Jin Mingri, senior pastor of the free church called Zion Church in Beijing was shortly detained to be prevented from attending Lausanne Conference in South Africa, he is a graduate of Beijing University, Nanjing Seminary, Fuller Theological Seminary. Jin Tianming, senior pastor of the free church called Shouwang Church in Beijing was shortly detained and released into house arrest. Lan Jingyuan and released on bail to await trial, he operates a legal aid center in Chengdu, provides legal aid to citizens who cannot afford to hire a lawyer. He has been harassed on numerous occasions in the past by local officials, he was detained in March 2011, sentenced in June 2011 to four months in jail on charges of credit card fraud.
He was released on 22 July 2011. Li Tiantian, human rights lawyer. Liu Huiping, human rights activist. Liu Xiaoyuan, an activist lawyer, on 15 April was taken away by officers who identified themselves as being from Beijing's public security bureau, they questioned him about cases he had worked on before and which had to do with his friend Ai Weiwei. Ai had asked Liu to represent him in case he would be taken away, he was released in the evening of 19 April. Liu Zhengang, works for design and architecture company of Ai Weiwei's wife. Mao Hengfeng from Shanghai, who campaigned against a strict one-child policy was taken from her home to a labour camp. Ni Yulan, a critical lawyer working for victims of land eviction cases, was arrested together with her husband. Only a year prior, she had been released from an earlier detention of two years. Due to torture in prison, she needed a wheelchair. After her release a year ago, she had to live in a tent, since she was a victim of land eviction herself. Quan Lianzhao, activist.
Sun Desheng, activist. Tang Jitian, human rights lawyer.