Latinxua Sin Wenz
Latinxua Sin Wenz is a historical set of romanizations for Chinese languages, although references to Sin Wenz refer to Beifangxua Latinxua Sin Wenz, designed for Mandarin Chinese. Distinctively, Sin Wenz does not indicate tones, under the premise that the proper tones could be understood from context. Latinxua is notable as being the first romanization system used in place of Chinese characters by native Chinese speakers, it was developed by groups of Chinese and Russian scholars in the Soviet Union and used by Chinese immigrants there until the majority of them left the country. It was revived for some time in Northern China where it was used in over 300 publications before its usage was ended by the People's Republic of China; the work towards constructing the Beifangxua Latinxua Sin Wenz system began in Moscow as early as 1928 when the Soviet Scientific Research Institute on China sought to create a means through which the large Chinese population living in the far eastern region of the USSR could be made literate, facilitating their further education.
This was different from all other romanization schemes in that, from the outset, it was intended that the Latinxua Sin Wenz system, once established, would supersede the Chinese characters. They decided to use the Latin alphabet because they thought that it would serve their purpose better than Cyrillic. Unlike Gwoyeu Romatzyh, with its complex method of indicating tones, Latinxua Sin Wenz system does not indicate tones at all; the eminent Moscow-based Chinese scholar Qu Qiubai and the Russian linguist V. S. Kolokolov devised a prototype romanization system in 1929. In 1931 a coordinated effort between the Soviet sinologists V. M. Alekseev, A. A. Dragunov and A. G. Shrprintsin, the Moscow-based Chinese scholars Qu Qiubai, Wu Yuzhang, Lin Boqu, Xiao San, Wang Xiangbao, Xu Teli established the Latinxua Sin Wenz system; the system was supported by a number of Chinese intellectuals such as Guo Moruo and Lu Xun, trials were conducted amongst 100,000 Chinese immigrant workers for about four years and in 1940–1942, in the communist-controlled Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region of China.
In November 1949, the railways in China's north-east adopted the Latinxua Sin Wenz system for all their telecommunications. For a time, the system was important in spreading literacy in Northern China. However: In 1944 the latinization movement was curtailed in the communist-controlled areas on the pretext that there were insufficient trained cadres capable of teaching the system, it is more that, as the communists prepared to take power in a much wider territory, they had second thoughts about the rhetoric that surrounded the latinization movement. Sin Wenz was designed; the letters below represent only one of the thirteen possible schemes present, the below form being Beifangxua Latinxua Sin Wenz: that for Northern Mandarin. Much of Sin Wenz is similar to Pinyin in its orthography. However, palatal affricates are written with the same letters as velar stops, so Beijing is written as Beiging in Sin Wenz. Other differences include the usage of x for both the sounds and, so the characters 畫 and 下 are written as xua and xia.
It is based upon the pronunciation outlined by the Commission on the Unification of Pronunciation, rather than upon the Beijing pronunciation, hence the distinction between sounds such as gi and zi, or spellings such as yo and ung instead of ye or eng. Key: Sin Wenz differs from Pinyin Sin Wenz exhibits some interchangeability symbol for alveolo-palatal between g, k, x with z, c, s. For example, 新 can be written as sin in Sin Wenz; this is because Sin Wenz distinguishes sequences from, which distinction is lost in Standard Mandarin and not made by Pinyin. Key: Sin Wenz differs from Pinyin 1e and ye is written as o and yo after initials g, k and x. For example: gogo, xyosheng 2Standalone ui, un and ung are written as wei and weng respectively.3What is written as i after zh, ch, sh, r, z, c and s in pinyin is not written in Sin Wenz. As in pinyin, spacing in Sin Wenz is based on whole words, not single syllables. Except for u, others syllables starting with u is always written with a w replacing the u.
The syllable u is only preceded by a w. For syllables starting with i, the i is replaced by a j only in the middle of a word. Syllables starting with y is preceded by a j only when preceded by a consonant in the middle of a word; these are unlike pinyin, which always uses y regardless of the positions of the syllables. As in pinyin, the apostrophe is used before a, o, e to separate syllables in a word where ambiguity could arise; because Sin Wenz is written without indicating tones, ambiguity could arise with certain words with the same sound but different tones. In order to circumvent this problem, Sin Wenz defined a list of exceptions. For example, 买 a
Pe̍h-ōe-jī is an orthography used to write variants of Southern Min Chinese Taiwanese Hokkien and Amoy Hokkien. Developed by Western missionaries working among the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia in the 19th century and refined by missionaries working in Xiamen and Tainan, it uses a modified Latin alphabet and some diacritics to represent the spoken language. After initial success in Fujian, POJ became most widespread in Taiwan and, in the mid-20th century, there were over 100,000 people literate in POJ. A large amount of printed material and secular, has been produced in the script, including Taiwan's first newspaper, the Taiwan Church News. During Taiwan under Japanese rule, the use of Pe̍h-ōe-jī was suppressed and it faced further countermeasures during the Kuomintang martial law period. In Fujian, use declined after the establishment of the People's Republic of China and in the early 21st century the system was not in general use there. Taiwanese Christians, non-native learners of Southern Min, native-speaker enthusiasts in Taiwan are among those that continue to use Pe̍h-ōe-jī.
Full native computer support was developed in 2004, users can now call on fonts, input methods, extensive online dictionaries. Rival writing systems have evolved, there is ongoing debate within the Taiwanese mother tongue movement as to which system should be used. Versions of pe̍h-ōe-jī have been devised for other Chinese varieties, including Hakka and Teochew Southern Min. In the 2006, the Taiwanese Romanization System was developed based on pe̍h-ōe-jī for official use to write Hokkien phonetically; the name pe̍h-ōe-jī means "vernacular writing", written characters representing everyday spoken language. The name vernacular writing could be applied to many kinds of writing and character-based, but the term pe̍h-ōe-jī is restricted to the Southern Min romanization system developed by Presbyterian missionaries in the 19th century; the missionaries who invented and refined the system used, instead of the name pe̍h-ōe-jī, various other terms, such as "Romanized Amoy Vernacular" and "Romanized Amoy Colloquial."
The origins of the system and its extensive use in the Christian community have led to it being known by some modern writers as "Church Romanization" and is abbreviated in POJ itself to Kàu-lô. There is some debate on. Objections to "pe̍h-ōe-jī" are that it can refer to more than one system and that both literary and colloquial register Southern Min appear in the system and so describing it as "vernacular" writing might be inaccurate. Objections to "Church Romanization" are that some secular writing use it. One commentator observes that POJ "today is disassociated from its former religious purposes." The term "romanization" is disliked by some, who see it as belittling the status of pe̍h-ōe-jī by identifying it as a supplementary phonetic system instead of a fully-fledged orthography. Sources disagree on which of the two is more used; the history of Peh-oe-ji has been influenced by official attitudes towards the Southern Min vernaculars and the Christian organizations that propagated it. Early documents point to the purpose of the creation of POJ as being pedagogical in nature allied to educating Christian converts.
The first people to use a romanized script to write Southern Min were Spanish missionaries in Manila in the 16th century. However, it was used as a teaching aid for Spanish learners of Southern Min, seems not to have had any influence on the development of pe̍h-ōe-jī. In the early 19th century, China was closed to Christian missionaries, who instead proselytized to overseas Chinese communities in South East Asia; the earliest origins of the system are found in a small vocabulary first printed in 1820 by Walter Henry Medhurst, who went on to publish the Dictionary of the Hok-këèn Dialect of the Chinese Language, According to the Reading and Colloquial Idioms in 1832. This dictionary represents the first major reference work in POJ, although the romanization within was quite different from the modern system, has been dubbed Early Church Romanization by one scholar of the subject. Medhurst, stationed in Malacca, was influenced by Robert Morrison's romanization of Mandarin Chinese, but had to innovate in several areas to reflect major differences between Mandarin and Southern Min.
Several important developments occurred in Medhurst's work the application of consistent tone markings. Medhurst was convinced that accurate representation and reproduction of the tonal structure of Southern Min was vital to comprehension: Respecting these tones of the Chinese language, some difference of opinion has been obtained, while some have considered them of first importance, others have paid them little or no intention; the author inclines decidedly to the former opinion. The system expounded by Medhurst influenced dictionary compilers with regard to tonal notation and initials, but both his complicated vowel system and his emphasis on the literary register of Southern Min were dropped by writers. Following on from Medhurst's work, Samuel Wells Williams became the chief proponent of major changes in the orthography devised by Morrison and ada
Foochow Romanized known as Bàng-uâ-cê or Hók-ciŭ-uâ Lò̤-mā-cê, is a Latin alphabet for the Fuzhou dialect of Eastern Min adopted in the middle of the 19th century by Western missionaries. It had varied at different times, became standardized in the 1890s. Foochow Romanized was used inside of Church circles, was taught in some Mission Schools in Fuzhou, but unlike its counterpart Pe̍h-ōe-jī for Hokkien in its prime days Foochow Romanized was by no means universally understood by Christians. After Fuzhou became one of the five Chinese treaty ports opened by the Treaty of Nanjing at the end of First Opium War, many Western missionaries arrived in the city. Faced with widespread illiteracy, they developed Latin alphabets for Fuzhou dialect; the first attempt in romanizing Fuzhou dialect was made by the American Methodist M. C. White, who borrowed a system of orthography known as the System of Sir William Jones. In this system, 14 initials were designed according to their voicing and aspiration. ⟨p⟩, ⟨t⟩, ⟨k⟩ and ⟨ch⟩ stand for, and.
Besides the default five vowels of Latin alphabet, four diacritic-marked letters ⟨è⟩, ⟨ë⟩, ⟨ò⟩ and ⟨ü⟩ were introduced, and, respectively. This system is described at length in White's linguistic work The Chinese Language Spoken at Fuh Chau. Subsequent missionaries, including Robert S. Maclay from American Methodist Episcopal Mission, R. W. Stewart from the Church of England and Charles Hartwell from the American Board Mission, further modified White's System in several ways; the most significant change was made for the plosive consonants, where the spiritus lenis ⟨᾿⟩ of the aspirated initials was removed and the letters ⟨b⟩, ⟨d⟩ and ⟨g⟩ substituted for and. In the aspect of vowels, ⟨è⟩, ⟨ë⟩, ⟨ò⟩ and ⟨ü⟩ were replaced by ⟨a̤⟩, ⟨e̤⟩, ⟨o̤⟩ and ⟨ṳ⟩. Since the diacritical marks were all shifted to underneath the vowels, this left room above the vowels, occupied by the newly introduced tonal marks, thus Foochow Romanized avoids the awkward diacritic stacking seen for instance in the Vietnamese script, where tone and vowel quality marks both sit above the vowel.
The sample characters are taken from the Qi Lin Bayin, a renowned phonology book about the Fuzhou dialect written in the Qing Dynasty. The pronunciations are recorded in standard IPA symbols. Note that Foochow Romanized uses the breve, not the caron, to indicate Yīnpíng and Yángrù tones of Fuzhou dialect. Everything You Want To Know About Foochow Romanized Gô Iók Cŭ: The Old Testament, in Foochow Romanized. Sĭng Iók Cŭ: The New Testament, in Foochow Romanized. An English-Chinese Dictionary of the Foochow Dialect, by T. B. Adam, 1905 Learning material of Foochow Romanized at the Wayback Machine
Standard Chinese known as Modern Standard Mandarin, Standard Mandarin, Modern Standard Mandarin Chinese, or Mandarin, is a standard variety of Chinese, the sole official language of China, the de facto official language of Taiwan and one of the four official languages of Singapore. Its pronunciation is based on the Beijing dialect, its vocabulary on the Mandarin dialects, its grammar is based on written vernacular Chinese. Like other varieties of Chinese, Standard Chinese is a tonal language with topic-prominent organization and subject–verb–object word order, it has more initial consonants but final consonants and tones than southern varieties. Standard Chinese is an analytic language, though with many compound words. There are two standardised forms of the language, namely Putonghua in Mainland China and Guoyu in Taiwan. Aside from a number of differences in pronunciation and vocabulary, Putonghua is written using simplified Chinese characters, Guoyu is written using traditional Chinese characters.
Many characters are identical between the two systems. In Chinese, the standard variety is known as: 普通话 in the People's Republic of China, as well as Hong Kong and Macau. Standard Chinese is commonly referred to by generic names for "Chinese", notably 中文. In total, there have been known over 20 various names for the language; the term Guoyu had been used by non-Han rulers of China to refer to their languages, but in 1909 the Qing education ministry applied it to Mandarin, a lingua franca based on northern Chinese varieties, proclaiming it as the new "national language". The name Putonghua has a long, albeit unofficial, history, it was used as early as 1906 in writings by Zhu Wenxiong to differentiate a modern, standard Chinese from classical Chinese and other varieties of Chinese. For some linguists of the early 20th century, the Putonghua, or "common tongue/speech", was conceptually different from the Guoyu, or "national language"; the former was a national prestige variety. Based on common understandings of the time, the two were, in fact, different.
Guoyu was understood as formal vernacular Chinese, close to classical Chinese. By contrast, Putonghua was called "the common speech of the modern man", the spoken language adopted as a national lingua franca by conventional usage; the use of the term Putonghua by left-leaning intellectuals such as Qu Qiubai and Lu Xun influenced the People's Republic of China government to adopt that term to describe Mandarin in 1956. Prior to this, the government used both terms interchangeably. In Taiwan, Guoyu continues to be the official term for Standard Chinese; the term Guoyu however, is less used in the PRC, because declaring a Beijing dialect-based standard to be the national language would be deemed unfair to speakers of other varieties and to the ethnic minorities. The term Putonghua, on the contrary, implies nothing more than the notion of a lingua franca. During the government of a pro-Taiwan independence coalition, Taiwan officials promoted a different reading of Guoyu as all of the "national languages", meaning Hokkien and Formosan as well as Standard Chinese.
Huayu, or "language of the Chinese nation" simply meant "Chinese language", was used in overseas communities to contrast Chinese with foreign languages. Over time, the desire to standardise the variety of Chinese spoken in these communities led to the adoption of the name "Huayu" to refer to Mandarin; this name avoids choosing a side between the alternative names of Putonghua and Guoyu, which came to have political significance after their usages diverged along political lines between the PRC and the ROC. It incorporates the notion that Mandarin is not the national or common language of the areas in which overseas Chinese live. Hanyu, or "language of the Han people", is another umbrella term used for Chinese. However, it has confusingly two different meanings: Standard Chinese; this term, as well as Hànzú, is a modern concept. A related concept is Hànzì; the term "Mandarin" is a translation of Guānhuà, which referred to the lingua franca of the late Chinese empire. The Chinese term is obsolete as a name for the standard language, but is used by linguists to refer to the major group of Mandarin dialects spoken natively across most of northern and southwestern China.
In English, "Mandarin" may refer to the standard language, the dialect group as a whole, or to historic forms such as the late Imperial lingua franca. The name "Modern Standard Mandarin" is sometimes used by linguists who wish to distinguish the current state of the shared language from other northern and historic dialects; the Chinese have different languages in different provinces, to such an extent
Cantonese is a variety of Chinese spoken in the city of Guangzhou and its surrounding area in Southeastern China. It is the traditional prestige variety and standard form of Yue Chinese, one of the major subgroups of Chinese. In mainland China, it is the lingua franca of the province of Guangdong and neighbouring areas such as Guangxi, it is the official language of Hong Kong and Macau. Cantonese is widely spoken amongst Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and throughout the Western world. While the term Cantonese refers to the prestige variety, it is used in a broader sense for the entire Yue subgroup of Chinese, including related but mutually unintelligible languages and dialects such as Taishanese; when Cantonese and the related Yuehai dialects are classified together, there are about 80 million total speakers. Cantonese is viewed as a vital and inseparable part of the cultural identity for its native speakers across large swaths of Southeastern China, Hong Kong and Macau, as well as in overseas communities.
Although Cantonese shares a lot of vocabulary with Mandarin, the two varieties are mutually unintelligible because of differences in pronunciation and lexicon. Sentence structure, in particular the placement of verbs, sometimes differs between the two varieties. A notable difference between Cantonese and Mandarin is; this results in the situation in which a Cantonese and a Mandarin text may look similar but are pronounced differently. In English, the term "Cantonese" can be ambiguous. Cantonese proper is the variety native to the city of Canton, the traditional English name of Guangzhou; this narrow sense may be specified as "Canton language" or "Guangzhou language". However, "Cantonese" may refer to the primary branch of Chinese that contains Cantonese proper as well as Taishanese and Gaoyang. In this article, "Cantonese" is used for Cantonese proper. Speakers called this variety "Canton speech" or "Guangzhou speech", although this term is now used outside Guangzhou. In Guangdong and Guangxi, people call it "provincial capital speech" or "plain speech".
Academically called "Canton prefecture speech". In Hong Kong and Macau, as well as among overseas Chinese communities, the language is referred to as "Guangdong speech" or "Canton Province speech", or as "Chinese". In mainland China, the term "Guangdong speech" is increasingly being used amongst both native and non-native speakers. Given the history of the development of the Yue languages and dialects during the Tang dynasty migrations to the region, in overseas Chinese communities, it is referred to as "Tang speech", given that the Cantonese people refer to themselves as "people of Tang". Due to its status as a prestige dialect among all the dialects of the Yue branch of Chinese varieties, it is called "Standard Cantonese"; the official languages of Hong Kong are English, as defined in the Hong Kong Basic Law. The Chinese language has many different varieties. Given the traditional predominance of Cantonese within Hong Kong, it is the de facto official spoken form of the Chinese language used in the Hong Kong Government and all courts and tribunals.
It is used as the medium of instruction in schools, alongside English. A similar situation exists in neighboring Macau, where Chinese is an official language alongside Portuguese; as in Hong Kong, Cantonese is the predominant spoken variety of Chinese used in everyday life and is thus the official form of Chinese used in the government. The Cantonese spoken in Hong Kong and Macau is mutually intelligible with the Cantonese spoken in the mainland city of Guangzhou, although there exist some minor differences in accent and vocabulary. Cantonese first developed around the port city of Guangzhou in the Pearl River Delta region of southeastern China. Due to the city's long standing as an important cultural center, Cantonese emerged as the prestige dialect of the Yue varieties of Chinese in the Southern Song dynasty and its usage spread around most of what is now the provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi. Despite the cession of Macau to Portugal in 1557 and Hong Kong to Britain in 1842, the ethnic Chinese population of the two territories originated from the 19th and 20th century immigration from Guangzhou and surrounding areas, making Cantonese the predominant Chinese language in the territories.
On the mainland, Cantonese continued to serve as the lingua franca of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces after Mandarin was made the official language of the government by the Qing dynasty in the early 1900s. Cantonese remained a dominant and influential language in southeastern China until the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 and its promotion of Standard Chinese as the sole official language of the nation throughout the last half of the 20th century, although its influence still remains strong within the region. While the Chinese government vehemently discourages the official use of all forms of Chinese except Standard Chinese, Cantonese enjoys a higher standing than other Chinese langua
Yale romanization of Cantonese
The Yale romanization of Cantonese was developed by Gerard P. Kok for his and Parker Po-fei Huang's textbook Speak Cantonese circulated in looseleaf form in 1952 but published in 1958. Unlike the Yale romanization of Mandarin, it is still used in books and dictionaries for foreign learners of Cantonese, it shares some similarities with Hanyu Pinyin in that unvoiced, unaspirated consonants are represented by letters traditionally used in English and most other European languages to represent voiced sounds. For example, is represented as b in Yale, whereas its aspirated counterpart, is represented as p. Students attending The Chinese University of Hong Kong's New-Asia Yale-in-China Chinese Language Center are taught using Yale romanization. Only the finals m and ng can be used as standalone nasal syllables. Modern Cantonese has up to seven phonemic tones. Cantonese Yale represents these tones using a combination of diacritics and the letter h. Traditional Chinese linguistics treats the tones in syllables ending with a stop consonant as separate "entering tones".
Cantonese Yale follows modern linguistic conventions in treating these the same as the high-flat, mid-flat and low-flat tones, respectively. Sample transcription of one of the 300 Tang Poems by Meng Haoran: Cantonese phonology Jyutping Guangdong Romanization Cantonese Pinyin Sidney Lau romanisation S. L. Wong Barnett–Chao Romanisation Yale romanization of Mandarin Yale romanization of Korean Gwaan, Choi-wa 關彩華. English-Cantonese Dictionary - 英粤字典: Cantonese in Yale Romanization. Chinese University Press. ISBN 962-201-970-6. Matthews, Stephen & Yip, Virginia. Cantonese. A Comprehensive Grammar. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-08945-X. Ng Lam, Sim-yuk & Chik, Hon-man. Chinese-English Dictionary 漢英小字典: Cantonese in Yale Romanization, Mandarin in Pinyin. Chinese University Press. ISBN 962-201-922-6. Comparison chart of Romanization for Cantonese with Yale, S. Lau, Toho and LSHK MDBG free online Chinese-English dictionary Online Chinese Character to Yale Romanization of Cantonese lookup Conversion tool