Chinese people in Tanzania
There were Chinese people in Tanzania as early as 1891. However, most of the Chinese in the country trace their roots to three distinct waves of migration: 1930s settlement on Zanzibar, workers sent by the Chinese government in the 1960s and 1970s as part of development assistance to Tanzania, private entrepreneurs and traders who began doing business there during the 1990s. Most foreign labour in Tanganyika's history as a German colony came from other parts of Africa. In 1891, the German East Africa Company hired 491 Chinese and Javanese labourers from Singapore to work on plantations in Usambara. Separately, a community of overseas Chinese began to form on the island of Zanzibar, by a British possession, in the 1930s; the Chinese noodles they produced there became a popular staple food for the local population for the evening iftar meal which marks the end of the day's fasting during Ramadan. In 1969, a few years after Tanganyika and Zanzibar achieved independence from the British Empire and merged to become Tanzania, the People's Republic of China agreed to provide financing and technical assistance for the construction of the TAZARA Railway, intended to give Zambia an alternative to an existing railway route passing through Rhodesia, allow them to export copper through ports in Tanzania instead.
The first thousand Chinese railway workers came to Dar Es Salaam on board the ocean liner Yao Hao in August 1969.. At any given time, Chinese composed between twenty-five and thirty percent, or 13,000, of the thirty to forty thousand workers on the railway. Most of them returned home after their stint in the country, but due to the emphasis placed on speedy construction, they had little time to train their Tanzanian counterparts to replace them. During these years, China sent some advisors to Zanzibar for work on other development projects. 200 doctors from Jiangsu were dispatched all over Tanzania on two-year stints. The population of old overseas Chinese continued to decrease. However, their numbers were bolstered by the arrival of new expatriate businessmen and entrepreneurs beginning in the 1990s. In 2000, statistics of Tanzania's Immigration Department showed that they had issued work or residence permits to just 239 Chinese nationals, making them one of the smaller groups of foreigners in the country.
However, China's official Xinhua News Agency reported in 2008 that 10,000 Chinese people live in the country. In January 2013, the Chinese Ambassador to Tanzania was quoted saying that there were more than 30,000 Chinese people living in Tanzania; the new wave of Chinese expatriates in the 1990s came to Tanzania with the intention of working in more typical industries, such as construction, textiles, or food products. However, the World Health Organization's push for privatisation of health care in Tanzania provided unexpected business opportunities to them. Qualified practitioners came but in the early 2000s, the majority were still learning on the job. Indians in Tanzania Chinese in Tanzania, a post from Marc van der Chijs' weblog Making Noodles in Zanzibar, a film by Elisabeth Hsu
Chinese Americans are Americans who are descendants of Chinese ancestry, which includes American-born Chinese persons. Chinese Americans constitute one group of overseas Chinese and a subgroup of East Asian Americans, a further subgroup of Asian Americans. Many Chinese Americans are immigrants along with their descendants from mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, as well as from other regions that include large populations of the Chinese diaspora Southeast Asia and some Western countries like Canada, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and France; the Chinese American community is the largest overseas Chinese community outside Asia. It is the third largest community in the Chinese diaspora, behind the Chinese communities in Thailand and Malaysia; the 2016 Community Survey of the US Census estimates a population of Chinese Americans of one or more races to be 5,081,682. The Chinese American community comprises the largest ethnic group of Asian Americans, comprising 25.9% of the Asian American population as of 2010.
Americans of Chinese descent, including those with partial Chinese ancestry constitute 1.5% of the total U. S. population as of 2017. According to the 2010 census, the Chinese American population numbered 3.8 million. In 2010, half of Chinese-born people living in the United States resided in the states of California and New York; the first Chinese immigrants arrived in 1820, according to U. S. government records. 325 men are known to have arrived before the 1849 California Gold Rush, which drew the first significant number of laborers from China who mined for gold and performed menial labor. There were 25,000 immigrants by 1852, 105,465 by 1880, most of whom lived on the West Coast, they formed over a tenth of California's population. Nearly all of the early immigrants were young males with low educational levels from six districts in Guangdong Province. In the 1850s, Chinese workers migrated to the United States, first to work in the gold mines, but to take agricultural jobs, factory work in the garment industry.
Chinese immigrants were instrumental in building railroads in the American west, as Chinese laborers grew successful in the United States, a number of them became entrepreneurs in their own right. As the numbers of Chinese laborers increased, so did the strength of anti-Chinese attitude among other workers in the American economy; this resulted in legislation that aimed to limit future immigration of Chinese workers to the United States, threatened to sour diplomatic relations between the United States and China. The Chinese laborers worked out well and thousands more were recruited until the railroad's completion in 1869. Chinese labor provided the massive workforce needed to build the majority of the Central Pacific's difficult route through the Sierra Nevada mountains and across Nevada. American objections to Chinese immigration took many forms, stemmed from economic and cultural tensions, as well as ethnic discrimination. Most Chinese laborers who came to the United States did so in order to send money back to China to support their families there.
At the same time, they had to repay loans to the Chinese merchants who paid their passage to America. These financial pressures left them little choice. Non-Chinese laborers required much higher wages to support their wives and children in the United States, generally had a stronger political standing to bargain for higher wages. Therefore, many of the non-Chinese workers in the United States came to resent the Chinese laborers, who might squeeze them out of their jobs. Furthermore, as with most immigrant communities, many Chinese settled in their own neighborhoods, tales spread of Chinatowns as places where large numbers of Chinese men congregated to visit prostitutes, smoke opium, or gamble; some advocates of anti-Chinese legislation therefore argued that admitting Chinese into the United States lowered the cultural and moral standards of American society. Others used a more overtly racist argument for limiting immigration from East Asia, expressed concern about the integrity of American racial composition.
To address these rising social tensions, from the 1850s through the 1870s the California state government passed a series of measures aimed at Chinese residents, ranging from requiring special licenses for Chinese businesses or workers to preventing naturalization. Because anti-Chinese discrimination and efforts to stop Chinese immigration violated the 1868 Burlingame-Seward Treaty with China, the federal government was able to negate much of this legislation; the Chinese population rose from 2,716 in 1851 to 63,000 by 1871. In the decade 1861-70, 64,301 were recorded as arriving, followed by 123,201 in 1871-80 and 61,711 in 1881-1890. 77% were located in California, with the rest scattered across the West, the South, New England. Most came from Southern China looking for a better life, escaping a high rate of poverty left after the Taiping Rebellion. In 1879, advocates of immigration restriction succeeded in introducing and passing legislation in Congress to limit the number of Chinese arriving to fifteen per ship or vessel.
Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes vetoed the bill because it violated U. S. treaty agreements with China. It was still an important victory for advocates of exclusion. Democrats, led by supporters in the West, advocated for all-out exclusion of Chinese
Chinese people in Ghana
Migration of Chinese people in Ghana dates back to the 1940s. Most came from Hong Kong; the number who live in the country remains unclear, with estimates ranging from few thousands to as many as seven hundred thousand. The earliest ethnic Chinese migrants to Ghana were of Hong Kong origin, they began arriving in the late 1940s and early 1950s, when both territories were still part of the British Empire. These sojourners stayed in Ghana for periods ranging from a few years to several decades, but they never came to consider Ghana their home; the migrants consisted of men who came to Ghana alone and worked as employees in Chinese-owned factories, while their families remained behind in Hong Kong. They were concentrated in western Ghana, but after Ghana achieved independence, the Kwame Nkrumah government began implementing plans to promote development in the eastern part of the country, as a result, they began moving towards Accra and Tema. Aside from individual migrants, there was an official contingent from the People's Republic of China for a brief period in the 1960s.
The PRC provided a variety of military assistance to Ghana in the 1960s, including a loan for an arms factory in 1962 and the dispatch of military advisors in 1964. After the 1966 coup which overthrew Nkrumah's government, Ghana expelled 430 PRC nationals, including three intelligence officers and thirteen guerrilla warfare specialists. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, some of the Hong Kong migrants began to bring their wives and children over to Ghana. Migrants from Shanghai began to arrive round this time. Due to further political unrest in the 1970s and 1980s, including two coups by Jerry Rawlings, many of the Chinese migrants returned to Hong Kong. However, with the economic reform and opening up in the PRC, migrants from mainland China began arriving just as the Hong Kong migrants were flowing out. Migration from mainland China intensified in the 1990s; the sources of migration have expanded. The earliest Hong Kong migrants were employed in a variety of industries in Ghana, including a failed tobacco-growing venture, a factory in Takoradi producing cooking implements, imitation wax print clothing.
The owners of these ventures visited Ghana. In the 1990s and 2000s, large Chinese companies became active in Ghana's construction sector, while individual Chinese traders gained a large amount of influence in retailing of textiles, electrical appliances, daily-use goods. Under the Ghana Investment Promotion Act of 1994, any foreigner can open a retail business with an investment of US$300,000, as long as it employs 10 local citizens, subject to maintenance of a certain minimum volume of trade. More other Chinese are engaged in small-scale gold mining, as well as providing funding and heavy equipment to other miners; the Chinese population in Ghana itself are transitory, there is some resistance among them to the idea that they belong to a "community". Most of the migrants came with the intention of seeing the world and making money, rather than settling down in Ghana. In order to obtain Ghanaian nationality, one must be married to a citizen of Ghana or be able to speak and understand one of the indigenous languages of Ghana.
The Chinese who have lived in Ghana for most of their lives have acquired Ghanaian citizenship, granted without any discrimination. Local traders have protested against the influx of Chinese traders selling imported goods, accuse them of breaking investment laws. In late 2007, local traders organised protests in Accra which accused the Chinese of unfair competition and trading in fields for which they were not qualified. In turn, Chinese migrants complain of arbitrary treatment by Ghana's police. On one day in February 2009, officers of the Immigration Department arrested over 100 Chinese people in a single day without any pretext, they attributed the sudden crackdown to the government's desire to protect local merchants in the face of the worsening economy. Ghanaian people China–Ghana relations Chinatowns in Africa Berry, La Verle, ed. Ghana, Country Studies, United States: Library of Congress, retrieved 2009-04-06 Ghana: Whether a Chinese citizen who has resided in Ghana since 1991 can obtain Ghanaian citizenship without the knowledge of a Ghanaian language.
Challenging Cultures of Innovation of Chinese and Nigerian migrant entrepreneurs in West Africa", 17th ISA World Congress, Sweden, retrieved 2012-07-06 Ho, Conal Guan-Yow, Living in Liminality: Chinese Migrancy in Ghana, Ph. D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Cruz Ghana Central-China Chamber of Commerce Pictures from the 2009 Chinese New Year cel
Overseas Chinese are people of ethnic Chinese birth or descent who reside outside the territories of Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. Although a vast majority are Han Chinese, the group represents all ethnic groups in China. Huáqiáo or Hoan-kheh in Hokkien, refers to people of Chinese origin residing outside of China. At the end of the 19th century, the Chinese government realized that the overseas Chinese could be an asset, a source of foreign investment, a bridge to overseas knowledge; the modern term haigui refers to returned overseas Chinese and guīqiáo qiáojuàn to their returning relatives. Huáyì refers to people of Chinese descent residing outside of China, regardless of citizenship. Another often-used term is 海外華人, it is used by the PRC government to refer to people of Chinese ethnicities who live outside the PRC, regardless of citizenship. Overseas Chinese who are ethnically Han Chinese, such as Cantonese, Hokkien, Hakka, or Teochew refer to themselves as 唐人, pronounced tòhng yàn in Cantonese, toung ning in Hoochew, Tn̂g-lâng in Hokkien, tong nyin in Hakka.
It means Tang people, a reference to Tang dynasty China when it was ruling China proper. This term is used by the Cantonese, Hoochew and Hokkien as a colloquial reference to the Chinese people, has little relevance to the ancient dynasty; the term shǎoshù mínzú is added to the various terms for the overseas Chinese to indicate those who would be considered ethnic minorities in China. The terms shǎoshù shǎoshù mínzú hǎiwài qiáobāo are all in usage; the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office of the PRC does not distinguish between Han and ethnic minority populations for official policy purposes. For example, members of the Tibetan people may travel to China on passes granted to certain people of Chinese descent. Various estimates of the Chinese emigrant minority population include 3.1 million, 3.4 million, 5.7 million, or one tenth of all Chinese emigrants. Cross-border ethnic groups are not considered Chinese emigrant minorities unless they left China after the establishment of an independent state on China's border.
Some ethnic groups who have historic connections with China, like the Hmong may not associate themselves as part of the Chinese diaspora. The Chinese people have a long history of migrating overseas. One of the migrations dates back to the Ming dynasty, he sent people – many of them Cantonese and Hokkien – to explore and trade in the South China Sea and in the Indian Ocean. When China was under the imperial rule of the Qing Dynasty, subjects who left the Qing Empire without the Administrator's consent were considered to be traitors and were executed, their family members faced consequences as well. However, the establishment of the Lanfang Republic in West Kalimantan, Indonesia, as a tributary state of Qing China, attests that it was possible to attain permission; the republic lasted until 1884. Under the administration of the Republic of China from 1911 to 1949, these rules were abolished and many migrated outside the Republic of China through the coastal regions via the ports of Fujian, Guangdong and Shanghai.
These migrations are considered to be among the largest in China's history. Many nationals of the Republic of China fled and settled down in South East Asia between the years 1911–1949, after the Nationalist government led by Kuomintang lost to the Communist Party of China in the Chinese Civil War in 1949. Most of the nationalist and neutral refugees fled Mainland China to Southeast Asia as well as Taiwan. Many nationalists who stayed behind were persecuted or executed. Most of the Chinese who fled during 1911–1949 under the Republic of China settled down in Singapore and Malaysia and automatically gained citizenship in 1957 and 1963 as these countries gained independence. Kuomintang members who settled in Malaysia and Singapore played a major role in the establishment of the Malaysian Chinese Association and their meeting hall at Sun Yat Sen Villa. There is some evidence that they intend to reclaim mainland China from the Communists by funding the Kuomintang in China. During the 1950s and 1960s, the ROC tended to seek the support of overseas Chinese communities through branches of the Kuomintang based on Sun Yat-sen's use of expatriate Chinese communities to raise money for his revolution.
During this period, the People's Republic of China tended to view overseas Chinese with suspicion as possible capitalist infiltrators and tended to value relationships with Southeast Asian nations as more important than gaining support of overseas Chinese, in the Bandung declaration explicitly stated that overseas Chinese owed primary loyalty to their home nation. Different waves of immigration led to subgroups among overseas Chinese such as the new and old immigrants in Southeast Asia, North America, the Caribbean, South America, South Africa, Europe. In the 19th century, the age of colonialism was at its height and the great Chinese dia
Chinese Canadians are Canadians of full or partial Chinese ancestry which includes Canadian-born Chinese. They comprise a subgroup of East Asian Canadians, a further subgroup of Asian Canadians. Demographic research tends to include immigrants from Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau as well as overseas Chinese who have immigrated from South East Asia and South America into the broadly defined Chinese Canadian category as StatsCan refers to Taiwanese Canadians as a separate group apart from Chinese Canadians. Canadians of Chinese descent make up about five percent of the Canadian population, or about 1.76 million people as of 2016. The Chinese Canadian community is the largest ethnic group of Asian Canadians, consisting 40% of the Asian Canadian population. Most Canadians of Chinese descent are concentrated within the provinces of Ontario and British Columbia; the first record of Chinese in what is known as Canada today can be dated back to 1788. The renegade British Captain John Meares hired a group of 70 Chinese carpenters from Macau and employed them to build a ship, the North West America, at Nootka Sound, Vancouver Island, British Columbia.
This was an important but disputed European outpost on the Pacific coast, after Spanish seizure, was abandoned by Mears, leaving the eventual whereabouts of the carpenters unknown. Chinese railway workers made up the labour force for construction of two one-hundred mile sections of the Canadian Pacific Railway from the Pacific to Craigellachie in the Eagle Pass in British Columbia; the railway as a whole consisted of 28 such sections, 93% of which were constructed by workers of European origin. When British Columbia agreed to join Confederation in 1871, one of the conditions was that the Dominion government build a railway linking B. C. with eastern Canada within 10 years. British Columbia politicians and their electorate agitated for an immigration program from the British Isles to provide this railway labour, but Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald, betraying the wishes of his constituency, Victoria, by insisting the project cut costs by employing Chinese to build the railway, summarized the situation this way to Parliament in 1882: "It is a question of alternatives: either you must have this labour or you can't have the railway.".
Chinese communities in Canada in the 19th and well into the 20th centuries were organized around the traditional kinship systems linking people belonging to the same clans together. As not everyone in the Chinese communities belonged to the same clans, "voluntary" associations that functioned in many ways like guilds that provided social welfare, community events and a forum for politics became important in Chinese-Canadian communities. Linking together all of the voluntary associations were Benevolent Associations that in effect ran the various Chinatowns in Canada, mediating disputes within the communities and providing for leaders who negotiated with Canadian politicians; as many Chinese immigrants knew little or no English, most white Canadians did not welcome them, the Chinatowns tended to be cut off from the wider Canadian communities, functioning as "islands". The Canadian media in the late 19th and early 20th centuries depicted the Chinatowns in lucid and sensationalist terms as centers of "filth".
Reflecting the popularity of "Yellow Peril" stereotypes, the media blamed Chinese immigrants for all the crime in Canada, depicting the Chinese as luring innocent white Canadians into gambling and drug addiction. Many workers from Guangdong Province arrived to help build the Canadian Pacific Railway in the 19th century as did Chinese veterans of the gold rushes; these workers accepted the terms offered by the Chinese labour contractors who were engaged by the railway construction company to hire them—low pay, long hours, lower wages than non-Chinese workers and dangerous working conditions, in order to support their families that stayed in China. Their willingness to endure hardship for low wages enraged fellow non-Chinese workers who thought they were unnecessarily complicating the labour market situations. From the passage of the Chinese Immigration Act in 1885, the Canadian government began to charge a substantial head tax for each Chinese person trying to immigrate to Canada; the Chinese were the only ethnic group.
Owing to the fear of the "Yellow Peril", in 1895 the government of Mackenzie Bowell passed an act forbidding any Asian-Canadian from voting or holding office. In 1902, the Liberal Prime Minister Sir Wilfred Laurier appointed a Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration, whose report stated that the Asians were "unfit for full citizenship... obnoxious to a free community and dangerous to the state." Following the Royal Commission's report, Parliament voted to increase the Chinese head tax to $500 dollars, which temporarily caused Chinese immigration to Canada to stop. However, those Chinese wishing to go to Canada began to save up money to pay the head tax, which led to agitation in British Columbia for the Dominion government to ban Asian immigration. Between 7–9 September 1907, an anti-Asian pogrom took place in Vancouver; the Asiatic Exclusion League organized attacks against homes and businesses owned by Chinese, Japanese and Indian immigrants under the slogan "White Canada Forever!".
Chinese Peruvians known as tusán, are members of a Peruvian ethnic group whose ancestors came from Guangdong Province in China. They are people of Overseas Chinese ancestry born in Peru or who have made Peru their adopted homeland. Most Chinese Peruvians are multilingual. In addition to Spanish or Quechua, many of them speak one or more varieties of Chinese that may include Mandarin, Cantonese and Minnan. Outside of the predominant Amerindian and white populations, Japanese and others are estimated to constitute 3% of the Peruvian population. Other sources estimate that the population of Peruvians with Chinese ancestry is as high as 20% when people of mixed heritage are included in the statistics. Asian coolies who were shipped from the Spanish Philippines to Acapulco via the Manila-Acapulco galleons were all called Chino, although in reality they were not only from China but other places, including what are today the Philippines itself, Malaysia, East Timor, further afield such as India and Sri Lanka.
Filipinos made up most of their population. The people in this community of diverse Asians in Mexico were called "los indios chinos" by the Spanish. Most of these workers were male and were obtained from Portuguese traders, who obtained them from Portuguese colonial possessions and outposts of the Estado da India, which included parts of India, Malacca, Nagasaki in Japan, Macau. Spain received some of these coolies from Mexico. Records of three Japanese coolies dating from the 16th century, named Gaspar Fernandes and Ventura who ended up in Mexico showed that they were purchased by Portuguese slave traders in Japan, brought to Manila from where they were shipped to Mexico by their owner Perez; some of these Asian slaves were brought to Lima in Peru, where it was recorded that in 1613 there was a small community of Asians, consisting of Chinese, Filipinos, Malays and others. Chinese immigrants, who in the 19th century took a four-month trip from Macau, settled as contract laborers or coolies.
Other Chinese coolies from Guangdong followed. One hundred thousand Chinese contract laborers, 95% of which were Cantonese and all of which were male, were sent to the sugar plantations from 1849 to 1874, during the termination of slavery, they were to provide continuous labor for the coastal guano mines and for the coastal plantations where they became a major labor force until the end of the century. While the coolies were believed to be reduced to virtual slaves, they represented a historical transition from slave to free labor. A third group of Chinese workers was contracted for the construction of the railway from Lima to La Oroya and Huancayo. Chinese migrants were barred from using cemeteries reserved for Roman Catholics, were instead buried at pre-Incan burial sites. In Peru non-Chinese women married the male Chinese coolies. There were no women among the nearly male Chinese coolie population that migrated to Peru and Cuba. Peruvian women were married to these Chinese male migrants. African women had no intercourse with Chinese men during their labor as coolies, while Chinese had contact with Peruvian women in cities.
These women originated from Andean and coastal areas and did not come from the cities. These Andean native women were favored over Africans as marital partners by Chinese men, with matchmakers arranging for communal marriages of Chinese men to young indígenas and serranas. There was a racist reaction by Peruvians to the marriages of Chinese men; when native Peruvian women and Chinese men had mixed children, the children were called injerto. Children born to black mothers were not called injertos. Peruvians of low class established sexual unions or marriages with the Chinese men, some black and Indian women "bred" with the Chinese according to Alfredo Sachettí, who claimed the mixing was causing the Chinese to suffer from "progressive degeneration". In Casa Grande, highland Indian women and Chinese men participated in communal "mass marriages" with each other, arranged when highland women were brought by a Chinese matchmaker after receiving a down payment. In Peru and Cuba, some Indian, mulatto and white women engaged in carnal relations or marriages with Chinese men, with marriages of mulatto and white woman being reported by the Cuba Commission Report.
In Peru, it was reported by The New York Times that Peruvian black and Indian women married Chinese men to their own advantage and to the disadvantage of the men since they dominated and "subjugated" the Chinese men despite the fact that the labor contract was annulled by the marriage, reversing the roles in marriage with the Peruvian woman holding marital power, ruling the family and making the Chinese men slavish, docile, "servile", "submissive" and "feminine" and commanding them around, reporting that "Now and then...he becomes enamored of the charms of some sombre-hued chola or samba, is converted and joins the Church, so that may enter the bonds of wedlock with the dusky señorita."
Chinese people in Egypt
Chinese people in Egypt form one of the smaller groups of overseas Chinese. Egypt, Cairo's Al-Azhar University, has long been an important destination for Chinese Muslims seeking Islamic learning; the earliest Chinese government-sponsored students to attend Al-Azhar were a group of four sent in 1931. However, individual Chinese scholars, such as Yusuf Ma Dexin, the first translator of the meanings of the Qur'an into Chinese, had been going to Al-Azhar on their own as early as the 19th century; the Republic of China sent Hui Muslims like Muhammad Ma Jian and other Hui Muslim students to study at Al-Azhar in Egypt. The Fuad Muslim Library in China was named after Fuad I of Egypt by the Chinese Muslim Ma Songting. Imam Wang Jingzhai studied at Al-Azhar University in Egypt along with several other Chinese Muslim students, the first Chinese students in modern times to study in the Middle East. Wang recalled his experience teaching at madrassas in the provinces of Henan and Shandong which were outside of the traditional stronghold of Muslim education in northwest China, where the living conditions were poorer and the students had a much tougher time than the northwestern students.
In 1931 China sent five students to study at Al-Azhar in Egypt, among them was Muhammad Ma Jian and they were the first Chinese to study at Al-Azhar. Na Zhong, a descendant of Nasr al-Din was another one of the students sent to Al-Azhar in 1931, along with Zhang Ziren, Ma Jian, Lin Zhongming. A Hadith, a saying of the prophet Muhammad, spread to China, which says "Loving the Motherland is equivalent to loving the Faith". Hui Muslim General Ma Bufang and his retinue including Ma Chengxiang moved to Egypt before being appointed as ambassador to Saudi Arabia. Exchanges were interrupted during the Cultural Revolution, but resumed in 1981. By 1992, that number had reached thirty-four students; as of 2006, there were about 300 international students from China in Egypt, of who the major portion were studying at Al-Azhar. China provides scholarships to students at other universities, such as Cairo University. Chinese construction companies began making inroads in Egypt in the early 1980s, soon after the reform and opening up of China's economy.
Chinese workers have a reputation for being skillful and efficient. Dru C. Gladney states that the number of Chinese construction workers in Egypt peaked between 1985 and 1987, at about 10,000 people, but declined again to around 5,000 by 1992. Individual Chinese traders and entrepreneurs began arriving in Egypt in the late 1990s and early 2000s, they open businesses in the restaurant and telecommunications sectors. Many of their restaurants serve Cantonese cuisine due to its popularity among Egyptians, though there are few migrants from Guangdong; as of June 2008, the more than 500 Chinese companies in Egypt had invested a total of US$450 million of capital. Manufacturing products in Egypt allows them to take advantage of cheap local electricity and water, as well as local labour which may be cheaper than that of China in some sectors, such as garments. Filipinos in Egypt Koreans in Egypt Malays in Egypt Gladney, Dru C. Constructing a contemporary Uighur national identity: transnationalism and state representation, Cahiers d’études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien, 13, retrieved 2009-04-09 Liu, Baojun, "回族留学生在海外的发展变迁史/History and development of ethnic Hui international students", Ningxia Social Sciences, ISSN 1002-0292, retrieved 2009-04-09 Ao, Yafei, "埃及的华侨华人经济/Egypt's Overseas Chinese Economy", 僑務工作研究, ISSN 1672-8831 Harris, George, "Al-Azhar through Chinese spectacles", The Muslim World, 24: 178–182, doi:10.1111/j.1478-1913.1934.tb00293.x Egypt Overseas Chinese Net Hessler, Peter.
"Learning to Speak Lingerie". The New Yorker. August 10, 2015