Cisleithania was a common yet unofficial denotation of the northern and western part of Austria-Hungary, the Dual Monarchy created in the Compromise of 1867—as distinguished from Transleithania, i.e. the Hungarian Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen east of the Leitha River. The Cisleithanian capital was the residence of the Austrian emperor; the territory had a population of 28,571,900 in 1910. It reached from Vorarlberg in the west to the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria and the Duchy of Bukovina in the east, as well as from the Kingdom of Bohemia in the north to the Kingdom of Dalmatia in the south, it comprised the current States of Austria, as well as most of the territories of the Czech Republic and Slovenia, southern Ukraine and parts of Italy and Montenegro. The Latin name Cisleithania derives from that of the Leitha River, a tributary of the Danube forming the historical boundary between the Archduchy of Austria and the Hungarian Kingdom in the area southeast of Vienna. Much of its territory lay west of the Leitha.
After the constitutional changes of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, the Cisleithanian crown lands continued to constitute the Austrian Empire, but the latter term was used to avoid confusion with the era before 1867, when the Kingdom of Hungary had been a constituent part of that empire. The somewhat cumbersome official name was Die im Reichsrat vertretenen Königreiche und Länder; the phrase was used by politicians and bureaucrats, but it had no official status until 1915. In general, the lands were just called Austria, but the term "Austrian lands" did not apply to the Lands of the Bohemian Crown or to the territories annexed in the 18th-century Partitions of Poland or the former Venetian Dalmatia. From 1867, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Kingdom of Croatia, the Kingdom of Slavonia and the Principality of Transylvania were no longer "Austrian" crown lands. Rather, they constituted an autonomous state called the "Lands of the Holy Hungarian Crown of St Stephen" and known as Transleithania or just Hungary.
The Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina, occupied in 1878, formed a separate part. Both the "Austrian" and "Hungarian" lands of the Dual Monarchy had large Slavic-settled territories in the north as well as in the south. Cisleithania consisted of 17 crown lands which had representatives in the Imperial Council, the Cisleithanian parliament in Vienna; the crown lands centered on the Archduchy of Austria were not states, but provinces in the modern sense. However, they were areas with unique historic political and legal characteristics and were therefore more than mere administrative districts, they have been conceived of as "historical-political entities". Each crown land had a regional assembly, the Landtag, which enacted laws on matters of regional and minor importance; until 1848, the Landtage had been traditional diets. They were disbanded after the Revolutions of 1848 and reformed after 1860; some members held their position as ex officio members. There was a mixture of privilege and limited franchise.
The executive committee of a Landtag was called Landesausschuss and headed by a Landeshauptmann, being president of the Landtag as well. From 1868 onwards Emperor Franz Joseph himself and his Imperial–Royal government headed by the Minister-President of Austria were represented at the capital cities of the crown lands—except for Vorarlberg, administered with Tyrol, Istria and Gorizia-Gradisca which were adminstred together with Trieste under the common name of Austro-Illyrian Littoral— by a stadtholder, in few crown lands called Landespräsident, who acted as chief executive. Kingdom of Bohemia Kingdom of Dalmatia Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria Archduchy of Austria above the Enns Archduchy of Austria below the Enns Grand Duchy of Cracow Duchy of Bukovina Duchy of Carinthia Duchy of Carniola Duchy of Salzburg Duchy of Silesia Duchy of Styria Margraviate of Istria Margraviate of Moravia Princely County of Gorizia and Gradisca Princely County of Tyrol Princely County of Vorarlberg Free City of Trieste Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina According to the "December Constitution", a redraft of the emperor's 1861 February Patent, the Austrian government was respons
Right-wing politics hold that certain social orders and hierarchies are inevitable, normal, or desirable supporting this position on the basis of natural law, economics, or tradition. Hierarchy and inequality may be viewed as natural results of traditional social differences or the competition in market economies; the term right-wing can refer to "the conservative or reactionary section of a political party or system". The political terms "Left" and "Right" were first used during the French Revolution and referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament: those who sat to the right of the chair of the parliamentary president were broadly supportive of the institutions of the monarchist Old Regime; the original Right in France was formed as a reaction against the "Left" and comprised those politicians supporting hierarchy and clericalism. The use of the expression la droite became prominent in France after the restoration of the monarchy in 1815, when it was applied to the Ultra-royalists.
The people of English-speaking countries did not apply the terms "right" and "left" to their own politics until the 20th century. Although the right-wing originated with traditional conservatives and reactionaries, the term extreme right-wing has been applied to movements including fascism and racial supremacy. From the 1830s to the 1880s, there was a shift in the Western world of social class structure and the economy, moving away from nobility and aristocracy towards capitalism; this general economic shift toward capitalism affected centre-right movements such as the British Conservative Party, which responded by becoming supportive of capitalism. In the United States, the Right includes both social conservatives. In Europe, economic conservatives are considered liberal and the Right includes nationalists, nativist opposition to immigration, religious conservatives, a significant presence of right-wing movements with anti-capitalist sentiments including conservatives and fascists who opposed what they saw as the selfishness and excessive materialism inherent in contemporary capitalism.
The political term right-wing was first used during the French Revolution, when liberal deputies of the Third Estate sat to the left of the president's chair, a custom that began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of the Second Estate sat to the right. In the successive legislative assemblies, monarchists who supported the Old Regime were referred to as rightists because they sat on the right side. A major figure on the right was Joseph de Maistre, who argued for an authoritarian form of conservatism. Throughout the 19th century, the main line dividing Left and Right in France was between supporters of the republic and supporters of the monarchy. On the right, the Legitimists and Ultra-royalists held counter-revolutionary views, while the Orléanists hoped to create a constitutional monarchy under their preferred branch of the royal family, a brief reality after the 1830 July Revolution; the centre-right Gaullists in post-World War II France advocated considerable social spending on education and infrastructure development as well as extensive economic regulation, but limited the wealth redistribution measures characteristic of social democracy.
In British politics, the terms "right" and "left" came into common use for the first time in the late 1930s in debates over the Spanish Civil War. The Right has gone through five distinct historical stages: the reactionary right sought a return to aristocracy and established religion; the meaning of right-wing "varies across societies, historical epochs, political systems and ideologies". According to The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics, in liberal democracies, the political right opposes socialism and social democracy. Right-wing parties include conservatives, Christian democrats, classical liberals, nationalists and on the far-right. Roger Eatwell and Neal O'Sullivan divide the right into five types: reactionary, radical and new. Chip Berlet argues that each of these "styles of thought" are "responses to the left", including liberalism and socialism, which have arisen since the 1789 French Revolution; the reactionary right looks toward the past and is "aristocratic and authoritarian".
The moderate right, typified by the writings of Edmund Burke, is tolerant of change, provided it is gradual and accepts some aspects of liberalism, including the rule of law and capitalism, although it sees radical laissez-faire and individualism as harmful to society. The moderate right promotes nationalism and social welfare policies. Radical right is a term developed after World War II to describe groups and ideologies such as McCarthyism, the John Birch Society and the Republikaner Party. Eatwell stresses that this use has "major typological problems" and that the term "has been applied to democratic developments"; the radical right includes various other subtypes. Eatwell argues that the extreme right' has four traits: "1) anti-democracy; the New Right consists of the liberal conservatives, who stress small government, free markets and individual initiative. Other authors make a distinction between the cent
Wilhelm Miklas was an Austrian politician who served as President of Austria from 1928 until the Anschluss to Nazi Germany in 1938. Born as the son of a post official in Krems, in the Cisleithanian crown land of Lower Austria, Miklas graduated from high school at Seitenstetten and went on to study history and geography at the University of Vienna. From 1905 to 1922, Miklas was headmaster of the Federal Secondary School in Horn, a small town in the Lower Austrian Waldviertel region. While serving in his role for the Christian Social Party, he was, 1907, elected to the Imperial Council parliament. Re-elected in 1911, Miklas held a parliamentary seat in the provisional assembly of German-Austria and in the Constitutional Assembly of the First Austrian Republic. A rare opponent of German nationalism, he declared himself against a closer connection with the Weimar Republic and played a pivotal role in adopting the red-white-red Austrian flag. In 1919, Miklas was appointed state secretary in the Austrian government of Chancellor Karl Renner.
From 1923 to 1928, he was the speaker of the National Council. On 10 December 1928, the representatives of the Federal Assembly elected him President, which he served until the position ceased to exist ten years later. Miklas did not intervene, when on 4 March 1933 after a heated discussion in the Nationalrat parliament over a strike of federal railways employees Speaker Karl Renner as well as his deputies Rudolf Ramek and Sepp Straffner resigned their offices; the assembly was no longer capable for actions and decisions, which gave Miklas' party fellow Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss the pretext to declare the parliament's "self-elimination". The government obstructed any resumption of the session by massive presence of police forces as well as of paramilitary Heimwehr troops led by Emil Fey — a self-coup which enabled Dollfuss to rule by "emergency decrees" following the Article 48 example set by German President Paul von Hindenburg; the president remained passive, when on 20 May the government established the Fatherland's Front as a prospective single-party, followed by the ban of the Communist Party, the Austrian branch of the Nazi Party, as well as the Social Democratic Republikanischer Schutzbund paramilitary organisation.
The prohibition of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and the measures against the Austrian labour movement led to the outbreak of the Austrian Civil War on 12 February 1934. As a result the Social Democratic Party was banned and the Austrofascist ideology realized with the implementation of the Federal State of Austria; the authoritarian measures had no effect on the office of the President. In his private records, Miklas condemned the violation of the constitution by Dollfuss and his successor Kurt Schuschnigg, however, he did not criticise the government's policies. Miklas was unpopular among Austrian Nazis, as he refused to commute the death sentences imposed on assassins of Chancellor Dollfuss after the failed July Putsch in 1934. In view of the rising pressure by Nazi Germany, the Austrofascist state approached the Kingdom of Italy under Duce Benito Mussolini and the Kingdom of Hungary. In 1936 Miklas entertained Regent Miklós Horthy at Wörthersee. After Chancellor Schuschnigg on 12 February 1938 had been summoned to the Berghof by Adolf Hitler to receive German demands, Miklas offered amnesty to jailed Nazi members, but refused to turn over the national police force to their leader Arthur Seyss-Inquart.
However, when Hitler ordered Wehrmacht operations along the border, the president was forced to give in and installed Seyss-Inquart as Austrian Minister of the Interior. On 9 March 1938, Schuschnigg announced a plebiscite on Austrian independence to be held within four days. In turn, on 11 March Hermann Göring demanded. While a Nazi mob invaded the chancellery, Schuschnigg declared his resignation. President Miklas again refused to appoint Seyss-Inquart, but was not able to present a non-Nazi candidate. After Hitler received the confirmation from Mussolini that Italy would not interfere, he gave orders that German troops would invade at dawn the following day. Miklas capitulated at midnight. Seyss-Inquart hectically spoke on the phone with the Nazi authorities in Berlin, but it was too late; when German troops rolled over the border at dawn the next day, they met with no resistance by the Austrian Armed Forces and were greeted as heroes. Miklas for his initial refusal ended up under house arrest, protected from Nazi mistreatment by future Waffen-SS colonel Otto Skorzeny during the days of the Anschluss.
With the promulgation of a "law concerning the re-unification of Austria with the German Reich" by Seyss-Inquart on 13 March both the offices of the Austrian chancellor and president were terminated. While Schuschnigg was imprisoned, Miklas abandoned the political sphere and retired, receiving his pension unmolested. After World War II, Miklas refused to run again for presidency, in favour of Karl Renner, he died on 20 March 1956 in Vienna. Newspaper clippings about Wilhelm Miklas in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
Conservatism is a political and social philosophy promoting traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The central tenets of conservatism include tradition, hierarchy and property rights. Conservatives seek to preserve a range of institutions such as religion, parliamentary government, property rights, with the aim of emphasizing social stability and continuity; the more extreme elements—reactionaries—oppose modernism and seek a return to "the way things were". The first established use of the term in a political context originated in 1818 with François-René de Chateaubriand during the period of Bourbon Restoration that sought to roll back the policies of the French Revolution. Associated with right-wing politics, the term has since been used to describe a wide range of views. There is no single set of policies regarded as conservative because the meaning of conservatism depends on what is considered traditional in a given place and time, thus conservatives from different parts of the world—each upholding their respective traditions—may disagree on a wide range of issues.
Edmund Burke, an 18th-century politician who opposed the French Revolution but supported the American Revolution, is credited as one of the main theorists of conservatism in Great Britain in the 1790s. According to Quintin Hogg, the chairman of the British Conservative Party in 1959: "Conservatism is not so much a philosophy as an attitude, a constant force, performing a timeless function in the development of a free society, corresponding to a deep and permanent requirement of human nature itself". In contrast to the tradition-based definition of conservatism, some political theorists such as Corey Robin define conservatism in terms of a general defense of social and economic inequality. From this perspective, conservatism is less an attempt to uphold traditional institutions and more, "a meditation on—and theoretical rendition of—the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, trying to win it back". Liberal conservatism incorporates the classical liberal view of minimal government intervention in the economy.
Individuals should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without government interference. However, individuals cannot be depended on to act responsibly in other spheres of life, therefore liberal conservatives believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order and social institutions are needed to nurture a sense of duty and responsibility to the nation. Liberal conservatism is a variant of conservatism, influenced by liberal stances; as these latter two terms have had different meanings over time and across countries, liberal conservatism has a wide variety of meanings. The term referred to the combination of economic liberalism, which champions laissez-faire markets, with the classical conservatism concern for established tradition, respect for authority and religious values, it contrasted itself with classical liberalism, which supported freedom for the individual in both the economic and social spheres. Over time, the general conservative ideology in many countries adopted economic liberal arguments and the term liberal conservatism was replaced with conservatism.
This is the case in countries where liberal economic ideas have been the tradition such as the United States and are thus considered conservative. In other countries where liberal conservative movements have entered the political mainstream, such as Italy and Spain, the terms liberal and conservative may be synonymous; the liberal conservative tradition in the United States combines the economic individualism of the classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism. A secondary meaning for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a combination of more modern conservative views with those of social liberalism; this has developed as an opposition to the more collectivist views of socialism. This involves stressing what are now conservative views of free market economics and belief in individual responsibility, with social liberal views on defence of civil rights and support for a limited welfare state. In continental Europe, this is sometimes translated into English as social conservatism.
Conservative liberalism is a variant of liberalism that combines liberal values and policies with conservative stances, or more the right-wing of the liberal movement. The roots of conservative liberalism are found at the beginning of the history of liberalism; until the two World Wars, in most European countries the political class was formed by conservative liberals, from Germany to Italy. Events after World War I brought the more radical version of classical liberalism to a more conservative type of liberalism. Libertarian conservatism describes certain political ideologies within the United States and Canada which combine libertarian economic issues with aspects of conservatism, its four main branches are constitutionalism, paleolibertarianism, small government conservatism and Christian libertarianism. They differ from paleoconservatives, in that they are in favor of more personal and economic freedom. Agorists such as Samuel Edward Konkin III labeled libertarian conservatism right-libertarianism.
In contrast to paleoconservatives, libertarian conservatives support strict laissez-faire policies such as free trade, opposition to any national bank and opposition to business regulations. They are vehemently opposed to environmental regulations, corporate welfare and other areas of economic intervention. Many conservatives in the United States, be
Karl Josef Seitz was an Austrian politician of the Social Democratic Workers' Party. He served as President of the National Council and Mayor of Vienna. Seitz was born in Vienna, the back capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, he was the son of a struggling small-time coal trader. After the premature death of his father, in 1875, the family was thrown into abject poverty, Seitz had to be sent off to an orphanage, he nonetheless received adequate education and earned a scholarship so that he could enroll in a teacher-training college in the city of St. Pölten, Lower Austria. In 1888, he took employment as a public elementary school teacher in Vienna. An outspoken Social Democrat, he was disciplined several times for his political activism, his founding of a Social Democratic teachers' union in 1896 led to his delegation into the Lower Austrian Board of Education in 1897, which led to his termination as a teacher that year. Seitz now turned to full-time politics and established himself as one of the party's most eminent experts on educational policy.
In 1901, Seitz was elected to the Imperial Council and, in 1902, to the provincial parliament of Lower Austria. Following the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Seitz developed pronounced pacifist leanings and participated in the 1917 Stockholm Socialists' Congress. Seitz entered history in 1918, when Austria-Hungary was breaking down, its disintegration into smaller independent nation states was becoming manifest. On 21 October the Imperial Council members representing the empire's ethnically-German provinces moved to form a Provisional National Assembly for their paralyzed rump state. In its constituent session, the Provisional National Assembly appointed Seitz as one of its three chairmen. More than a week by October 30, Seitz had informally emerged as an acting head of state. By 12 November, Emperor Karl had abdicated, the Republic of German Austria had been proclaimed. Seitz had thus turned from acting head of state to provisional president. Seitz was appointed provisional chairman of the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Austria following the death of party nestor Victor Adler.
In 1919, his positions both as President of Austria and as party chairman were formalized. Following the implementation of the definitive Constitution of Austria on 1 October 1920, Seitz declined to seek re-election, leaving office on 9 December, he did, not retire from politics and retained both his party chairmanship and his seat in the newly-established National Council, Seitz now devoted his attention to Vienna local affairs. On 13 November 1923, he was elected Mayor of Vienna; the extensive and competently-administered public welfare and education programs that he implemented promoting the building of residences, were popular by his party's opponents, they were positively remembered for decades. When the country turned into an Austrofascist dictatorship in 1934 and Social Democracy's insurrection against the federal government was unsuccessful, the Social Democratic Worker's Party was outlawed. Having thus lost his party chairmanship, Seitz was removed from his post as a mayor and taken into custody, to be released without charge a few weeks later.
Though a majority of Viennese considered his removal from office illegitimate, Seitz's political career had been brought to an end. Continuing to live in Vienna, Seitz witnessed the Anschluss with Nazi Germany in 1938 and the outbreak of World War II in 1939. In 1944, he was placed under arrest a second time and for a time, was imprisoned in the Ravensbrück concentration camp, only to again return to Vienna when Nazi Germany collapsed, in May 1945. Though now ill, Seitz served the newly established Social Democratic Party of Austria as its honorary chairman and a nominal National Council member until his death, at the age of 80. Media related to Karl Seitz at Wikimedia Commons Newspaper clippings about Karl Seitz in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
The July Crisis was a series of interrelated diplomatic and military escalations among the major powers of Europe in the summer of 1914, the penultimate cause of World War I. The crisis began on June 28, 1914, when Gavrilo Princip, a Bosnian Serb, assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir presumptive to the Austro-Hungarian throne. A complex web of alliances, coupled with miscalculations by many leaders that war was in their best interests or that a general war would not occur, resulted in a general outbreak of hostilities among every major European nation in early August 1914. Austria-Hungary viewed the irredentist movements of South Slavs, as promoted by Serbia, to be a threat to the unity of the nation. Following the assassination, Austria sought to inflict a military blow on Serbia to demonstrate strength and so Serbia would be more cautious about supporting Yugoslav nationalism. However, it was wary of the reaction of the Russian Empire, who were a major supporter of Serbia, so sought a guarantee from its ally Germany that it would support Austria in any conflict.
Germany guaranteed its support, but urged Austria to attack while world sympathy for the murdered heir was high, in order to localize the war and avoid drawing in Russia. Some German leaders believed that growing Russian economic power would change the balance of power between the two nations, that a war was inevitable, that Germany would be better off if a war happened soon. However, rather than a quick attack with available military forces, Austrian leaders deliberated into mid-July before deciding that it would give Serbia a harsh ultimatum on 23 July and would not attack without a full mobilisation of its army that could not be accomplished before 25 July 1914. Just prior to the Serbian reply to the ultimatum, Russia decided that it would intervene in any Austro-Serbian war and ordered a partial mobilization of its armed forces. While Russian military leadership acknowledged that Russia was not yet strong enough for a general war, Russia believed the Austrian grievance against Serbia was a pretext orchestrated by Germany and that it needed to show strength by protecting its Serbian ally.
This mobilization was the first major military action not by a direct participant in the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia. The German military predicted that Russian mobilization would be slower than that of its French ally on Germany's opposite border. France was aware that it would have to act together with its Russian ally to defeat its German rival, so escalated its preparations as tensions along the Russian border increased, which in turn further alarmed Germany. While Great Britain was aligned with Russia and France, it had friendly diplomatic relations with Germany, many British leaders saw no compelling reason to involve Britain in a Continental war. Britain offered to mediate, using the Serbian reply as the basis of negotiation, Germany made various promises in an attempt to ensure British neutrality. However, Britain decided that it had a moral obligation to defend Belgium and aid its formal allies, becoming the last major nation involved in the July Crisis to formally enter the conflict on 4 August.
In early August, the ostensible reason for armed conflict, the dispute between Serbia and Austria-Hungary over the murdered heir, had become a sidenote to a general European war. Austria-Hungary had annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908. Sarajevo was the provincial capital. Oskar Potiorek was the military governor of the province. Emperor Franz Joseph ordered Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir presumptive to the Austro-Hungarian throne, to attend military exercises due to be held in Bosnia. After the exercises, on 28 June 1914, Ferdinand toured Sarajevo with Sophie. Six armed irredentists, five Serbs and one Bosnian Muslim, coordinated by Danilo Ilić, lay in wait along Ferdinand's announced motorcade route. At 10:10 a.m. Nedeljko Čabrinović threw a hand grenade at Ferdinand's motorcade. Subsequently, Gavrilo Princip shot and killed Ferdinand and Sophie as they traveled to visit wounded in the hospital. Čabrinović and Princip took cyanide. Both were arrested. Within 45 minutes of the shooting, Princip began telling his story to interrogators.
The next day, based on the interrogations of the two assassins, Potiorek telegraphed to Vienna that Princip and Čabrinović had conspired in Belgrade with others to obtain bombs and money to kill Ferdinand. A police dragnet caught most of the conspirators. Following the assassinations, Serbian envoy to France Milenko Vesnić and Serbian envoy to Russia Miroslav Spalajković put out statements claiming that Serbia had warned Austria-Hungary of the impending assassination. Serbia denied knowledge of the plot. By 30 June, Austro-Hungarian and German diplomats were requesting investigations from their Serbian and Russian counterparts, but were rebuffed. On 5 July, based on interrogations of the accused assassins, Governor Potiorek telegraphed Vienna that Serbian Major Voja Tankosić had directed the assassins; the next day, Austrian chargé d'affaires Count Otto von Czernin proposed to Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Sazonov that the instigators of the plot against Ferdinand needed to be investigated within Serbia, but he too was rebuf
Austrofascism was the authoritarian system installed in Austria with the May Constitution of 1934, which ceased with the annexation of the newly founded Federal State of Austria into Nazi Germany in 1938. It was based on the Fatherland Front and the Heimwehr paramilitary militia. Leaders were Engelbert Dollfuss and, after Dollfuss's assassination, Kurt Schuschnigg, who were politicians of the Christian Social Party, integrated into the new movement. Austrofascism, Catholic and corporatist and espoused Austrian nationalism, must be contrasted with Austrian National Socialism, pan-German and anti-semitic in outlook; the Austrofascist movement's origin lies in the Korneuburg Oath, a declaration released by the Christian Social paramilitary organization Heimwehr on 18 May 1930. The declaration condemned both the "Marxist class struggle" and the economic structures of "liberal-capitalism". Furthermore, it explicitly rejected "the Western democratic parliamentary system and -party state"; the declaration was directed at the Social Democratic opposition in response to the Linz Program of 1926, was not only taken by the Heimwehr but by many Christian Social politicians, setting Austria on a course to an authoritarian system.
Ideologically, Austrofascism was rooted in Austria's political Catholicism. It somewhat resembled Italian fascism as expounded by Giovanni Gentile; the election in Vienna in 1932 made it that the coalition of Christian Social Party, the Landbund, the Heimwehr would lose their majority in the national parliament, depriving the Austrian government of its parliamentary basis. To ensure proper and efficient governance over citizens, the government sought to replace Austrian democracy with an authoritarian system based in Austrian Catholic principles; these efforts were supported from abroad by Benito Mussolini. The Ständestaat concept, derived from the notion of Stände, constituted the form favoured form by Dollfuss and by Kurt Schuschnigg; the opportunity for such a transition arrived on 4 March 1933 when the national parliament was paralysed by procedural disputes. Dollfuss held a one-vote majority in parliament. During a dispute over a voting recount, the speaker and vice-speakers of parliament resigned in order to be able to cast their votes, in the absence of the three speakers, there existed no procedural means to reconvene Parliament.
Dollfuss branded this as the "self-elimination of the Parliament" and proceeded to rule on the basis of the Wartime Economy Authorization Act. This law had been passed in 1917 during World War I to enable the government to issue decrees ensuring the supply of necessities; the law had never been explicitly revoked and was now used by the Austrian government to inaugurate an authoritarian state. On 7 March 1933, the Council of Ministers issued a ban on assembly and protests. Press regulations were levied by the Wartime Economy Authority Law and touted as economic safeguards; the law allowed for the government to require approval of a newspaper, printed up to two hours before its distribution under certain circumstances, for instance if "through damage to patriotic, religious or moral sensibility, a danger to public peace and security" would arise. This allowed for censorship of the press, but the government was eager to avoid the appearance of open censorship, forbidden by the constitution; the opposition made a final attempt to reverse the changes in parliament, met by police power on 15 March 1933.
As Großdeutsche, who advocated a merger with Germany, Social Democrats arrived at the Parliament building, the government sent 200 detectives to Parliament to prevent the representatives from taking their places in the assembly hall. On 31 March, the government dissolved the Republikanischer Schutzbund. On 10 April 1933, the decree by former Social Democratic Education Minister Otto Glöckel, which had made Catholic religious lessons in schools non-mandatory, was abolished. On 10 May, all federal and local elections were cancelled; the Communist Party of Austria was dissolved on 26 May, the National Socialist Workers' Party on 19 June, the Free Thinkers Guild on 20 June. The Hotel Schiff, an asylum of the Social Democrats in Linz, was raided by the police in February 1934; the Social Democrats resisted, leading to the Austrian Civil War, quelled with military and paramilitary force. Afterward, the Social Democratic Party was banned in Austria. On 30 April 1934, the national parliament, in its last session, passed a law that enabled the government to assume all the powers held by parliament.
On 1 May, Dollfuss' government proclaimed the May Constitution, which diminished the term Republic and instead used as the official name of the state "Federal State of Austria", though the constitution reduced the individual states' autonomy. The Federal Council was retained, though only as a limited check on the Federal government. Rather than establishing the composition of a fifty-nine member National Council through direct suffrage, this was accomplished by four "Councils" representing the professionals from Austrian Culture, State affairs, the States of Austria and Economic affairs; the National Council lost its power to initiate legislation but was still expected to approve decrees from the government. All essential power lay with the Federal Chancellor, who appointed his government single-handedly, the Federal President, who named the Chancellor